USSR-CHINA RELATIONS IN THE COLD AND POST COLD WAR ERA

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Vol 22, No. 3;Mar 2015USSR-CHINA RELATIONS IN THE COLD ANDPOST COLD WAR ERAPhD Andrej Iliev(Deputy Head of Social Science Department in Military Academy,R. Macedonia, Assistant Professor, Historian), 1000, Skopje, Tel. 00389070330534Email: andrej220578@gmail.comPhD Elena Ivanova(Ministry of Defense in R. Macedonia, Historian), Tel: 00389071603320Email: percinkova@yahoo.comPhD Drage Petreski(Head of the Logistic Department in Military Academy, R. Macedonia, Associate professor,Technical and Logistic Science), Tel: 00389070403401, Email: drage petreski@yahoo.comAbstractThis paper describes the relations between the USSR and China after the Second WorldWar up to the end of the Cold War and to the present day with special emphasis on the futureimplications for the next 5 to 10 years.In the second decade of the XXI century Russia and China are both important players in the multipolar global order. Together, they dominate the soil across Europe and Asia. Moscow and Beijingshare the same interests in the position against the dominant influence of the USA and wider in theWest. Russia is the world's largest manufacturing strength in oil and gas and China is the world'slargest importer of energy and the fastest growing economy a fact that contributes to the prospectsthat Russia and China could be levelled soon.The relations of the USA, as the only world’s superpower, depend directly from the success orfailure of these relations.The future of the Russian and China relations will be focused on energy security sector, mutualcomprehensive understanding and security cooperation and military modernization of ChineseArmy.Keywords: USSR / Russia, China, international relations, Energy, multi-polarityIntroductionThe Prestige acquired by the US and USSR during World War II is certainly undoubted,however the unexpected expansion of the Cold War in Asia after 1949 surprised both sides. WorldWar II weakened the nationalist government in China but the Chinese people had decided to givetheir trust to the communists. That would be the reason for the victory of Mao Zedong in 1949. It’snot surprising that during World War II the US was inclined to the Chinese nationalists (John,2003: 95). The Chiang Kai-Sheik was recognized internationally as the legitimate representative ofChina and even the Soviet Union had recognized its legitimacy. Relations became cold, after theUS began to think that Moscow could expand its influence over China when Mao and hisfollowers won the Chinese civil war. It should be noted that Washington encouraged thestrengthening of the relations between the USSR and China, however the evolution of the relationsbetween the two countries at that time heavily depended on the attitudes and views of JosephVissarionovich Stalin. On the other hand, this is explained by the hope of Stalin that if agreementwas reached with Chiang Kai-shek it would be possible to avoid disputable issues with the US inSoutheast Asia. However, it is unusual but actually largely, Soviet’s and USA’s post-war policytoward China was similar. USSR and the US perhaps assumed that the nationalists will regaincontrol of China; however, they didn’t anticipate that the Communists would be much better thanthe nationalists in gaining the support of the Chinese people. Therefore, President Harry Trumanafter he had started openly supporting the troops of Chiang Kai-Sheik, he ordered the American313office@multidisciplinarywulfenia.org

