Aboriginal Women’s Fishing In New South Wales

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Aboriginal Women’s Fishingin New South WalesAn Annotated Bibliography of Documentary Sourceswww.environment.nsw.gov.au

Cover photo: Unloading a boatload of fish on the Murray River, c. 1910.Reproduced courtesy of Museum Victoria.This publication was compiled and written by Johanna Kijas and Alex Roberts.Disclaimer: The Department of Environ ment, Climate Change and Water NSW has preparedthis publi cation in goo d faith exercisin g all due care and attenti on, but no re presentation orwarranty, express or implied, is made as to t he relevance, accuracy, completeness or fitnessfor purpose of this publication in respect of any particular user’s circumstances. Users of thispublication should satisfy themselves concerning its application to, and where necessary seekexpert advice in respect of, their situation. State of NSW and the Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water NSWThe Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water NSW and the State of NSW a repleased to all ow this material to b e reproduced for educational or non-commercial purposes,provided the meaning is unchanged and its source is acknowledged.Aboriginal readers are warned that this publicat ion contains the n ames and images of som eAboriginal people who are deceased.Published by:Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water NSW59–61 Goulburn StreetPO Box A290Sydney South 1232Ph: (02) 9995 5000 (switchboard)Ph: 131 555 (environment information and publications requests)Ph: 1300 361 967 (national parks information and publications requests)Fax: (02) 9995 5999TTY: (02) 9211 4723Email: info@environment.nsw.gov.auWebsite: www.environment.nsw.gov.auISBN 978 1 74232 558 3DECCW 2010/132May 2010

Using this documentThis annota ted reference list is arra nged in alp habetical or der by author’s name. Acontext and interlin king discu ssion, where relevant, is pro vided for each entry. Theannotated references can thus be read from A to Z as part of an overall narrativeabout Aboriginal women’s fish ing practices, o r can be dipped into if readers areinterested in the work of a particular author. An index at the end of the document canguide readers directly to topics, places, or names of interest.Each reference is followed by two te rms in blue. The first denotes the type ofreference. Examples include:Academic; Autobiographical; Biographical; Cultural heritage, GeneralThe second term deno tes the typ e of geographical place the source documentrelates to, or occasionally a specific geographical place. Examples include:Beaches and ocean; Inland rivers, North coast rivers; Sydney regionMethodology used to compile this documentThis review of documentary historica l evidence f or Aboriginal women’s fishing in thetwentieth century was carried ou t through secondary library research, internetsearches and primary research in local historical societies on the north coast of NewSouth Wales. Similar evidence for t he eighteenth and ninet eenth centuries was lat eradded to the list of sources.Regarding secondary sources, a survey of relevantgeneral texts onAboriginal life in the twentieth cent ury was carried out to ascertain what coveragethere was of Aboriginal women’s fishing practices. Little was found. Mo re productivewere sources which in cluded Abor iginal women’s biograp hies and au tobiographiesand specialist anthropological and cultural heritage texts. The survey of secondaryliterature att empted to cover New South Wales as a whole , but the e mphasis ha sbeen on th e south co ast, north coast and w estern regio ns of the st ate, plus theSydney reg ion. Academic analyses, local histories andpersonal accounts we resurveyed. Library collect ions surveyed were the State Libra ry of NSW, including theMitchell Library; Southern Cross University Library;Yarrawarra AboriginalCorporation Library; an d some e xploration of the University of New En gland Libraryand its thesis collection.For an in-depth discussion of the post-1788 history of Aboriginal women’sfishing in New South Wales, plea se see the companion text Aboriginal women’sfishing in New South Wales: a thematic history. 1A variety o f spelling s occur regar ding the names of Aboriginal groupscurrently and historically. Throughout the text, the spellings used a re from thedocuments from which they are cited. In the index, the spelling used is taken from theAboriginal New South Wales Map (NSWALC, NRAC, DECC, 2009)1Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water NSW, Aboriginal women’s fishing in New South Wales: athematic history, Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water NSW, Sydney, 2009

