CHRISTIANITY AND THE ENVIRONMENT: THE LYNN WHITE

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CHRISTIANITY AND THE ENVIRONMENT: THELYNN WHITE CONTROVERSYEmily Warde“And God blessed them, and God said unto them, Be fruitftd andmultiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it: and have dominionover the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over everyliving thing that moveth upon the earth.” (Genesis 1:28)N 1966 the historian Lynn White, Jr. delivered an address to theAmerican Association for the Advancement of Science in which hebluntly asserted that Christianity “bears a huge burden of guilt for thedevastation of nature in which the West has been engaged forcenturies.” The address was published as an article in the journalScience in 1967. White’s work was controversial in academic andtheological circles, and its impact even extended into popular culture.His ideas inspired a vibrant and long-lasting debate, and manyscholars subsequently weighed in some supporting, some revising,and others rejecting the White thesis. Although White first introduced his thesis in 1966, the debate surrounding his ideas becamemost notable in the early 19705, spurred on by the prominence of theenvironmental question in this era. Scholars faced with a surge inconcern for the environment in society at large, in their search for theintellectual roots of the crisis, necessarily encountered the Whitethesis. Although interest in the White argument extended into the198os and in fact continues in the present, I am concerned here withthis earlier era, especially as exemplified by the publication of Ecologyand Religion in History in 1974, a book devoted entirely to a scholarlyresponse to White. The editors of this volume, David and EileenSpring, argued that by 1974, “to discuss religion and ecology in historyI—Ernest L. Fortin, “The Bible Made Me Do It: Christianity, Science, and the Environment,” The Review of Politics 57, no. 2 (1995): 207.

Emily Warde46is largely to discuss the Lynn White thesis.”2 They held that as a resultof the White article, “there has been a candid rethinking of Christiandoctrine.”3White himself was a devout Christian, and he intended his articlenot as a general attack on Christianity, but as a criticism of a particular strain of Christian thought which he saw as the source of westernenvironmental degradation. However, Christian theologians saw theWhite thesis as a powerful critique of modern Christianity, and manyfelt compelled to respond. Historians, biblical scholars, and evenecologists participated in the debate. This essay will examine LynnWhite’s thesis and the intellectual debate it engendered. It will alsolook at the cultural context in which White’s ideas were generated andreceived. This essay makes a unique contribution in that it will locatethis relatively recent scholarly controversy within its historicalframework. I argue that White’s ideas were formidable and attractivein scholarly circles due to the cultural context in which they appearedthe beginning of the second wave of American environmentalism.The responses I will examine include several journal articles as well asthe 1974 book Ecology and Religion in History, a compilation of essaysby several scholars. These essays, which I will analyze in depth,include “Creation and Environment” by John MacQuarrie, professorof divinity, “Man and Nature: The Ecological Controversy and the OldTestament” by the biblical scholar James Barr, “The Cultural Basis forour Environmental Crisis” by professor Lewis Moncrief, “FranciscanConservation versus Benedictine Stewardship” by the ecologist ReneDubos, and “The Religious Background to the Present EnvironmentalCrisis” by the historian Arnold Toynbee.—Lynn White and “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis”In his controversial 1967 article, “The Historical Roots of ourEcologic Crisis,” Lynn White asserted that the marriage of scientificknowledge to technical mastery over nature characteristic of themodern West had created a disturbing environmental crisis. Hesought to understand this crisis by investigating the fundamentalbeliefs and assumptions which had allowed or encouraged its development. He focused on the impact of the Christian worldview. Whiteasserted that Christianity’s ideological victory over paganism changedaEileen and David Spring, Ecology ond Religion in History (New York: Harper and Row,3.Ibid.,1974),.Ex POST FACTO