Vol 22, No. 3;Mar 2015delegation led by George Marshall to travel to China in order to achieve an agreement between theNationalists and the Communists (John, 2003: 95). It makes sense that these measures were aimedto reduce Soviet influence, because Washington feared that it was possible the ChineseCommunists to act on Soviet orders. Namely, the attempts by the US Marshall Plan weren’tsuccessful and the option that the USSR would have problems in controlling communism beyondits borders was expected. On the other hand, the US feared that perhaps Stalin would use Chinesecommunism for his advantage. However, it is a matter of fact that the Mao’s movement was firmlygrounded in the nationalist tradition which despised a foreign influence regardless of which sidecomes. It is indisputable that both the American and the Soviet side started to treat the Chineseissue seriously. It is curious that Mao was unwilling to accept subordination, offered to China byboth sides. However China had no other choice but to lean on one side – meaning the Soviet side.1. Historical beginning of USSR-China relationsThe proclamation of the People's Republic of China in 1949 will change the attitudesand will strengthen Mao’s power. Chinese leadership is directed towards ensuring nationalsecurity, consolidation of government and economic development. The direction of foreign policyof China has chosen in order to implement these goals and to create closer relations with theSoviet Union and other socialist countries against the US and Japan. On the other hand, the defeatsuffered by Chiang Kai-Sheik will force him to leave China and look for shelter on Formosa(Taiwan), where he was protected by the US. Soon after the founding on the People's Republic ofChina, Mao in February 1950, travelled to Moscow to negotiate this led to the Sino- Soviet Treatyof Friendship, Alliance and mutual assistance in the period of thirty years (Rajan, 2009: 4). Underthis agreement, China gave the Soviet Union some rights, such as the use of naval bases inexchange for military support, weapons and large amounts of economic and technological support,including logistical support (David, 2002: 23).1 China accepted at least initially, the Sovietleadership in the communist world and accepted the Soviet Union as a model for development.The Soviets were also interested to enhance the friendship with China, because they had acommon enemy - the US. (Huei, 2003: 81). The new Chinese government was recognized by theSoviet Union as an international entity (Mаргарита,2002:58).2 It seems that China's participationin the Korean War (1950-1953) relatively strengthened the Sino- Soviet relations to a great extent.The Sino-Soviet alliance in the Korean War somehow united Moscow and Beijing and China hadbecame more connected and dependent on foreign power than ever previously (Nele, 2014: 13).But things changed over time, especially in the second half of the 1950s, when graduallylimitations in the matters of ideology, security and economic development appeared (Yang,2013:2).3 In China there was anxiety caused by the policy by Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev andhis aspirations for de-Stalinization and peaceful coexistence with the West (Shelli, 2009:38). Thearmament race or the successful launch of the Sputnik satellite from the Earth on October 4, 1957confirmed the Mao’s conviction that the world balance was in favor of the communist world or inhis words, that the east wind was prevailing over the western (Richard, 2007: 23).1On the other side, Stalin and Mao were afraid of re-strengthening of Japan and increased US military power and believedthat they need the supervision over South Korea to secure their position in Southeast Asia (David, 2002: 23).5American policy has refused to recognize the People’s Republic of China and its place in the UN until 1970s was holdingTaiwan, because of that China would hardly breakthrough its pathway to international recognition. Taiwan was recognizedas the sole legitimate representative of the Chinese in the United Nations (Mаргарита, 2002: 58).6Relations between China and the USSR constantly changed. After the death of Stalin, and especially after the decision ofthe XX Congress with beginning of closing to the capitalist countries, the PR of China especially opposed to. There wasdisagreement on the issue of a new outbreak of world war. USSR considered the possible new world war would bedestructive for the mankind and therefore in the 60s would advocate a policy of peaceful active coexistence, whereas thePR of China, especially Mao Zedong believed that the capitalist system cannot be destroyed without war. China also didnot gain support from the Soviet Union for making an atomic bomb, then cooling of the relations was accompanied byborder conflicts etc. (Mаргарита, 2002: 61, 62).314office@multidisciplinarywulfenia.org