AAllen, Harry. Aborigines of New South Wales: People of the plains, NSWNational Parks and Wildlife Service, Sydney, n.d. 2General; Inland riversThis text is part of aNSW National Parks series from the 1980s about thepredominantly pre and early contact ways of lif e of Aboriginal groups across NewSouth Wales. In this bo ok Allen discusses the ‘Wiradjeri’ a nd ‘Bagundi’ groups of t hebroad Darling River re gion. The author is generally clear when refe rring to eithermale or female fishing p ractices. He is also clear when referring to the whole groupincluding men, women and children , as oppo sed to many other texts where the useof ‘people’ or ‘Aborigines’ often denoted men only.p.4: [During times of sufficient rain] ‘Aborigines moved to the river margins and setup small villages of gr ass-thatched huts. The re, in group s of fifty or sixty peoplespaced every 59 kmor so along the river, communalhunting and gatheringtechniques were used to harvest the resources of the river and plains.One important method of exploiting t he river plain environme nts involved thelarge-scale use of hunt ing and fishing nets. Net s used f or fishing were up to 100 mlong and 1 m wide. They had reed floats and were weighted at the bottom with lumpsof fired clay. The entire community dragged them through waterholes to catch perch,catfish and the occasional Murray cod. Stone fish tra ps, such a s the one atBrewarrina, and traps of clay or brushwork were placed infavourable locations tocatch fish as water flowed out of billabongs and creeks. Women tended the shallowerweirs, while the men caught fish by spearing fro m the bank, canoes and underwater.Fishhooks do not appear to have been used on the Darling.Shellfish, fr eshwater mussels and yabbies were gathered by women, whodived for them or felt th em with thei r toes in the soft mud. T he catch was placed innet bags and brought back to be roasted in the fires at the camping place.’Ainsworth, John. Reminiscences of James Ainsworth, Beacon Printery,Ballina, 1922. [Richmond River Historical Society]Archival; North coast riversAinsworth has a large, sympathetic section o n Aboriginal li fe around Ballina in thelate 1840s to 1850s. There are long description s of fishing by ‘them’, b ut there is anassumption in the tone of the text that he was referring to men. In particular he refersto the use of spears when referring to ‘them’.2The terms ‘Aborigine’ and ‘Aborigines’ are used throughout this Bibliography where they are part ofdirect quotes or book titles. These terms accurately reflect the language of the time when these textswere written, and are not intended to cause offence.Aboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography1

