“And I Felt Quite Posh!” Art-house Cinema And The Absent .

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.Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011“And I felt quite posh!” Art-house cinema and theabsent audience – the exclusions of choiceDr Ailsa HollinsheadEdinburgh Napier University, UKAbstractThis paper is based on a small, qualitative research project in Scotland that explored whysome film viewers chose not to watch ‘art-house’ films or attend ‘art-house’ cinemas(alternatively known as cultural cinema). The aim of this pilot project was to talk to filmviewers in areas of deprivation about their film viewing choices and practices with a view togaining some insights into the ways in which those choices and practices could be seen asrelated to Bourdieu’s concepts of cultural and symbolic capital. There were two reasons forchoosing an area of deprivation. Firstly, there were practical implications for local art-housecinemas, which had no clear understanding of this ‘absent audience’, and at a wider level itwill have practical implications for national policy makers. Secondly, there was my owninterest in extending previous research I had conducted into the impact of cultural practicesand their relationship to social exclusion. Initial findings from the study suggest that there isa link amongst cultural and symbolic capital, and economic and educational deprivation.Whilst there are some obvious findings related to economic constraints, there are lessobvious indications that symbolic capital and the related concept of symbolic violenceimpact upon the choices that interviewees made. Unpacking some of these issues leads tothe conclusions that, with more considered marketing, there is a distinct possibility ofcreating an audience that is no longer as absent whilst recognising that inequalities in accessto cultural capital cannot be resolved easily, reinforcing Bourdieu’s ideas about the complexrelationship amongst different forms of capital.Keywords: art-house cinema, audiences, Bourdieu, cultural capital, cultural policy, socialexclusionPage 392

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011IntroductionThe quote in the title of this paper comes from a middle-aged, female interviewee whosemain film consumption was Hollywood cinema, which took place either in multiplexes or athome:Joan:Do you know what, it was Manhattan I went to see in the Cameo.INT:Okay, yeah.Joan:And I thought, like I’m not posh or anything like that, but I thoughtthat was quite educational! [Laughter] And I felt quite posh! [Group 3interviews]The venue and choice of film signified for her people who were well-educated (whichsignified posh), and for her to feel posh was an unusual experience. It was not for ‘peoplelike me’ (Archer et al 2007: 220). The aim of this paper is to explore the choices that impactupon people’s decisions to engage in different kinds of cultural events, most specifically,watching films either in the cinema or at home, and why certain kinds of cinema and filmare not chosen. Bauman has argued that, in liquid modernity, ‘ everything in a consumersociety is a matter of choice, except the compulsion to choose ’ (2000: 73). Bourdieu toowrote a great deal about the impact of cultural choices on life chances and the way thatthose choices or ‘tastes’ were anything but neutral in an ideological sense. They wererelated to the habitus, which is described as a set of historical relations ‘deposited’ withinindividual bodies in the form of mental and corporeal schemata of perception, appreciationand action (1992: 17). In his Practical Reason, he expands on this slightly abstractexplanation:Habitus are generative principles of distinct and distinctive practices - what theworker eats and especially the way he eats it, the sport he practises and theway he practises it . Habitus are also classificatory schemes, principles ofclassification, principles of vision and division, different tastes . but thedistinctions are not identical . the same behaviour can appear distinguished toone person, pretentious to someone else and cheap or showy to yet another.(1998: 8)How do those classificatory schemes influence choices about film viewing and cinemaattendance and what is their significance in relation to developing wider audiences’ bases? 1Elizabeth Evans raises similar issues in her article in this issue, when discussing the filmaudiences for art-house/independent cinema in the East Midlands, although, unlike thispaper, her audiences are not from more socially deprived areas (2011, on-line).I want to digress into a slightly self-reflexive mode at this point in order to explain thegenesis of this project and to explain some of the issues I have yet to resolve. I have beenPage 393