Vol 22, No. 3;Mar 2015In the field of science, during the 1950s there were very frequent exchanges betweenChina and Russia. Many Russian experts and consultants came to China to help do the Chineseconstruction work. At the same time the Chinese government sent young and middle agedscientists to Russia for further studies.Which can clearly be seen in the Agreement from 1957 year between China and Russiaon 122 items for engineering technology. According to the agreement Russia would help Chinawith 156 construction projects which created the need of translators. Students graduated fromHarbin and Dalian Russian Schools were welcomed everywhere, but they still couldn’t meet theneed. (Xu, 2005:1016,1017).An interesting fact is certainly the strong intention of China to escape the Soviet model ofeconomic development, so that in the period 1958 - 1961 China launched a radical politics "theGreat Leap Forward" which would result in the withdrawal of Soviet advisers from China. Policycampaigns advocated such wholesale economic changes as communal organization of rural labour,regional self-sufficiencies and dual track (small and large-scale) industrial investment andproduction (Daniel et al, 2005:2). If we analyse farther back all the events we will come to theconclusion that the main ideological, military and economic reasons for the Sino-Soviet division infact were almost similar. Chinese leadership can be observed to possess a strong desire to achievethe confidence and independence in their actions, which surpassed the benefits that Beijingreceived as a junior associate of Moscow.As early of the 1960s, the Sino -Soviet ideological dispute deepened and expanded and widened,including territorial issues, as well (Keith, 2003:2).4 The tension in Sino-Soviet relations wasstrengthened with the increase of competition between Beijing and Moscow for the influence inthe Third World and the international communist movement. China accused the Soviet Union ofcooperation with imperialism, for example because of the signing of the Treaty banning nuclearweapons with the USA in 1963 (Michael, 2010: 8). This is a period when the Communist Party ofChina would end the relationship with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and it wouldn’tbe restored up to the end of the Cold war.Severe consequences for the Sino- Soviet relations will also occur during the GreatProletarian Cultural Revolution (Dzorde, 1977:12, 13).5The culmination of the Sino- Soviet dispute would be achieved in 1969, when seriousarmed clashes broke out on the island Zhenbao (or Damanskiy) on the north-eastern border, nearthe Chinese coast of Ussuri (Rajan, 2009: 6) . Both sides would be drawn from the brink of war,however the tension would calm down later in 1969 when Chinese Prime Minister Chou En-laiwould meet with the Soviet Prime Minister Alexei Kosygin (Alexander, 2013:5).In the 70s, Beijing took on a more moderate direction and began to renew the friendshipwith Washington as a counterweight to the perceived threat from Moscow and as early in 1969,the link China - Russia was almost completely broken at the key year of "Cultural Revolution”(Dmitri, 2007:76, 77). The Sino-Soviet border talks moved alternately. By the time of Mao's deathon September 9, 1976, political Sino-Soviet relations had fallen out completely and weren’trestored until the mid-1980s, when Moscow would start sending conciliatory messages (Hannah,2013: 19). All of this would result in no substantial progress at that time. Officially, the Chinesestatements were calling for struggle against the domination of the two superpowers, but especiallyagainst the Soviet Union, which Beijing considered as a perhaps more dangerous source of warthan the US.4Territorial border dispute arose when China in 1963 clearly put the issue of territory lost by “unequal treaties" withImperial Russia. Then , the process of Moscow in 1964 with military organizing along the border with China and inMongolia, which continued in the 70's, the bloody armed clashes on the border in 1969 is cause for termination of therelationship Moscow -Peking (Keith, 2003: 2).5Revolution consisted should cover the whole China. It was proletarian, because it should having to emphasize the classcharacter, against those who separated themselves from the people and went down the road of capitalism, cultural since itshould make changes in the ideological sphere, and revolution, because of the revolutionary way to fight with the classenemy . During the revolution the British Embassy was burnt, which frozen relations with the Great Britain and the RedGuards blocked the activities of other embassies. Blockade of the Soviet Embassy extremely froze the Soviet - Chineserelations ( Маргарита,2002:63). On the other hand, the cultural revolution retouched awareness, professions of people,family conditions; revolution with its conception to cover large state moves and his style is pushed in homes etc. A hugecrowd of people at rallies has hampered the normal state and economic life, opposed to everything old Chinese andEuropean etc. (Dorde, 1977: 12, 13).315office@multidisciplinarywulfenia.org

Vol 22, No. 3;Mar 2015Until 1978, the Chinese economy was a typical for a communist developing country. Inthat time, the vice-premier Deng Xiaoping launched some profound reforms, in order to modernizeChinese economy and society. These reforms were implemented in the following fields of activity:agriculture, industry,science and technology, defense, foreign policy. The most important reformimplemented in the time of this visionary leader was that concerning the direct foreign investmentsin China. Actually, now a days Chinese “

War up to the end of the Cold War and to the present day with special emphasis on the future implications for the next 5 to 10 years. In the second decade of the XXI century Russia and China are .

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