47man’s relationship with nature. Whereas under animistic paganismman was part of nature, Christianity saw man as transcendent.Genesis could be interpreted as giving man dominion over all animalsand nature. This established a dualism between man and naturewhich had not before existed, and by desacralizing nature made itsdestruction ideologically justifiable. White wrote, “by destroyingpagan animism, Christianity made it possible to exploit nature in amood of indifference to the feelings of natural objects.”4Since White was a medieval historian, it is not surprising that healso looked for the origins of Western attitudes towards the environment in his era of focus. He argued that the technological revolutionsof the Middle Ages, when combined with the intellectual changesengendered by Christianity, began an unprecedented destructiverelationship to nature. White asserted that:.Since both our technological and our scientific movements gottheir start, acquired their character, and achieved world dominancein the Middle Ages, it would seem that we cannot understand theirnature or their present impact upon ecology without examining fundamental medieval assumptions and developments.5He pointed to the introduction of a new type of plow to northwestern Europe around CE 6oo. This new plow, in contrast to theshallow scratch plow native to the Mediterranean area, cut very deep,overturned the soil, and “attacked the land with. violence.”6 Whitewrote that as a result of this plow, “distribution of land was based nolonger on the needs of a family, but, rather, on the capacity of a powermachine to till the earth. Man’s relation to the soil was profoundlychanged.”7 He became less a part of nature and more an exploiter of it.This development was intellectually buttressed by an interpretation ofChristianity which granted man “dominion” over nature and supported new technologies of this type.White applied his knowledge of medieval technology to attemptto explain how and why technology in the present day had come tothreaten man’s very existence. He concluded, “our science andtechnology have grown out of Christian attitudes towards man’srelation to nature which are almost universally held.”8 The West’s.Ibid., 408.Lynn White, Jr., “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis,” Science155, flO.3767VOLUME XX 2011(1967): 21.6lbid., 406.Ibid., 406.8lbid.,4io.

48Emily WardeChristian heritage, White argued, meant that these attitudes have hada profound influence up to the modern day, even among nonChristians.Despite White’s negative evaluation of the entrenched Christianroots of the ecological crisis, he still proposed a possible solution inline with his own professed Christian faith. White doubted that thecrisis could be solved with the application of more science andtechnology. Instead, he advocated a radical rethinking of Christianityalong the lines of Saint Francis. According to White, Saint Francis,who lived around 1200, was a Christian “radical who “tried to deposemen from his monarchy over creation and set up a democracy of allGod’s creatures.”9 White characterized Saint Francis’ beliefs as “aunique sort of pan-psychism of all things animate and inanimate,designed for the glorification of their transcendent creator.” Man,Saint Francis believed, had to approach creation with humility.Although Saint Francis was a Christian, White believed he had thereverence for nature that the pagan pantheists once had, and that thewidespread adoption of Franciscan beliefs would prevent furtherabuse of nature. As such, White wrote, “I propose Francis as a patronsaint of ecologists.”White’s article showed a great faith in ideology to shape humanaction in the world, a faith which would later be disputed by laterscholars responding to White. His argument rested on the fundamental premise that “what people do about their ecology depends on whatpeople think about themselves in relation to things around them.Human ecology is deeply conditioned by beliefs about our nature anddestinyo—that is, by religion.”2The Cultural Background to the Intellectual DisputeIn many ways White was an original contributor to the thought ofthe modern environmental movement. He both responded to theculture in which he lived and influenced the developing environmentalism of the late 196os and 197oS. The era after World War II saw theexpansion of a truly mass consumer society and the development ofan extensive automobile culture in the United States. The culturereflected man’s unprecedented dominance over nature. However, the9lbid., 411.Ibid., 411.“Ibid., 412.Ibid., 416.Ex POST FACTO