Ardler, Gloria. The wander of it all: recollections by Gloria Ardler, BurragaAboriginal History and Writing Group Inc, Darlinghurst, 1991.Biographical; Coastal riversStories are predominantly of the Burragorang Valley on the south coast.p.13: ‘ The Shepherd children attended the Catholic School They loved to fish forperch in the Cox’s River.’Attenbrow, Val. Sydney’s Aboriginal past: investigating the archaeological andhistorical records, UNSW Press, Sydney, 2002.Academic; Beaches and oceanp.82: Referring to archaeological a nd ethnographic evidence Attenbrow says thatwomen ‘in coastal groups of the Sydney region played a predominant role in catchingfish.’ The fir st British co lonists note d that the women were in their canoes fishin g‘which is th eir constant employmen t’. Men and women used different equipment toeach other when fishing, with women using shell hook an d line, sometimes using aspear to strike and haul in a large fish, while m en used spears and were never seento use line s in the very early colonial period. Once steel ho oks were int roduced menwere seen fishing with lines. Women fished fro m canoes and less ofte n from roc kplatforms.There is little mention in the early observations of the colonists about she llfishcollecting. A ttenbrow speculates th is could be because pe ople were not often see ncollecting, or that itwas not considered important enough to record, bein g‘unspectacular, unobtrusive and humdrum’.p.62: Fish a nd shellfish made up an important part of the diet of Aboriginal peopleliving in the Sydne y reg ion. However, there were regional variations in the types o fseafood eat en. For example, more shellfish we re colle cted and eaten on the coa stthen in the hinterland and upper reaches of the Hawkesbury River. Eels andfreshwater mussels were widely eaten in the hinterland, but not closer to the coast.p.81: ‘Fishing in communities where traps and weirs were used was oftencommunal activity.’ap.82: ‘Women in coast al groups of the Sydney region played a predominant role incatching fish. The first British colonists noted th at “[t]he women, when we first cameon the beach, were in their canoes fishing,which is th eir constant employme nt”’.Furthermore, Attenbrow says that this differ s from fishing pr actices in other parts o fAustralia, where fishing was more of a male p astime. In the Sydne y region, womengenerally fished with hooks and line s from canoes and men fished with spears whilestanding on rock platforms, in shallow water or in canoes.p.82: ‘ fish ing gear, including metal hooks, was amongst the first objects that th eBritish gave from the time of first contact, initially as gifts and ‘trade’ items and later inorder to encourage fishing ventures.’ There is some suggestion that Aboriginal me nwould fish with Europe an metal fish-hooks and line, but not shell-hooks, which weremade by Indigenous women.p.82: Observations of t he First Fleeters indicat e that Abori ginal men i n the Sydn eyregion collected shellfish, which suggests that there was not always a strict gendereddivision of labour when it came to hunting and gathering.2Aboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography

p.83: ‘In co ntrast to fishing there is only a small number of descriptions aboutshellfishing or plant collecting in the Sydney reg ion. In other Australian communities,men did collect shellfish, but women were the main collectors.’ Attenbrow speculates:‘In the Sydney region shellfishing by m en ma y have been an opport unistic activitywhen they were fishing from rock platforms.’p.83: ‘Statements by recent resear chers that women in the Sydney reg ion were th eprincipal collectors of shellfish and plant foods are based on observations in ot herareas, usually northern Australia. If women h ad the primary responsibility for theroutine gath ering of sh ellfish and plant foods in the Sydney region, one can on lyassume the colonists did not observe them, as these activitie s either happened awayfrom the British set tlement, in woo ded env ironments (in th e case o f plant foods) o rwere “unspectacular, u nobtrusive and humdru m”. In addit ion, on ma ny occasionsmen made sure that their women were kept at a distance fro m the British men, and i tmay be that the women hid themse lves w hen they heard the British ( usually men)coming. Th ese combin ed practice s and op inions may account for t he dearth ofreferences t o women a nd their activities, except when the y were fishing on openwaters.’p.84: ‘As the British settlement expanded, areas of land and water that wereaccessible to the local inhabitants b ecame smal ler and smaller, and traditional foodresources were removed through land clear ance for fa rms, buildin gs and oth eractivities Along the coast, fishin g was one of the few activities th at provided aviable avenue for exchange for ot her items such as food and clothin g as well a salcohol and tobacco. Phillip and la ter governors (particularly Macquarie) were eagerto convert the local peop le to a British way of life and in this context several attemptswere made to encourage fishing ventures. By mid-1791several people, includin gBallederry, began trading in fish with officers w ho lived at Parramatta. In exchangefor mullet, bream and other fish they received a small quantity of either bread, or sa ltmeat. Later, from about 1815, Bungaree and his group traded fish usin g a boat an dfishing lines provided by Macquarie. Neit her Ballederry’s nor Bunga ree’s venturescontinued long.’p.84: ‘By the end of the 1820s, there was no-one in the Sydney region that was not insome way affected by the British presence For coastal people, fishing was one o fthe few pre-colonial subsistence a ctivities that continued to provide them with asubstantial source of food as well as a medium for exchange. In the mid-1820s nava lsurgeon Peter Cunningham described how people stillcaught fish with hooksprovided by individual colonists, so me of which they traded for clot hes, bread a ndrum. People were seen spear-fishing as well – f or example, from bark canoes alongthe Cooks River until the mid-1830s, and in Middle Harbour in the 1850s.’pp.86–8: description of f ishing equipment, including fishing spears, hooks and line s,nets and traps, and canoes.Attenbrow, Val and Steele, Dominic. ‘Fishing in Port Jackson, New SouthWales – more than met the eye’, Antiquity, vol. 69, no 262, March 1995,pp.47–60.Academic; Sydney areaThis article focuses on the fishing methodsused in Port Jackson. It assesse sarchaeological evidence and the written evidenc e left by members of the First Fle etAboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography3