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011interested for some time in the way media representations (particularly television) ofcertain groups impact upon social attitudes (without arguing for a direct media effectsapproach), and how those representations can contribute to social exclusion (Hollinshead,2002). Subsequently, I extended this interest into the relationship between cultural capitaland social inequality. Having been given access to data about attendance figures at a localart-house cinema (Filmhouse, Edinburgh), it was very clear that there were certain areas inthe city where there were barely any attendees. Upon closer examination it was clear that anumber of these areas were counted as areas of multiple deprivation according to theScottish Government Index of Multiple Deprivation. I knew that the cost of attending theart-house cinemas was no greater (and in some cases, cheaper) than the multiplexes. I wasalso aware that the two art-house cinemas had reputations for being somewhat ‘posh’ –one more so than the other. Was it just the case that the films on offer in those cinemasreally didn’t appeal or was it the cinemas themselves that didn’t appeal? I becameinterested in these questions at two levels. First, there was the practical question of howcinemas might increase their attendance figures from an area that currently has very lowattendance and secondly, there was the more sociological question about the relationshipbetween habitus and various forms of capital. It also became increasingly obvious that thedefinition of cultural capital in relation to policy had longer-term significance for myfindings. This paper therefore offers some answers but it also raises some questions forwhich I don’t have answers; but I believe the issues are important and their discussion maywell eventually lead to some clearer answers.Savage et al (2005) explored the relationship between habitus and capital, and space andplace in relation to working class culture. They argue that ‘Where people feel comfortable inplaces, they tend to populate such places, either through permanent residence or throughrevisiting, but where they do not, they tend to avoid them’ (p101). Bourdieu also makes asimilar point about the same relationship:At the risk of feeling themselves out of place, individuals who move into a newspace must fulfil the conditions that that space tacitly requires of its occupants.This may be the possession of a certain cultural capital, the lack of which canprevent the real appropriation of supposedly public goods or even the intentionof appropriating them. (1999: 128)There is a link between this and understandings of what ‘cultural capital’ actually means. Ina discussion of policy issues in relation to cultural capital and inequality, Bennett and Silva(2006) begin with a consideration of the competing understandings of Bourdieu’s concept ofcultural capital and the challenges and modifications to it that have been proposed.Regardless of which definition ultimately proves most viable, they go on to argue that theway in which it is currently understood in relation to policy in the UK is somewhat removedfrom Bourdieu’s concern that cultural capital is related to social hierarchies and thePage 394

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011legitimisation of certain social practices. According to Ahearne (2004 cited in Bennett andSilva 2006: 90), increasing the diversity and level of take-up of different social practices wasmerely a form of working class racism that served to keep people in their place and did notenable them to engage with more ‘legitimate’ cultural capital. Bennett and Silva go on tomake the point that the way in which the concept of cultural capital now functions in Britishcultural policy debates is to convert questions concerning inequalities in access to culturalresources into ones concerning the social and moral integration of a range of deprived ormarginalised constituencies into ‘the mainstream’ (p94). Fangen (2010) makes a similarpoint about the move to a moral and normative view of social exclusion which, despitehaving the best of intentions, may serve to keep people in their place, and suggests thatmore nuanced understandings of the term actually provide a more complex but moresatisfying analysis.One of the key issues in relation to cultural capital is that it is primarily about relations ofpower and how it can be converted into other forms of capital, depending upon thedifferent fields an individual may operate within and, therefore, the relative value of anykind of capital in any given field (there is a separate argument that can be made here whichrelates to Bourdieu’s concept of illusio i.e. the ‘game’ played in each field only succeedswhen people accept the doxic nature of actually playing the game, Bourdieu & Wacquant,1992: 97ff; this can be seen to tie into the more celebratory aspect of the debates aroundcultural omnivores which, it seems to me, ignores the still classed realities of social andcultural life and the potential limitations that are imposed on individuals with limitedcultural capital – something I am very aware of as a lecturer in a widening-access university).To ignore that dimension is to dilute the concept. In a report for the National CulturalPlanning Steering Group (the administrative arm of the National Cultural Planning Forum,Scotland) in 2004, the concept of cultural capital is used as an adjunct to social capital andsocial regeneration. There is much emphasis on the role of culture in developing ‘ manyaspects of community engagement, empowerment and leadership’ (Ghilardi, 2004: 5). Shegoes on to make the point that:There is a strong and growing evidence base of the links between culturalparticipation, including sports, and social capital (bonds and networks of trustand reciprocity) in communities. In particular, connections have beenestablished between a range of forms of cultural participation and access tocultural capital in: civic participation and volunteering rates; improved literacy, writing, numeracy skills increased skills in the key competencies of problem solving, planning andorganising, communication, and working with others; and sustainable and innovative economic development (Ghilardi, 2004: 6)Page 395