49immediate post-war era saw little public concern for the environment.According to the scholar Robert Gottlieb, this changed in 1962 withthe publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, which many positionas the precipitating event of the modern environmental movement.Silent Spring analyzed the negative effects of pesticides, especiallyDDT, on the environment. It also implicated the modern chemicalindustry, and modern industrial society more generally, in thecreation of a profound environmental crisis. By the mid to late 196os,a “new environmentalism” began to take shape around some ofCarson’s seminal ideas. In contrast to the first wave of Americanenvironmentalism that developed in the late nineteenth century andwhich emphasized the protection of wilderness areas, this newenvironmentalism confronted “advanced industrial society.”3 The newenvironmentalism emphasized “issues of production, consumption,and urban growth.”4 Traditional environmental organizations like theSierra Club at first largely rejected this new, different strain.’5White’s ideas, formulated by 1966, can be seen as an early contribution to the developing modern environmentalism. White sharedthe conviction of the new environmentalists that “the question ofnature could no longer be separated from the question of societyitself. Wilderness preservation did not concern White as it did thefirst wave of American environmentalists, rather he was taken withsociety and the ideological assumptions about man’s relationship tothe environment that underlay this society. White and the developingnew environmentalism shared a concern with “runaway technology.”New environmentalism developed “an awareness of the dangers of afull array of human technologies to human health and safety.”7 Somescholars have traced this concern with the abuses of technology to thedevelopment of the atomic bomb, the ultimate demonstration oftechnology’s destructive potential, and the anxieties surroundingnuclear proliferation in the Cold War era. Eventually, the popularsuccess of the first Earth Day and the extensive media coverage thatsurrounded it showed the extent to which environmental concern hadbeen incorporated into popular culture and the popular consciousnessby 1970. Robert Gottlieb, forcing the Spring: The Transformation ofthe American EnvironmentalMovement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 96.‘Ibid., 96. Kirlcpatrick Sale, The Green Revolution: TheAmerican Environmental Movement, 19621992 (New York: farrar, Strauss, and Giroux, 1993), ii.6Gottlieb, 105. Sale, 19.VOLUME XX2011

Emily Warde50New environmentalism and White’s ideas became connected withthe New Left political movement. According to the ecologist ReneDubos, White’s lecture “has been reproduced in extenso, not only inlearned and popular magazines but also in The Oracle, the. journalof the hippie culture in San Francisco.”8 The New Left that developedin the late 196os accepted ‘White’s critique that Christian ideologyunderlay the development of the voraciously exploitative technologycharacteristic of the modern age. While White believed that a rethinking of its theology could redeem Christianity, young radicals of theNew Left emphasized an anti-Christian interpretation of White.White’s criticism of a certain type of Christian thought appealed to aNew Left which had begun to question the Judeo-Christian worldviewmore generally.The Intellectual Background to White—.Max WeberIn addition to appearing within a particular social and culturalenvironment, White’s ideas grew out of and were received into a specificintellectual environment as well, for instance, Lynn White was greatlyindebted to the late nineteenth century sociologist Max Weber. Two ofWeber’s most famous sociological theories his “Protestant woric ethic”and his “disenchantment of the world” arguments were both present inmodified form in the White article. While Lynn White’s argumentsfocused on the impact of Judeo-Christian thought in general, Weber’stheories focused on the specific impact of Protestantism. Max Weberargued that the rise of Protestantism and its emphasis on a godly butsecular vocation in this world, as opposed to the medieval focus on thenext, created a culture in which hard work was construed as a sign ofGod’s favor. This religious emphasis on secular hard work andproductivity, Weber argued, led to the development of capitalism, whichin fact first arose in the Protestant countries of northern Europe. Whitemade a similar argument, although with slightly different premises andimplications. He argued that it was man’s fundamental Judeo-Christianattitudes towards nature, even under Catholicism, that ultimately led tothe development of capitalism, not only the idea of the Protestantvocation, White argued that capitalism and the environmentaldegradation it wrought first arose in northern Europe not because ofProtestantism but because that is where Christian man’s attitudestowards nature became most exploitative as a result of the introduction——Rene Dubos, “Franciscan Conservation versus Benedictine Stewardship,” in Ecologyand Religion in History, ed. David and Eileen Spring (New York; Harper and Row, 1974), ii8.‘Ex POST FACTO

