CHINA: OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI- CORRUPTION

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CHINA: OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTICORRUPTIONQUERYSUMMARYCan you please provide information on risks ofcorruption for foreign businesses in China?Corruption has particular characteristics in China.Chinese leaders consider corruption to be a threat tothe political system and, therefore, a matter of greatconcern. In fact, since 2013, when Xi Jinping wasappointed president, the Chinese government hasbeen implementing an aggressive anti-corruptioncampaign.CONTENT1.2.3.4.Overview of corruption in ChinaSectors affected by corruptionLegal and institutional anti-corruption \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\Increased corruption has not prevented thedevelopment of the Chinese economy, becoming thesecond largest economy in the world after the UnitedStates. China presents the paradox of being in aprocess of opening to the wider world to achieve theirambitious economic plans and respond to new socialdemands, while having a political regime that is notwilling to lose control and uses authoritative meansto keep it.Author(s):Nieves Zúñiga, Transparency s):Robert Martínez Kukutschka, Transparency International,tihelpdesk@transparency.orgDate:10 April 2018 2018 Transparency International. All rights reserved.This document should not be considered as representative of the Commission or Transparency International’sofficial position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting onbehalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information.This Anti-Corruption Helpdesk is operated by Transparency International and funded by the European Union.

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION1.OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION INCHINABackgroundCorruption in China has special characteristics. It isnot just a general concern, it is also seen by Chinesepolitical leaders as a threat to the political system. Inwords of Xi Jinping, president of the People’s Republicof China since 2013, corruption could lead to thecollapse of the Chinese Communist Party and thedownfall of the state. The seriousness of the problemin the last decades and the fear of political collapsemotivated Jinping’s war against corruption, initiatedfive years ago. Corruption is especially worrying forChinese political leaders because the legitimacy of theparty, and of the political system in general, is notbased on elections, as in democracy, but on a politicalmeritocracy that selects and promotes leaders withsuperior ability and virtue (Bell no date). Hence, inChina, the level of corruption is indicative of the levelof meritocracy, and therefore of legitimacy, of thepolitical class.Another reason that makes corruption in Chinadifferent is that, contrary to arguments that correlatelower levels of corruption with higher economicgrowth, in China corruption and economicdevelopment have grown simultaneously. The postMao economic reform undertaken at the end of the1970s transformed the economy from a commandeconomy – controlled by the government to attain itssocial goals – into a market economy that empoweredother players, such as private businessmen andentrepreneurs. As a result of that transformation, from1979 to 2010, China’s average gross domesticproduct (GDP) growth was 9.91 per cent, reaching itshighest point of 15.2 per cent in 1984. At present,China is the world’s second largest economy after theUnited States.Nonetheless, the economic transformation alsoopened opportunities to different forms of corruption.In mid 1980s, petty corruption flourished with privatebusinessmen seeking to establish their companies. Inaddition, a price reform based on a hybrid system –according to which commodity prices were fixed by thestate based on whether they were sold in the stateplanned economy or in emerging market – alsofacilitated corrupt exchanges. Considering that marketprices were higher, officials found that diverting goodsinto the market was an opportunity to increase profits(Wedeman 2012). In the 1990s, corruption intensifiedand affected senior-level officials who auctioned offcontrol rights for enterprises and real state (Wedeman2012). The rapid growth of the economy also implieda higher demand for capital and, due to the lack of adeveloped capital market in China, the governmentbecame an important source of investment loans,which created opportunities for private gain.According to the economist Jaddish Bhagwati, whatmakes corruption in China different is that it involves“profit-sharing”, in contrast to other countries like Indiawhere corruption is defined as “rent-seeking”. In India,in his words, “people jostle to grab a cut of existingwealth” whereas “the Communist Party [in China] putsa straw into the milkshake so they have an interest inhaving the milkshake grow larger” (Pilling 2014). Anexample, might be the transformation of localgovernments in entrepreneurial “local developmentstates”, which