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011There is much emphasis on the role of culture in developing social inclusion withincommunities or ‘natural regions’, which would appear to have resonances with Bourdieu’sunderstanding of the power that accrues with increased capital in any field. However, theradical challenges that Bourdieu argues for end up being somewhat diluted when itbecomes clear that cultural capital is related to cultural planning which is defined thus:Thus Cultural Planning is not the planning of culture (although culturalprovision stocktaking may be part of it) but a process that finds therelationships between people and the way they live (culture) and uses thatknowledge to inform the development of a community. In this way, culture isinextricably linked to community assessment and development (Ghilardi, 2004:22).It seems to me that this not only relates to the point made by Ahearne earlier, but alsobecause of the emphasis on developing a particular community’s identity (notwithstandingany diversity therein) a risk is run that whilst individuals may well benefit from these kindsof interventions, it does not necessarily equip people to feel at home in other areas – whichbrings us back to the point made above by Fangen (2010). This is borne out by the followingsection:The Cultural Planning approach supported here rests on the importance (anduniqueness) of the local. This extends beyond thinking about distinctive localassets, and moves to an understanding of the importance of local environmentsto local communities, (and local economies), as well as the idea of culture’simportance to place making (Ghilardi, 2004: 21)In 2009, an evaluation of Cultural Planning was published and the emphasis on locality isclearly evident. Whilst expanding individuals’ horizons in a variety of ways is intrinsic to themodel, and I do not want to be overly critical of what are genuine attempts to engage moredeprived communities in activities that have the potential to be individually andcommunally beneficial, what is less clear is how Cultural Planning (and its dilution of thesignificance of cultural capital) addresses the point made by Bourdieu (1999) and Savage etal (2005) about enabling people to feel comfortable in places they don’t ‘naturally’ feelcomfortable: the point that is at the heart of Bourdieu’s concerns about the impact of theclassificatory schemes that are within the embodied habitus.2Roberts (2004: 58) has also made the point that the inclusion agenda is intended to addressthe failure of excluded groups to respond to opportunities for betterment, which aresupposed to be there for the taking in education, training and the labour market; this linkcan be seen in the extracts above regarding cultural planning. He continues, somewhatpessimistically, that this way of thinking cannot be reconciled with the actual pattern ofPage 396

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011leisure inequalities and that, as in the past, these leisure initiatives will fail to haul thedisadvantaged up the socio-economic ladder. These points, discussed above, all indicate thecomplexity of trying to understand the relationship amongst different forms of capital,particularly when there are contested meanings around cultural capital.3 As Roberts argues,‘The social and cultural dimensions of stratification should never be neglected. But let noone forget that there has always been an economic base which remains as deserving as everof its privileged status in class analysis.’ (2004: 70).How then do people living in an area of Multiple Deprivation make choices about one aspectof cultural activity and do those choices contribute to exclusion, inclusion or really makelittle difference at all?MethodIn order to explore the various explanations that may arise for different levels ofengagement, (and drawing on the rationale provided by Crouch and McKenzie, 2006, forsmall, qualitative studies) semi-structured interviews were seen as the most effectivemethod of gaining that information. As mentioned earlier, I had been given access to dataon the geographical distribution of Filmhouse in Edinburgh and, because of my interest inthe impact of culture on social exclusion,4 I decided to concentrate on one of the areas withlow socio-economic capital. The chosen area, according to the Scottish Index of MultipleDeprivation (2008),5 had a working age population of 63% but an employment-deprivedpopulation of 21%. The Scottish average for working age population was 62.7% with only12% being employment-deprived. In terms of income, the chosen area had 32% of thepopulation measuring as income-deprived as against a national figure of 15%. To make amore localised comparison within the city, the area where my campus was based at thetime of this study had a working age population of 52.2%, with 6% classing as incomedeprived and 5% as employment-deprived. A report from HMIE (2010), gives more currentfigures:The Edinburgh Deprivation Index indicates that there are considerable levelsof deprivation across the learning community. The proportion of joblesspeople of working age at 20% is considerably higher than the Scottish averageof 12% and higher than the rest of Edinburgh which is 9%. The percentage ofthe population who are income deprived at 41% is considerably higher thanthe national average of 17% and that of Edinburgh which is 14%. Thepercentage of young mothers is 24.9%. This is higher than the Scottishaverage of 13.7%.As an aside, it is worth noting that ‘learning community’ equates with working agepopulation and this linkage between working and learning was something I had discoveredin a previous research project into Adult Education provision in the city of Edinburgh(Hollinshead, 2004).6Page 397