51of the deep-cutting plow. His emphasis on the role of technology as wellas ideology in the formation of modern attitudes was characteristic of histime, an era which saw increased critique of human technology.Another of Max Weber’s influential theories which formed part ofWhite’s intellectual inheritance was his concept of “the disenchantmentof nature.” Weber argued that the animistic and magical thinking aboutnature which was characteristic of paganism had remained alive in the“superstitions” and ritual practices of Catholicism. However, he assertedthat the Protestant Reformation profoundly changed this way of thought,and with its emphasis on the eradication of “superstition” “disenchanted”the world and the magical, mystical thinking that had once markedpeople’s attitudes towards nature. White echoed this argument but alsorevised it. He argued that it was Christianity’s original “victory overPaganism” in its Catholic form which “disenchanted” man’s attitudes, notits Protestant form, as Weber argued. Weber’s scholarship emphasizedthe transformation Protestantism had on the western European psyche,while White emphasized the impact of the Judeo-Christian legacy ingeneral. However, despite his greater emphasis on ideologicaljustifications, one could argue that like Weber, the essence of White’sargument resembled Weber’s: he claimed not that Christianity createdthe ecological crisis, but that Christianity led to the creation oftechnology and capitalism which exploited the environment.The Contemporary Intellectual SituationIn addition to drawing on the long legacy of Max Weber, several ofthe authors who responded to White explicitly situated their work in amore contemporary intellectual context and culture, in which White’sideas played an important role by the 197os. In his 1974 article“Franciscan Conservation Versus Benedictine Stewardship,” the ecologistRene Dubos acknowledged the importance of the White thesis in thescholarly culture of the time. He wrote, “whether valid or not, White’sthesis demands attention because it has become a matter of faith formany conservationists, ecologists, economists, and even theologians.”John MacQuarrie, a professor of divinity, in his 1974 article “Creation andEnvironment,” situated his response within this contemporarytheological situation. He wrote, “it has been fashionable in recent yearsamong some theologians to make much of the claim that Westernscience and technology owe their origins to biblical influences.” His useof the term “fashionable” to describe the reception of White’s thesis evenamong theologians reflected the extent to which it had resonated withinVOLUME XX 2011

Emily Warde52the contemporary imagination, but also his annoyance at the simpleacceptance and inadequate examination of the argument. By 1974,scholars like MacQuarrie and Dubos were ready to question the Whitethesis.In his article “Men and Nature: The Ecological Controversy and theOld Testament,” the biblical scholar James Barr explained how thinkingabout man and nature had evolved up to the present. He wrote thatscholars in the years immediately prior to White had seen theconnection between technology and Christianity (as first proposed byWeber) as something to be proud of. This proposed connection, Barrwrote, was “understood to redound to the credit of the Bible,” and “togain for biblical religion some reflection of the prestige attaching toscience” in America before the second wave of Americanenvironmentalism in the 1960s and before the impact of the Whitethesis. However, from the perspective of 1974, Barr realized that “in thepast few years. this rather sunny and positive account of the relationbetween science and biblical faith has begun to be countered by a darkerand more negative one.” He argued that White’s thesis was so intriguingand created such an intellectual sea change because it turned theprevious scholarly consensus on its head. White appropriated the sameargument which had given positive value to the relationship betweenman, nature, and technology, but discerned the more negative,exploitative aspects of this relationship.Barr also perceived a charged, unobjective political atmosphereswirling around a debate which he thought should have been an issue for“impartial” academics. This atmosphere was largely a result of White’simplication of Christianity in modern environmental disasters. Barr feltcompelled to respond to the charged intellectual situation by assertingthat he made his argument on a politically impartial, intellectual plane.He wrote that “my original interest in this subject was not kindled by thepresent ecological discussion, but rather by my own doubts about thetheological argument which linked the Bible to the rise of modernscience.” However, despite such claims, neither Barr nor any of the otherscholars I examined took such an approach. Each article, Barr’s included,connected the intellectual issues they were exploring to thecontemporary ecological situation, and like White, proposed solutions tothe crisis. In the intellectual and cultural environment of the early 197os,this could not be a neutral, academic debate.Ex POST FACTO