creat partnerships with businesses andreceive ad hoc taxes and other forms of illicit profitsharing (Wedeman 2012). At the origin of thiscollective character in corruption could be the “guanxisocial circle network”, an informal social institutionwhose maintenance of a circle of benefits is anobjective for those involved in corruption.In recent years, China’s growth has evolved towards amore sustainable and inclusive development, andtowards an economic model that is consumption-ledrather than investment-driven (World Economic Forum2018). China is also changing from being a low-costmanufacturer into a value-added developer of cuttingedge products and services (World Economic Forum2018). New goals for the Asian country included intheir “One belt one road” and “Made in China 2025”plans are improving manufacturing and servicesindustries to promote Chinese companies abroad andrevamp infrastructure and industry. This ambitiouseconomic plan is bringing important socialtransformations, such as the emerging of a middleclass and a significant migration to the cities. In turn,this new Chinese demographics has increased socialdemands and financial needs, and created challengessuch as a significant problem of pollution andenvironmental damage. Thus, the government isadapting public institutions to support the economicdynamism, responding to new social demands,addressing inequalities and facing challenges.2

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTIONExtent of corruptionData on corruption in China show different resultsdepending on what the indexes capture and whoseperceptions they are. According to TransparencyInternational’s 2017 Global Corruption Barometer(GCB), which reflects general public perceptions oncorruption, 73 per cent of the respondents in Chinabelieved that the level of corruption had increased.This perception positions China at the top of thecountries in the Asia-Pacific region captured in the2017 GCB. Transparency International’s CorruptionPerception Index (CPI), which collects data on howcorrupt the public sector of a country is seen to be bybusiness people and country experts, shows thatperceptions of corruption in China have improved inthe last years, moving from a CPI score of 36 in 2014to 41 in 2017. It situates the country below the middlepoint, between being considered highly corrupt or veryclean. In 2017’s CPI, China scored 41 (0 being highlycorrupt and 100 very clean) and was ranked 77 out of180 countries. Comparing different countries andterritories in the region, China is perceived to beconsiderably more corrupt than Singapore (score 84),Hong Kong (score 77), Japan (score 73), Taiwan(score 63) and South Korea (score 54).The World Bank’s control of corruption indicator, whichbesides petty and grand corruption in the public sectorconsiders the capture of the state by elites and theprivate sector, indicates a progressive improvementsince 2012. In the last five years, China moved from ascore of -0.44 – on a scale from -2.5 (weak) to 2.5(strong governance performance) – to a score of -0.25in 2016.The data on China offered by the Index of PublicIntegrity, a composite index aiming to provide anobjective and comprehensive picture of the state ofcontrol of corruption measuring six components –judicial independence, administrative burden, tradeopenness, budget transparency, e-citizenship andfreedom of the press – also showed an improvement.Data from 2015 and 2017 indicated a slightimprovement in all components except in budgettransparency, which, on a scale between 1 and 10 witha higher value representing better performance,remains considerably low (1.21). The score for tradeopenness had also decreased slightly (6.78). Afterbudget transparency, the lowest indicator in 2017 wasfreedom of the press (1.23) and the highest score wasfor administrative burden, which also represents thebiggest improvement between 2015 (7.61) and 2017(8.25).Forms of corruptionBribery and giving gifts are the most common forms ofcorruption in China. According to data provided byTransparency International’s 2017 GCB, 26 per centof the respondents paid a bribe when accessing basicservices. The services most affected by bribery arepublic education; public hospitals; ID, voter’s card andpermits; the police; and the courts. Between 16-30 percent of the respondents paid a bribe in each of thoseservices. In China, as in Taiwan, Cambodia orMyanmar but contrary to Thailand or India, the richestpeople pay more bribes (31 per cent) than the poorestpeople (24 per cent).Other forms of corruption in China are diversion ofpublic funds, favouritism in decisions of governmentofficials, and other irregular payments. According todata provided by the Global Competitiveness Index2017-2018, on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 the mostdesirable outcome, diversion of public funds achievedthe value of 4.1, irregular payments and bribes 4.5,and favouritism in decisions of government officials4.5. The trend for the diversion of public funds seemsto be steady, whereas