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011Having decided on which area to concentrate on, contact was made with a CommunityWorker who agreed to liaise with me in order to recruit interviewees at the local communitycentre. I was only looking for 10 interviewees because this was to be a pilot project. Myinitial plan was to conduct face-to-face interviews but, after a meeting, I was persuaded thatgroup interviews were more likely to be successful and I was happy to be guided thus. Aseparate paper could be written on the pitfalls of trying to do research via gatekeepers.Suffice to say, it did not go as smoothly as hoped and the optimistic assertion that 5 groupsof about 5 people could be recruited easily turned out to be very far from the reality. Threegroups were eventually recruited comprising a total of 16 interviewees (which was at least 6more than I had hoped to interview individually). Selection criteria were kept simple –prospective participants needed to watch film, either in the cinema or at home, thoughpreferably both. After a discussion based around the key themes, brochures from Filmhouseand Cameo (the two independent/art-house cinemas in Edinburgh) were shown to groupmembers in order to explore further their perceptions of what was on offer in thosecinemas.In each group, all members knew each other to a greater or lesser degree. One groupcomprised all women and they were also part of a separate group that met on a regularbasis for various activities. Despite the presence of ethnic minorities at the communitycentre, all the interviewees were white Scottish/English. One interviewee had a degree anda couple had job-specific qualifications over and above some form of school leavingcertificate. The highest level of education for six of the interviewees was Standard Grade(GCSE in England, usually attained between 15 and 16 years of age) and it appeared thatthree of those didn’t actually have any qualifications at all because the part of thedemographic form where that information was to be recorded was left blank. In terms ofcinema attendance, frequency ranged from ‘once in a blue moon’, ‘once every couple ofmonths’ to ‘every weekend’.7 Viewing films at home, no matter the format, was at least aweekly occurrence for all interviewees.All interviews took place in rooms in the Community Centre and were tape recorded, withadditional notes being jotted down immediately after the interviews. They were thenprofessionally transcribed. Following transcription, names of interviewees wereanonymised, though it is interesting to note that when reassured that this would take place,a number of the interviewees expressed a wish to have their own names retained.8Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data based around the key themes of theinterview schedule. These themes were:1. Biographies of Taste, which covered their favourite films either by film name or genre.2. Biographies of experience, which covered what they had seen, where they had seen itand why.Page 398