in an attempt to draw conclusions about Aboriginal fishing methods and equipment inthe late eighteenth century.p.47: ‘In the earliest historica l records for Po rt Jackson (those of the First Fleetdiarists and artists), fishing is the most frequently mention ed subsiste nce activity ofthe local Ab original peo ple. Only two methods are describ ed and illust rated: spear fishing and angling. First Fleet documents state that spear-fishing was undertaken bymen using multi-pronged spears (o ften called ‘fizz-gig s’ or ‘gigs’) fro m the rock yshores as w ell as from bark canoes and in shallow waters. Angling (or line-fishing)was carried out by women who fished from canoes using shell hooks and line s indeep water.’p.47: ‘The gender division in fishing was not ab solute and Tench, for example, notedthat: ‘women sometimes use the gig, and alwa ys carry on e in each canoe, to strikelarge fish which may be hooked, and thereby facilitate capture.’p.49: ‘In other parts of Australia historical and ethnographic accounts describe a widerange of fishing methods: not only spear-fishing and angling, but also tidal weirs andtraps, communal drives and a variety of nets and poisons.’p.49: ‘To the north and south of Port Jackson, the use of poisons as well as brushand stone weirs or traps have been described South of Port Jackson, thehistorically described weirs were all made of bru sh; no stone traps are d escribed forthat region.’p.49: ‘Fishing nets were used on the NSW north coast, and in the Hunter Valley, nearNewcastle, hand nets were used in shallow water.’Attenbrow and Steele suggest, based on archaeological evidence,that agreater variety of fishi ng methods were utilise d by Aboriginal peop le in the PortJackson area than are recorded by European observers. They suggest that the useof traps and weirs ma y not have be en as visible as spear and line fish ing becaus ethey may h ave taken p lace in closed and less visible estuarine and bay settings(see p.58).p.58: ‘Many women’s a ctivities (except fishing in canoes on the harbour) ma y havehad very low visibility a s much of t he plant an d shellfish gathering would have takenplace away from the area of (British) settlement Collecting fish caught in tidal trapsor rock pools may have been embedded within women’s shellfish gatherin gactivities.’4Aboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography

BBayet-Charlton, Fabienne. Finding Ullagundahi Island: a story of family, placeand belonging, Allen and Unwin, 2002.Novel/autobiography; North coast riversThe author declaresthat while her book is anovel itis pr edominantlyautobiographical. The r elevant sections are about Fabienne’s journey from Adelaid ewhere she grew up, to the Clarence, to learnmore of h er grandmo ther’s life a tUllagundahi Island (author’s spelling) before she moved to Coober Pedy.pp.34–6: An elderly man at the mission at Yamba tells the story of the d olphins whoused to be t he old peopl e’s friend un til the ‘greed y man’ killed one to se e if he couldgain its spirit. Although the old people killed the man and threw his body into the sea,the dolphins were never again so friendly.p.34: ‘They’d [elders/old people] all go down to the river, they could feel the fishswimming through the water. A whole mob of t hem the river would be full of f ish.Then, when everybody was down there, they would get together and beat theirspears and coolamons on the wat er. They’d be calling o ut to the d olphins. Se e?They’d be calling them to round them fish up. The men wou ld beat for the dolphins tocome and t he women would walk with the nets into the water. The dolphins wouldcome and chase those f ish into the nets. That way the old p eople would catch a bigmob of fish. They’d scoop them up with their nets and everybody would share.’The story about the dolphins is oft en told as if it was only a relationshipbetween the men and the dolphins, whereas in this story women are equa lparticipants and the ones who take out the nets. In Ruby L angford’s memory of he rholiday at Yamba, accompanying th e annual Ca sino Christmas camps at the beach,it was a woman whocalled to th e porpoises each day while everyone was onholidays, to keep the swimmers safe (see Langford 1988, p.38).Becker, Alice. Grace Roberts: her life, her mystery, her Dreaming, NorthernRivers College Press, Lismore, 1989.Biography; North coast riversAlice Becker came to know Grace Roberts in h er later years. Grace ha d been stolenfrom her home at Boxridge Mission near Coraki on the Richmond Rive r, far northcoast New South Wales. When she returned after her teenage years at CootamundraGirls Home and later working life as a domestic, she returned first to her BundjalungCountry an d later moved to Coffs Har bour after marrying , where sh e became asignificant figure in fighting for Aboriginal rights. Becker says of her return to Coraki:p.14: ‘Back in her own territory Grace began to make up for the lost years of herteens. She mixed in wit h a young g roup, she loved to go d ancing, swimming, fishingand follow the boxing which was a very popular spor t among the Aboriginalcommunity.’Aboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography5

p.27: Alice says ‘The river was and still is a very happy place for these people andthey have a rare knowledge of the fishing in t he district . They watch the flowers:when the white ti tree is in full blo om the dogfish are bitin g; it is the flowers that tellwhen the tu rtles are fat and plentiful; and when certain clouds appear in the sky it isthe time fo r bream, and when th e silky oak blooms th e time has come to g ohunting ’Alice refers to the ongoing traditional stories of Bundjalung people. ‘Agrandmother, a friend and confida nt of Grace’s, speaks h er thoughts, beliefs andactions which would also be those of Grace. “It is something that goes a long wa yback. You know there in Coraki, w ay back the re is a little creek, with a water holehere and there. I went fishing there one day. Grace loved to go fishing t oo. This da ythere was n obody about yet all the time I could feel peo ple around me. I cou ld feelthem very strong, I caught fish too. After a while I asked the people back at the camp,about the place. It was alright for us to be there, it was ve ry old, something sacre dwas there, it was very strong. It was alright for me to be there but if I too k a stranger Iwould catch fish but their line wouldn’t even pull.I take my sister in law fishing, but I can’t take h er to all the places, there aresome she can’t go to. We know the places. Th ere’s a bend in the river, a lagoon, wecast out our lines and w asn’t catching any fish, so I called out in our lingo and thenwe caught fish. But if I didn’t call o ut, or get some of the old ones to call out, shewould sit there all day and not catch fish. It is strange but it is true. It is a spiritualthing with us. It is a spiritual thing with us.There are some parts of the river we are not allowed to go. If we disobeyedthe older on es, (p.28) a nd it is important that we do obey t hem, certain things wouldhappen that I couldn’t tell you about. I’ve been places I sho uldn’t go, but I’ve neve rbeen back. There’s this strong thing” – placing her hand over her heart.’p.28: ‘“ There are sa cred places that are happy places. We get a drawing back tothose places. I’m drawn back to the river, it’s peaceful and happy. I can speak to thespirits and I do for the children so metimes. I t alk to them before they go to the riverand tell them where they can go and where they have to be very quiet.When we go up to the lagoon, if we can’t ca tch any fish I can ta lk t o thespirits. That lagoon belongs to our people, so I can talk tothem, but some peopledon’t believe this.My grandchildren are learning Bundjalung. That is why it is important to speakour language. When they grown up they will need to speak to the spirits.”’p.28: continued, with the older woman remembering Grace: ‘“Certain animals arelooked upon as sacred – protected. When we went fishing one day o n a bridge inSouth Australia, we fish ed on the le ft hand side but caught no fish. The n I saw thiswilly wag tai l going o n and on flapp ing his wing s I got up and moved to the o therside. It followed us over and started again. So I got up and went across the bridge t othe other side of the river but it kept on going on in the same way. I took it a s awarning not to come round and fish. We gave up.”’p.29: ‘Near Boxridge is the junction of the Rich mond Ri ver and the no rth arm. Thi sjunction is very sacred to the Aboriginal people. Spirits of the past linger there, so it isa place the people dare not linger. They do not fish nor swim there Among theAboriginal people not only are peo ple created custodian s of stories a nd of sacredsites but bir ds, animals even fish can also be custodians f or sacred sites and areknown to react to encroachment In all triba l districts ther e were special pla ces t hat belonge d to the wo men.Many still exist today, but unfortunately some have disappeared i n the path ofprogress. T hose that re main are to be found in quiet gullies, seclu ded areas awa y6Aboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography

from prying eyes. They were always by a creek, river or sea , where water and foodcould be got easily ’Bennett, Michael. ‘The economics of fishing: sustainable living in colonial NewSouth Wales’, Aboriginal History, vol. 31, 2007, pp. 85–102Academicp.87: Bennett points out that much of the research into Aboriginal fishing has focusedon the far south coast of New Sou th Wales, as part of preparations in 1992 for thedefence of seven Aboriginal men charged with breaches o f the NSW Fisheries Act1935 (e.g. works by Brian Egloff, Wreck Bay: an Aboriginal fishing community an dScott Cane, ‘Aboriginal fishing right s on the New South W ales south coast: a cour tcase’ in Nicholas Peter sen and Br uce Rigsby (eds), Customary marine tenure inAustralia, Oceania Monograph 48, Sydney, 1998).p.87: ‘The historical a nd anthrop ological evidence com piled for the case sho wscontinuous fishing activ ity in the ni neteenth and twentieth centuries b y nu merousfamilies occupying land between Batemans Bay and Eden.’p.87: ‘Egloff’s study of fishing at Wreck Bay shows a group of closely related familiesestablishing a community in the late nineteenth century and continuing to occupy andfish from the area throughout the twentieth century. Pro minent among the residentswere me mbers of the Campbell, Nyberg, Ardler, Bloxsome, Timbery, McLeod andChapman families. Some came from as far north as Kempsey, bu t others we reoriginally from the Coola ngatta Estate on the Sh oalhaven. By the 1950s, up to eightboat crews were operating out of Wreck Bay using nets to h aul in their catch, most ofwhich was transported t o Sydney for sale. The f ishing season lasted from Christmasto Easter.’p.88: ‘Ther e is conse nsus that A boriginal w omen along the Sydney coast we reresponsible for catching fish, a major component of the diet, with hook a nd line. Thefishhooks were generously curved and made mainly from shell. Fishing line consistedof two strands of bark fibre twisted t ogether although other materials such as anima lhair were sometimes used. Women sat in bark canoe s a nd dangled their hook a ndline overboard. The successful cat ch was some times cooked there and then upon asmall fire in the canoe. Men fished with multi-pronged spears called ‘fizz gigs’ by th eBritish. Shaf ts ranged in length bet ween 3.7 m and 6 m, and were ma de from theprotruding spiral shoot of the yellow gum tree. Men stood on rock ledges or balancedthemselves on bark can oes to launch their dar ts at the fish below. Other aspects ofthe sexual division of labour are n ot evident from the reco rds of t he o fficers of th eFirst Fleet. Women were rarely seen and there are no direct observations, as ther eare from other parts of t he country, of them specialising in t he gathering of shellfishand plant foods.’p.91: ‘In the 1830s, Obed West observed the u se of weirs, or “mouls” made of sticksand brushes at Mullet Creek near La ke Illawarra to trap fish for large gatherings. Thelarge numbers of fish caught at w eirs allowed large socia l gatherings, sometimesexceeding 200 people.’p.91: Bennett points out that European accounts of fishing o n the south coast rarelyspecify the gender of fisher people . Yet one o bservation suggests that there was atleast some partial division of labour along gender lines. ‘In January 1840, ReverendClarke of the Illawarra asked an A boriginal man named Frying Pan to obtain, if h eAboriginal Women’s Fishing in NSW: Annotated Bibliography7