irregular payments andfavouritism appears to be increasing slightly.Corruption in businessPrivate sector firms and foreign investors in China faceseveral challenges. Among those challenges orcement, licensing barriers, the lack of anindependent judiciary, poor intellectual property rightsenforcement, forced technology transfer and the lackof the rule of law (US Department of State 2017). Thedemand to make payments or give gifts to officials toovercome some of those challenges and do businessis frequent.According to a survey conducted by CharneyResearch in 2015, 35 per cent of companies in Chinaconfirmed that they had to pay bribes or give gifts toofficials to operate. Respondents to the ExecutiveOpinion Survey 2017 (World Economic Forum 2017)situate corruption as the fourth most problematic factorfor doing business in China after access to financing,3

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTIONinefficient government bureaucracy, inflation andpolicy instability. Following data from the GlobalEnabling Trade Report 2016, corruption at the borderin China is one of the most problematic factors forimporters, and corruption at foreign borders is theleast among the most problematic factor for exporters.The expectation to pay bribes or give gifts appears tobe more frequent in some stages of economic activitythan in others. Enterprise Survey data on China(World Bank 2012), shows that 42.2 per cent of firmswere expected to give gifts to secure governmentcontracts. Of them, 19.2 per cent were expected togive gifts to get an import licence and 18.8 per cent toget a construction permit. Gifts in meetings with taxofficials were expected by 10.9 per cent of the firms,and 10.8 per cent of them were expected to give giftsto public officials to get things done. According to theExecutive Opinion Survey 2015, up to 7.1 per cent ofthe respondents reported that corruption at the borderis among the most problematic factors for importers.Corruption at foreign borders is reported as one of themost problematic factors for exporters by 3 per cent ofrespondents.Following data provided by Charney Research (2015),several aspects, such as geographical location,company size and ownership, and the sector, areimportant aspects to consider when it comes toidentifying where the risks of corruption are higher. Forexample, not all regions in China have the sameresponses when it comes to bribery. According toCharney’s data, the areas in which bribery was mostcommonly reported are Beijing region (43 per cent),where there is a high concentration of bureaucracy,and the most developed and dynamic regions(Guangdong 39 per cent, Chongquing 38 per cent andShanghai 34 per cent). The west of the country (19 percent), the north-east (27 per cent) and the south-west(27 per cent) seem to be areas with less demand forbribery.According to Charney Research, company size,ownership and the sectors also makes a differencewhen it comes to the risks of corruption. State-ownedmicro and small firms, and those with few resources,are more vulnerable (50 per cent paid officials) thanprivately-owned firms (30 per cent paid officials). Inaddition, corrupt payments are more frequent amongforeign and Hong Kong based companies than amongmainland firms.The sectors most vulnerable to corruption are realestate and construction (41 per cent of respondentspaid bribes) followed by manufacturing (36 per cent),services (35 per cent), retail (34 per cent) andtransport (32 per cent). Farming is the sector leastaffected by bribery (23 per cent). Within these sectors,some areas present more risks for corruption thanothers. For example, in real estate and construction,residential realty (44 per cent) and transportationconstruction (42 per cent) present higher incidences ofcorruption. In manufacturing, metal producers paymost bribes (46 per cent) followed by capital goods (39per cent), food (36 per cent), information technology(IT) (34 per cent), automotive (33 per cent), chemicals(33 per cent) and textiles (32 per cent). In services, themedia, chain restaurants and Telecom/IT firmspresent the same frequency in the payment of bribes(38 per cent). Private healthcare is reported as theservice with less incidence of bribery (25 per cent). Inretail, luxury goods (38 per cent) and apparel (37 percent) are the most affected areas for bribery andpayments of gifts, followed by food (34 per cent),furniture and appliances (32 per cent). Car dealerswere the least exposed to bribery or gifts giving (28per cent). In transportation, shippers are considerablymore vulnerable to corrupt payments (37 per cent)than travel agents (28 per cent).In addition to bribery, companies in China are likely toexperience political interference or facilitation ofpayments when acquiring public services or in thejudicial system (Business Anti-Corruption Portal 2016).2.SECTORS AFFECTED BYCORRUPTIONThe judiciaryThe judicial system in China presents somecharacteristics that increase the corruption risks forbusiness. In China, there is not an independentjudiciary and judges are often under the control of theChinese Communist Party (CCP). Courts at the locallevel are particularly vulnerable to corruption since thejudges are appointed and paid by local governments.This increases the risks of biased or poorly enforceddecisions (Business Anti-Corruption Portal 2016).Companies have questioned the capacity of the legalsystem to efficiently settle disputes and challengeregulations, though they also report that the4