53Responses to the White ThesisIn their article from 1989, “Varieties of Religious Involvement andEnvironmental Concerns: Testing the Lynn White Thesis,” DouglasEckberg and Jean Blocker observe that:Responses to White’s argument have ranged widely, from agreementsthat it indeed explained a particularly Western exploitativeness, toarguments that the account in Genesisi meant something differentfrom White’s interpretation and/or that later chapters in Genesisoffered a “stewardship” interpretation towards nature, to questioningthe relationship between theology and culture, to arguments thatculture does not operate in the straightforward manner that Whiteproposed, to firm denials that the West is especially exploitative of theenvironment.Among the responses which I investigated, some, especially those oftheologians, sensed an attack on Christianity in White’s argument, andrejected it outright. Others added nuance to White’s thesis someaccepted his conclusions but arrived at them with a different argumentand using different evidence. Still others analyzed the argument andagreed with White.—ObjectionsThe White thesis inevitably had its detractors. Biblical scholarsquestioned White’s interpretation of the Bible. Ecologists argued thatman’s exploitation of nature was not particular to the Christian world.Historians asked: if the Judeo-Christian attitude towards nature was soinfluential, why did Judaism or Eastern Orthodox Christianity not showthe destructive tendencies of the West? Some asserted that modernsecular attitudes, not ancient Christian ones, had caused theenvironmental crisis. Still others questioned White’s basic assumption ofideology as the key factor in man’s interaction with his environment. Allthese objections will be explored below.The biblical scholars John MacQuarrie and James Barr both objectedto White’s interpretation of the Bible. MacQuarrie conceded that thereadings of Genesis which White cited as evidence for his argument didportray an anthropocentric universe with a transcendent God essentiallyseparate from the natural world. However, he argued that White hadneglected those portions of the Bible that contradicted this view.MacQuarrie especially pointed to the covenant God made with Noahafter the flood. In Genesis 9, God speaks to Noah and says, “Behold, IVOLUME XX2011

54Emily Wardeestablish my covenant with you and your descendants after you, andwith every living creature that is with you, the birds, the cattle, and everybeast of the earth with you, as many as came out of the ark” (Genesis 9:9io, Revised Standard Version). MacQuarrie argued that this was acovenant to protect both men and all animals of the earth, and was notput in terms of man’s “dominion” or superiority, thus counteracting thedeclarations of Genesis i and 2. He also cited the celebration of natureand the idea of God reflected in nature which was present in the Psalmsas evidence of alternative attitudes within the Bible.James Barr asserted that White had misinterpreted Genesis i and 2,and argued that contrary to White’s reading, close analysis of the originallanguage of these passages showed they contained no justification forviolent exploitation of the earth. However, despite his opinion as abiblical scholar, Barr acknowledged that the actual content of thecreation stories of Genesis as he saw them was less important than theirpopular interpretation. Concerning Genesis 1, Barr wrote, “even if theoriginal sense as I suggest laid little stress on exploitation, nevertheless,the general effect of the passage in the history of ideas has been onewhich encouraged ideas of human force and exploitation.”Scientists often rejected White’s emphasis on the uniqueness ofWestern Christian exploitative attitudes towards the environment. Davidand Eileen Spring wrote that “the view of many natural scientists hasbeen the constancy with which man has scarred his environment,”denying the West as an exceptional case. In his article FranciscanConservation versus Benedictine Stewardship,” the ecologist Rene Dubosargued that White’s thesis was “a historical half-truth.” He agreed thatthe Christian West had an exploitative relationship with theenvironment, but explained that this relationship was hardly unique tothe Judeo-Christian tradition. Dubos had studied ancient civilizationsthroughout the world, including those that had caused the extinction ofnumerous large prehistoric mammals. He argued that it was not theJudeo-Christian mindset which was particularly destructive, but that “ifmen are more destructive now than they were in the past, it is becausethere are more of them and because they have at their command morepowerfiil means of destruction, not because they have been influencedby the Bible.” In his article “The Cultural Basis for Our EnvironmentalCrisis,” Lewis Moncrief argued that men everywhere had exploitativetendencies towards the environment and that no matter what ideologicalsystem they were operating under, “no culture has been able tocompletely screen out the egocentric tendencies of human beings” whichled to environmental exploitation.Another argument against White was the objection that Judaism andEastern Orthodox Christianity did not develop the same relationship to“Ex POST FACTO