Volume 8, Issue 2November 20113. Constraints, which covered cost, other people e.g. children or partners, transport,awareness of different films, and any other issues that were seen as constraints.4. Perceptions of otherness/sameness, which covered the ambience of cinemas, othermembers of the audience, reputation of the cinema, films that fitted with their selfperception and awareness of discounts etc.5. Frequency of attendance, which was designed to separate out home viewing fromcinema viewing.6. Ideal experience, which explored what made going to the cinema worthwhile. 9The themes were linked to the aims of the project, which was to understand why peoplechoose not to consume ‘cultural’ cinema and/or not to attend ‘cultural’ cinemas and therelationship to cultural capital, and to explore those choices in relation to socialinclusion/exclusion. Rather than addressing each theme separately, some have beenmerged to reduce potential repetition; frequency of attendance has been mentioned brieflyin the footnotes.FindingsBiographies of Taste Favourite film/genre was an important opening question because theanswers would tell me if I had fallen into stereotypical assumptions about the interviewees’tastes and would therefore have to modify subsequent questions. Interviewees were askedabout the best film they had seen recently and what made it so. This grounded the researchin the actual consumption practices of interviewees, rather than a broader question of taste(Chan & Goldthorpe 2005: 210) [See Appendix for a list of films]. The majority ofinterviewees either had children or grandchildren and this seemed to have a significantimpact upon the films that had been seen recently. Nevertheless, a number of theinterviewees also identified ‘children’s films’ as being amongst their favourites.In terms of genre, there was no consensus but all of the films that were first mentionedwere Hollywood blockbusters that had received a great deal of marketing. Furtherdiscussion in relation to films that had been enjoyed led to the inclusion of four foreignlanguage films. One interviewee talked about a Spanish film, The Orphanage, that he hadon DVD, which he’d been told was very good:Doug: No there’s one The Orphanage where the wee boy goes round with atattie *potato sack on his head killing people, but that’s the Spanish Mike: No I’ve not seen that.Doug: I’ve got that on DVD INT:I’ve seen it, yeah.Doug: But I’ve not watched it because it’s in Spanish and I couldn’t bebothered reading![Interview Group 1]Page 399

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011When I checked the demographic data after the interview, it transpired that Doug had noschool leaving qualifications and, based on other comments in the interview, I suspectedthat literacy might have been the reason. As for the other films mentioned, they were onlywatched because of word-of-mouth recommendation. There was a near-universal view thatwatching subtitled films was hard work and, for that work to be rewarded, the film had tobe exceptionally good; hence the reliance on word-of-mouth recommendation. I return tothis point in the section on Constraints. The only gendered finding in this section was that allof the men disliked what they described as ‘chick flicks’:Doug: I hate chick flicks, they’re all the same!INT:I think you’re probably not the target audience *laugh !Doug: I do, I go and see these kind of films and they’re all the same guymeets girl, they fall in love Mike: Fall in love.Doug: Split up d’you know what I mean, it’s INT:But why do you go and see them if you don’t like them?Doug: Because I get made to! [Laughter][Interview Group 1]Whilst foreign language films don’t necessarily signify high cultural capital because they areheterogeneous, it was very clear that Hollywood blockbusters in English with well-knownactors were the overall favourites, with children’s/family films very high on the list thuslending some support to the idea of choices that are made within a popular cultureframework.Biographies of experience. This theme explored the broad range of filmic experience. Apartfrom a handful of older women, 3D films were very popular and this was related to thefamily outing dimension. However, it was also closely related to the amount of marketing ithad received and therefore the amount of pressure that parents and grandparents weresubjected to. Parents and grandparents frequently referred to their grand/children askinginsistently to go and see the latest blockbuster film. Chan and Goldthorpe (2005) found thathaving a family that includes children below the age of 5 has a significant negative effect onthe chances of someone being an omnivore. In my study, that age limit seemed to extend tothe top end of primary school at least.There was nothing particularly significant in relation to genre but an interesting point toemerge was the desire for what could be termed a traditional narrative structure, regardlessof genre and a preference for films that were realistic or believable at some level: a pointidentified in Bourdieu’s Distinction (1984: 27). The women-only group had no liking forPage 400