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTIONenforcement of contracts is faster and less expensivethan the regional average (Business Anti-CorruptionPortal 2016).The policeThe police constitutes another sector with risks forfirms working in China. Companies have reported thatpolice services are unreliable in protecting them fromcrime and enforcing the law (Business Anti-CorruptionPortal 2016), and abuses of power by the police arerarely prosecuted. According to data provided byEnterprise Survey (World Bank 2012), 66 per cent ofthe firms interviewed paid for security. Road policeinfluencing the circulation of goods were cited asfrequent takers of bribes by 11 per cent of the firmsinterviewed by the Charney Research (2015).According to the 2017 GCB, around 16-30 per cent ofservice users paid a bribe to the police, which is nothigher than bribery indexes in other sectors such ascourts, public schools or public hospitals.Competitiveness Report 2015-2016. However, Chinahas made the process of paying taxes easier byenhancing electronic systems and by unifying thecriteria and accounting methods for tax deductions(Doing Business 2015). In a more positive tone, only6.3 per cent of the firms consider tax rates a majorconstraint and 3.5 per cent identify tax administrationa major constraint (World Bank 2012).The number of days to obtain an operating licence(27.5) is higher than the average in the region (19.5),and to obtain a construction related permit (29.7)slightly lower than in the region (30.4).CustomsCustoms presents a moderate to high corruption riskfor companies working in China (Business AntiCorruption Portal 2016). The number of days to obtainan import licence is higher in China (26.3) than theaverage in the East Asia and Pacific region (20.6)(World Bank 2012).Public servicesCompanies consider government regulations to beburdensome and sometimes inefficient, and they havereported a spread of the irregular payments andbribes. Another challenge faced by foreign companiesis arbitrary regulatory obstacles are susceptible tobeing overcome through irregular means, particularlyin a market with restricted foreign access (BusinessAnti-Corruption Portal 2016).Nonetheless, China has made starting a business lesscostly by reducing the business registration fee (WorldBank 2017).Regulations and tax administrationTax collectors have been reported to be the secondmost-frequent takers of bribes and gifts (56 per cent),after local-level officials (79 per cent) (CharneyResearch 2015). The requirement to meet with taxofficers is higher in China (59.4 per cent) than theaverage in the East Asia and Pacific region (53.8 percent) (World Bank 2012).According to Doing Business 2017, paying taxes inChina takes longer (263 hours per year) than theaverage in the region. The exchange of bribes with taxofficials is also reported as frequent by the GlobalEven if the costs to export and import are lower inChina than in the region (World Bank 2017), theburden of paperwork makes clearing customs an areavulnerable to bribery. Irregular payments are reportedas pervasive when importing and exporting (GlobalCompetitiveness Report 2015-2016). Transparencylevels at the border are moderate.Public procurementPublic procurement presents high corruption risks.The process of obtaining contracts and licences aremarked by pervasive bribery (Global CompetitivenessReport 2015-2016). Well connected companies andindividuals are favoured by government officials, andpublic funds are often diverted. Regardingprocurement, it is important to consider the sectors inthe Chinese economy in which the governmentencourages foreign investment while restricting orprohibiting it in others.3.LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONALFRAMEWORKOverviewThe Chinese government, led by President Xi Jinping,undertook in 2012 an intensive anti-corruption5