could, a po rtion of pra wns; Frying Pan drew himself up angrily and replied thatcatching pr awns was women’s work and that men fished only with s pears. This islittle to go o n, but it does suggest th at the divisions noted in Sydney also applied onthe south coast.’p.92: ‘Fishin g also drew Aboriginal people into the European economy of the southcoast. As in other pursuits su ch as guiding set tlers acro ss the landscape, trackin glost cat tle through the bush and stripping bark from trees, Aboriginal peoplepossessed a comparative ad vantage in fishing that few recent arrivals could match.Most were ignorant of the cycle of the fishing season and unaware of the best fishingspots. Takin g advantage of their su perior k nowledge, Aboriginal fisher men suppliedan unknown number of fish to the Coolangatta Estate in January 1837 for which th eyreceived three pounds of flour. Ma rgaret Menz ies commen ted two yea rs later thatAboriginal men and women often brought in fish and crayfish for the residents o fJamberoo for which they received tea and sugar.’p.93: ‘Thro ughout the second ha lf of the nin eteenth cen tury traditional practicescontinued to be modifie d with the introduction of new techno logy, particularly boats.’The NSW g overnment distributed boats to co astal communities beginning in 1868when it gave a boat to Aboriginal people at Jervis Bay.pp.93–4: ‘F or the remainder of t he nineteen th century, boats and f ishing gear,including nets, were regularly supplied to south coast groups and some on the nort hcoast as well.’ Over 20 b oats were supplied to communities on the south coast in thelate nineteenth century.p.95: ‘Mrs Lizzie Malone of La Perouse was one of the few Aboriginal women to owna fishing bo at, although it seems th at she did n ot fish herself because she suffere dfrom bad kn ees. In the late 1880s, she let her boat out to other Aboriginal people inreturn for money or fish.’p.95: Bennett argues that many Aboriginal men identified as fishermen and gave it astheir occupation on government and church forms.pp.95–6: ‘As the ninete enth centur y proceeded, Aboriginal people increasingly so ldfish to local white resid ents as ano ther means to raise m oney. Samu el Elyard ofNowra wrote in August 1874 of purchasing 13 fish from local Aboriginal people afterreturning from a boating trip on the Shoalhave n River. Th e APB ann ual report for1890 recorded that the Aboriginal residents of Greenwell Point raised a “fair” amou ntof cash selling fish tolocal inha bitants. Similar comme nts were made for t hecommunities further south at Ulladulla, Bega and Eden. The fishermen at La Perousewere so successful that by the late 1890s they complained to the APB of interferencefrom white commercial operators.’p.98: ‘The introduction of boats and nets diminished the importance of so metraditional f ishing techn ology. In October 1879, a reporter for theShoalhavenTelegraph could find only one Aboriginal woman who could manufacture shell hoo ksand fibrous lines in the o ld style. Her implements were collected by Henry Moss andtaken to Sydney for the Garden Palace Exhibition.’p.98: ‘Overall, there is n o clear evidence after 1 850 of the continued op eration of thetraditional gender division of labour. Observers rarely specified the sex of the persond

fishing in New South Wales, please see the companion text Aboriginal women’s fishing in New South Wales: a thematic history.1 A variety o f spellings occur regar ding the names of Aboriginal gr oups currently and historically. Throughout the text, the spelling

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