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011violence unless it was justified, supporting work on television viewing by Schlesinger et al[1992].10For the majority of interviewees, family consideration was a key reason for viewing choices.This was closely related to the amount of marketing (or word-of-mouth) that a film hadreceived, and this referred to home as well as cinema viewing.11 In terms of trailers, this ledto frequent disappointment but despite this, alternative forms of information were rarelysought out. Only one respondent mentioned getting information about films from eithernewspapers or television programmes. This woman was also a member of two local filmclubs:Cathy: and there was Yes Men and there was another one, I’ve forgotten, butboth, and I would never have gone to watch them, but the Reel Club you go inthe evening and it’s free. And I always go and I see something very, verydifferent, it doesn’t matter what it is, and it’s of this moment.[Interview Group 2]Involvement in these two clubs appeared to have had a significant impact upon the diversityof her viewing habits and she is the only interviewee who could be described as having agreater amount of cultural capital in terms of her regular viewing habits.12Word-of-mouth was extremely important when engaging with films outside their normalchoices. Stu is referring to a film recommended by his older sister, which he watched onFilm4:Yes I can think of a film that got recommended to me off my older sis, youknow, it was a Brazilian movie called The City of Boys We wouldn’t havewatched that film in the past because it was Brazilian, nothing to do with itactually being Brazilian, but it had subtitles and stuff, and so I’m kind of a lazygoer, you know, if I go to a movie I like to listen to it as opposed to having toread the lines from the bottom of the screen and stuff. So I was really grippedwith that film, and so it’s a film I actually watched and read as a movie and wekind of probably wouldn’t normally watch it.[Interview Group 2]However, for the majority of interviewees, family recommendations were based on whatwas known of their existing taste, as in this quote from Frankie:Usually if my daughter’s watched a film and she’s bought a DVD or if she’s got aloan of one, she’ll phone me and say ‘mum, this is the kind of film you wouldPage 401

Volume 8, Issue 2November 2011like’ and if I can sit in my house and it’s quiet I can watch it and relax. As I say, Ican’t sit in a cinema now because the noise just goes for me.[Interview Group 3]Cinema as a social event was the overarching experience for the interviewees, with only oneinterviewee saying they would go on their own and as a result they had to put up with someteasing from the rest of the group. Solitary viewing at home was seen very differently.However, the wider sociability of cinema viewing that is discussed by Evans (2011 on-line)and Aveyard (2011 on-line) in this journal was notable by its absence. On the surface,sociability only related to the people they went with but, as one of Aveyard’s intervieweespoints out, attending a cinema in a rural part of Australia was a very different experiencefrom her cinema attendance in the city of Melbourne, and of course my interviewees arecity dwellers. The discussion below about perceptions of otherness/sameness relates to thispoint.Home and two relatively local cinemas were the most common viewing venues. The mostlocal cinema [Cinema A13] was popular because it did not involve transport costs but it wasless popular due to staffing issues. The next closest multiplex [Cineworld] was most popularbecause of the availability of free parking plus the size of seats and screens. This cinema alsohad the advantage of having places to eat close by. Barely any of the respondents had beeninside or to watch films in either of the art-house cinemas [Filmhouse and Cameo] and wereunaware that they both had café-bars. For a number of respondents, this was because theydidn’t know where they were in the city and they made assumptions about cost andclientele (which will be addressed later). Unless people felt that it was a film that had to beseen in the cinema they were much more likely to watch at home on DVD, throughsubscription channels or via the Internet. There was a hint that illegal downloads wereindulged in but this was not pursued, deliberately.Perception of otherness/sameness. Due to the similarity of the cinemas they attended,there was little expression of liking or disliking the ambience of the cinemas. However, therewas a universal dislike of the layout of multiplexes (the path that led from tickets to screengoing past displays of sweets, snacks and drinks), with one group clearly articulating thatthis was a deliberate ploy to get them to spend money.14 Also, there was an intense feelingof irritation when multiplex staff made them relinquish the foodstuffs they had purchasedelsewhere. Cannier interviewees had learned to hide these things more carefully but I wouldargue that there is a relationship here to bodily hexis, which Bourdieu describes thus: ‘ abasic dimension of the sense of social orientation, [it] is a practical way of experiencing andexpressing one’s own sense of social value’ (1984: 468). Th

Dr Ailsa Hollinshead Edinburgh Napier University, UK Abstract This paper is based on a small, qualitative research project in Scotland that explored why some film viewers chose not to watch Zart-house films or attend Zart-house cinemas (alternatively known as cultural c

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