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTIONcampaign involving investigations into all sectors ofgovernment, the economy and the military. The trative and party discipline reforms with apreventive character. As expressed by H E HuanShuxian, Minister of Supervision at the Anti-CorruptionSummit in London (2016), government efforts to curbcorruption have focused on: improving the party’s styleby tackling formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism andextravagance; zero tolerance and tough punishmentof corruption; strengthening the supervision of officialsthrough cross-party inspections; and building strongerinstitutions. As a result of the anti-corruptioncampaign, there have been many arrests forcorruption in China in the last year. In 2016, thegovernment declared that one million Chinese officialswere punished by corruption (BBC 2016).The official war against corruption has beenquestioned in terms of its efficiency and its methods.The lack of an independent press and the lack ofindependence of the judiciary, guided by the party,hamper the transparent and consistent application ofanti-corruption efforts (US Department 2017).Likewise, it has also been questioned how prosecutionfor corruption represents a threat to human rights. Infact, since 2016, the death penalty is applicable incases of embezzlement or for accepting bribes equalor superior to US 463,000 (Beech 2016).International conventionsChina ratified the United Nations Convention againstCorruption in 2005 and the United Nations Conventionon Transnational Organized Crime in 2000. It has notsigned the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery,although it has expressed interest in participating in theOECD Working Group on Bribery meetings as anobserver. At the regional level, China adopted theBeijing Declaration on Fighting Corruption in November2014 during the 26th Asia-Pacific EconomicCooperation (APEC) Ministers Meeting. It also lead theestablishment of the APEC Network of Anti-corruptionAuthorities and Law Enforcement Agencies and theG20 Denial of Entry Experts Network.At the 2016 Anti-Corruption Summit in London, Chinaexpressed its commitment to enhance internationalanti-corruption cooperation through actions likedenying a safe haven to those engaged in corruptionthrough extradition, strengthening information sharingwith international communities concerning crossborder movements of corrupt officials, and signingbilateral treaties on extradition and mutual legalassistance in criminal matters, among others.Domestic legal frameworkChina provides a comprehensive legal framework inthe public and the private sector to criminalise corruptactions such as facilitation of payments, moneylaundering, active and passive bribery, and gifts(Business Anti-corruption Portal 2016). Nevertheless,anti-corruption laws are said to be enforced in aselective manner.Two main laws apply to cases of corruption: the AntiUnfair Competition Law and the Criminal Law(Business Anti-corruption Portal 2016). In the firstcase, commercial bribery is punishable by economicand administrative sanctions. Criminal investigationmight apply to serious offences. Prohibited acts ofcommercial bribery are giving bribes in order to sell orpurchase goods, and receiving bribes in the course ofselling or purchasing. The illicit income is confiscatedand fines range from RMB100,000 (aroundUS 15,800) to RMB200,000 (around US 31,600).The prohibitions in the Criminal Law include giving andreceiving money or property (including cash, itemsand proprietary interests that include housingrenovation, the release of debt, membership servicesor travel) to obtain undue benefit. The lawdistinguishes between official bribery, which refers topersonnel working for the state, and non-officialbribery, which involves personnel not engaged inpublic services or working in private companies.Penalties for bribery include a range from fines and theconfiscation of property to imprisonment and the deathpenalty. Commercial bribery is prosecuted if the bribesexceed RMB 60,000 (around US 9,500) and canresult in a minimum of three years’ imprisonment.Bribes superior to RMB 2 million (around US 316,000)can mean prison from three to ten years. Lifeimprisonment and the death penalty can be applied in“specially serious cases”.In 2015, China’s Criminal Law was amendedregarding corrupt acts. For example, bribing civilservants’ relatives or other close relationships isconsidered a crime that imposes monitory fines to both6

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTIONthe giver and the taker of bribes. In minor cases, bribegivers who aid authorities can be given more mercifulpunishments.Based on information collected by Vandepol, Hui andWu, companies that offer bribes to public officials orpeople related to public officials, including thosedirectly responsible for such an offence and theperson in charge of the companies, are subject to: a criminal fine levied on the companyup to five years imprisonment and a criminal finefor the person responsible for offering bribes topublic officialsup to three years imprisonment and a criminal finefor the person responsible for offering bribes toformer public officials or persons related to publicofficialsThe Criminal Code does not establish limitations onhospitality expenses. Nevertheless, there is athreshold amount for the prosecution of official bribery,among other limitations (Vandepol, Hui and Wu):RMB30,000 (around US 4,800) for individual bribegivers; RMB 200,000 (around US 31,600) forcorporate bribe-givers; and RMB 30,000 (aroundUS 9,600) for bribe recipients.Institutional frameworkChina has several institutions with mandates toaddress different aspects and levels of corruption.Institutions