55nature characteristic of the West despite sharing the same Genesiscreation stories. John MacQuarrie, mirroring the Weber thesis,concluded that it must have been the Protestantism of western Europeand not Catholic Christianity or the Judeo-Christian woridview ingeneral which warped man’s relationship to nature. He argued that thegreater influence of Greek philosophy within the Eastern Church, with itsidea that the world was part of God, and “emanated” from Him, created“closer bonds between God and nature.” In contrast, the western,Protestant view of the world as mere “creation,” not intimatelyconnected to God, according to MacQuarrie, led to the “utterdevaluation and profanation of the physical world.” James Barr alsoasked, “if modern science has its basis in the biblical worldview, whythen did it not take its rise until many centuries after the biblicalheritage in Christianity had become culturally dominant in the world?”White would have countered by pointing out that he argued thatenvironmental exploitation was greatly facilitated by the Christianworldview, but that its effects only became obvious after science andreligion became linked in the technological developments of the MiddleAges particular to northwestern Europe. To White, the absence of thesesame environmental conditions among Jews and Eastern Christianswould explain their different treatment of, if not attitudes towards, theenvironment.Lewis Moncrief and James Barr proposed that because the ecologicalcrisis was a problem of the modern era, it followed that it more directlystemmed from modern, secularizing conditions. Moncrief theorized thatthe forces of modern America were the key factors in the crisisdemocracy, technology, urbanization, capitalism, and apathy towardsnature. He admitted that “the Judeo-Christian tradition has probablyinfluenced the character of each of these forces. However, to isolatereligious tradition.is a bold affirmation for which there is little historicalor scientific support.” The unleashing of these secularized forces inmodernity was more influential than Christian ideology. James Barrinterpreted the Bible as a limiting factor on man’s destructive tendenciesin the natural world and argued that secularization may have been amore important influence. He wrote that the ecological crisis identifiedin the 19605 and 19708 was a result of secular “liberal humanism in whichman no longer conceives of himself as being under a creator” so that “hisright to dispose of nature for his own ends is, unlike the situation in theBible, unlimited.”Lastly, some scholars disputed the idea which underlay White’sarticle that “what people do about their ecology depends upon whatpeople think about themselves. i.e. by religion.” The extent to whichideology influences action is a perennial problem in interpreting the—.VOLUME XX 2011

56Emily Wardepast. Both Lewis Moncrief and James Barr asserted that White may haveoverestimated the effect of Christian ideology on man’s treatment ofnature. Moncrief framed the origins of the environmental crisis more interms of actual historical experience than the proposed influence ofideology. He argued that the concrete historical developments ofdemocracy, the industrial revolution, and accompanying scientificadvances created environmentally destructive conditions independent ofthe influence of ideology. Moncrief also proposed that the Americanfrontier experience encouraged exploitation of the land, and thus madeAmericans particularly rapacious. He took the Marxist-influencedposition that at base, man’s treatment of nature was determined byeconomic factors. Christian ideologies may have existed and may havebeen used to justify certain actions, but ideology was never the realmotivation. It was rather a false screen attempting to conceal theeconomic motivations which are the true movers of history. James Barrwas also generally skeptical of the profound influence White attributedto ideology. Although he never developed his arguments to the extentthat Moncrief did, he wrote, “I would be against all attempts to explain acomplicated modern process by setting against two or three remotemodels such as ‘Biblical thought’ or ‘Greek thought.” He also argued that“to support that doctrines not only influenced the rise of science but hadan extremely vital and preponderating causal relation to it, seems justenormously improbable” Barr didn’t preclude a Christian influence, butheld that White inaccurately exaggerated it since ideology could never beas influential as he supposed.SupportAcademic debate, by its very nature, emphasizes disagreements withand revisions of accepted ideas. Because White’s thesis by the early 19708had become generally accepted, the scholars I studied could notcontribute to the debate by simply agreeing with White, although manydid to some extent. Instead, their work largely offered objections andnew interpretations. However, the scholar I looked at who displayed themost unqualified support of White was the historian Arnold Toynbee inhis article “The Religious Background of the Present EnvironmentalCrisis.” Like White, Toynbee identified “runaway technology,”technology that led to “the recklessly extravagant consumption ofnature’s irreplaceable treasures, and the pollution of those of them thatman has not already devoured,” as the key element in the crisis. Toynbeeagreed with White that this rapacious

man was part ofnature, Christianity saw man as transcendent. Genesis could be interpreted as giving man dominion over all animals and nature. This established a dualism between man and nature . crisis could be solved with the application ofmore science and technology.

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