with the mandate to investigate criminalviolations of laws related to anti-corruption are theSupreme People’s Procuratorate (SPP) and theMinistry of Public Security. A more preventiveapproach to corruption is implemented by the Ministryof Supervision (MOS) and the Discipline InspectionCommission (CCDI), which are in charge of enforcingethics guidelines and party discipline. The NationalAudit Office inspects the accounts of state-ownedenterprises and government entities.Congress plenary session in 2018. The NSC will takeover the functions of the Ministry of Supervision, anticorruption units of the SPP and the NBCP, and pass acorresponding National Supervision Law.The creation of the NSC has also raised concerns(BBC 2018). This new agency will oversee all publicservants exercising public power, not only partymembers. This implies that around three times asmany people will be supervised as the previouswatchdog institutions in China. NSC will be in chargeof supervision and investigation. This power and theweakness in the enforcement of human rights in Chinahas raised concerns from organisations like AmnestyInternational about the potential threat this representsto human rights (BBC 2018).The institutional reform of the CCP DisciplineInspection Commission (DIC) and Supervision Agencyhas been the focus of the anti-corruption campaignafter the 18th CCP National Congress in 2012 with twomain pillars: administrative reform and disciplinaryregulation. In particular, efforts have been devoted tooptimising the organisational structure, which has ledto an increase of the number of DIC and supervisiondivisions from 8 to 12, and the proportion of officialsengaged in corruption investigations has increased bymore than 50 per cent. Another aspect of the reformhas been to focus on core responsibilities to preventthe distraction resulting from the participation of theDIC and Supervision Agency in other groups andcommittees within the government structure. In thissense, the core responsibilities of DIC and theSupervision Agency have been redefined assupervision, implementation of CCP’s discipline andaccountability. Other reform measures have beenstrengthening management on accredited agencies,promoting the reform of the state supervisioninstitutions, improving legal and CCP regulationsystems, and enhancing supervision on the DIC andSupervision Agency.Other stakeholdersThe National Bureau of Corruption Prevention (NBCP)is responsible for improving transparency in thegovernment and coordinating anti-corruption effortsamong different institutions. In 2017, President XiJinping announced the creation of a newlyconsolidated anti-corruption watchdog called theNational Supervision Commission (NSC), to beformally established at the annual National People’sMediaChina is one of the most restrictive societies for themedia and civil society organisations. Even if theconstitution states that citizens enjoy freedom ofspeech, of the press and of association, authorities donot respect these freedoms when they conflict with theparty’s interest. Imprisonment of critical journalists or7

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTIONhuman rights activists are not rare in China. In 2015,for example, 49 journalists went to prison (BusinessAnti-Corruption Portal 2016).Since Xi assumed the leadership of the CCP, therehas been a trend of ideological tightening. In 2015, thegovernment revoked the permit of the newspaperMoneyweek and shut down the website of the 21stCentury Business Herald for reporting on corruption(Freedom of the Press 2016). In 2016, the governmentadopted new laws and regulations increasing internetcensorship that further decreased the space forinvestigative journalism (Freedom of the Press 2017).The CCP maintain authority over published, onlineand broadcast content, and only state-run mediaoutlets have government approval to cover CCPissues or sensitive topics (US Department State2016).Civil societyCivil society participation in policy formulation is veryregulated and controlled in China, and sometimesofficials use methods of harassment and intimidationagainst civil society advocates (Business Anticorruption Portal 2016). Only NGO’s with non-politicalagendas are better respected by the government. Inthis context, the role played by the media and civilsociety organisations to curb corruption isconsiderably reduced and challenging.4.REFERENCESBBC News. 24 October 2016. ‘One Million’ ChineseOfficials Punished for hina-37748241BBC News. 20 March 2018. ‘China’s Anti-CorruptionCampaign Expands with New -43453769Beech, H. 19 April 2016. ‘this is How Much Money You CanTake in Bribes Before the Chinese Authorities ExecuteYou’. Time.http://time.com/4298731/this-

CHINA: ORVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION 4 inefficient government bureaucracy, inflation and policy instability. Following data from the Global Enabling Trade Report 2016, corruption at the border in China is one of the most problematic factor

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