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DOCUMENT RESUMEED 137 872AUTHOR'TITLEPUB DATENOTEEDRS PRICEDESCRIPTORSCS 501 681Ki, Young Y.A Causal Model of Communication Patterns of ForeignImmigrants in the Process of Acculturation.Dec 7637p.; Paper presented at the P.nnual Meeting of theSpeech Communication Association (62nd, SanFrancisco, December 27-30, 1976)MF- 0 P3 HC- 2.06 Plus Postage,*Acculturation; Adults; *Behavior Patterns;*Cognitive Processes; *Communication (Thought.Transfer); *Immigrants; *Koreaz Americans; LanguageProficiency; Mass Media; Performance Factors;ResearchABSTRACTCommunication patterns-of foreign immigrants in theprocess of acculturation are conceptualized on cognitive andbehavioral levels. The cognitive level is observed in the complexityof an immigrant's perception of the host society; the behaviorallevel, in the immigrant's involvement in the host society throughinterpersonal and mass communication. Three causal factors areidentified as major determinants of the immigrant's communicationpatterns: language competence, acculturation motivation, andaccessibility to host communication channels. Nine propositions,areoffered which explain the relationship umong the three causalfactors, behavioral participation in host communication channels, anacognitive structure in perceivina the host society. The theory wastested and supported by a survey of '400 randomly selected Koreanimmigrants in the Chicago area. *********************************DocUments acquired by ERIC include many informal unpublished* materials not available from other sources. ERIC makes every effort ** to obtain the best copy available. Nevertheless, items of marginal ** reproducibility are often encountered and this affects the quality ** of the microfiche and hardcopy reproductions ERIC makes available** via the ERIC Document Reproduction Service (EDRS). EDRS is not* responsible for the quality of the original document. Reproductions ** supplied by EDRS are the ber5t that can be made from the ******************************

V.4U S DEPRTMENT OF HEALTH.EDUCATION & WELFAREHATiONAL INSTITUTE OFEDUCATiONTHIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED ExACTLY AS RECEIVED FROMTHE PERSON OP ORGANIZATION ORIGINr--ATING IT POIN LOP VIEW OR OPINIONSSTATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REpRp.SEN T OP P,CIAL NATIONAL INSTITUTE 0;EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICYA CAUSAL MODEL OF COMMUNICATION PATTERNSOF FOREIGN IMMIGRANTS IN THE PROCESS OF ACC1JLTURA1IONByYoung Y. KimDept. of Communication StudiesNorthwestern UniversityEvanston, IllinoisPapt,sr dolLvered al lite Spcech-Communicalion AssocialionConvenlloa, San Frauchico, December 27-30, 1976.

4,As foreign immigrants move from one culture to another, behavioralmodes and values in the old setting may prove maladaptive in the new.Many aspects of life are unfamiliar to them, and they are faced with a highdegree of uncertainty -- probably higheit at the initial stage and thengradually reduced AZ time passes.Sooner or later, immigrants come tounderstand better the norms and values, and to adopt salient referencegroups of the host sOciety.ration."This phenomenon is commonly.called "accultu-Acculturation has been defined as " .the change in individualswhose primary learning has been in one culture and who take over traitsfrom another culture (Marden.& Meyer, 1968, 36)."Communication is crucial to acculturation.It provides the fundamentalmeans by which individuals develop instghts into their new environment.Theimportance ,.)f communication as the acculturation medium was postulated asearly as 1931 by Sapir who stated that " .every cultural pattern andevery single act of social behavior involves commurication in either anexplicit or\implicit sense"(78).Mendelsohn also pointed out that communi-cation, together with education, is regarded as being charged with the taskof " .merging the minority groups into one democratic social organization:3

A.2of commzinly shared ideas and values (1964, 31)."The present study attempted to investigate the acculturationprocess of foreign irmigrants through their communication pdtterns.The underlying assumption was that the extent to which members of anethnic group are acculturated will depend, at least partially, on theextent to which they participate in the communication channels of thehost society.As Shibutani and Kwan have argued, culture, after all,is a result of consensus and a " .perspective shared by members ofa group (1965, 575)."PROBLEMCommunication scholars have traditionally tended not to investigatethe Communication aspects of acculturation.A few studies dealing withcommunication among immigrants have been made in the area of anthropologyand sociology in which communication variables assumed an incidental role.In .anthropological studies, a communication system is postulated tofacilitate the acculturation flow between the two contacting cultures.In sociological studies, communication behaviors of foreigners have beenincluded as an indicator of "social integration" or a factor which ispositively associated with the "majority-minority" relations.agreements among these studies are:General(1) immigrants who tend to seek inter-personal relationships with Americans in social situations have not only agreater potential but also actually achieve a higher level of acculturation(Spindler & Goldschmidt, 1952; Weinstock, 1964; James, 1961; Johnston,

31963; Ossenberg, 1964; Graves, 1967), and (2) the use of Americanmass media is positively related to the immigrant's acculturation(DeFleur Ex Cho, 1957; Richmond, 1967; Graves, 1967).Orly recently, two studies by researchers in communication haveexplored the communication patterns of ethnic individuals.Nagata(1969)demonstrated differences in'interpersonal and mass communicationbehaviorsamong first, second, and third-generation Japanese Americans.Chang (1972) reported some differences in mass media behavior amongthree groups of Korean immigrants ("cultural assimilation group,""bicultural group,"and "nativistic group") distinctive in the patternsof change in cultural values.The two studies basically reinforced thefindings from the earlier studies describing individual and intergenerational differences in communication patterns within an ethnicgroup.Although these studies provide considerable evidence regardingthe positive contribution of communication to the general acculturationprocess, the findings are limited to descriptions of the overt communication behaviors. No systematic attempt has yet been made to provide atheoretical explanation for the communication behaviors.Such vitalquestions as why certain individuals display greater participation inthe communication ':.hannels of the host society and how such participationaffects the general acculturation process, particularly in the cognitivestructure of the immigrants, have not been examined.Focusing on such research needs as pointed:out above, the preaentinvestigator has attempted to develop a causal theory through which\the following questions are answered:

41. Why do certain immigrants interact with members ofthe host society to a greater extent than others?2. Why do certain immigrants use the host mass mediato a greater extent than others?Why do certain immi2rants perceive the host societymore accurately and realistically than others?4. What relationships exist between an immigrant'sinterpersonal communication and mass media behaviors-and his cognitive perception of the host society?THEORYThe theory consists of nine interrelated propositions regarding'the communication patterns of the foreign immigrants.The availableevidence in sociological, anthropological, and psychological literatureregarding human communication and information processing were incorporated in developing the present theoretical system.The developmentof the theory is discuased in the,following in two parts. First, therelationship between one's communication behaviors and cognitivestructure is considered.Second, causal antecedents of interculturalcommunication behaviors and cognitive structure are identified.Thetwo parts are, then, combined into a causal model of communication.(3

Perceptual ChangeThe first insight into the importance of the perceptual domainin accultUration studies was made by the Social Science ResearchCouncil (1954) which defined acculturation as " .a matter of rangeof presentation and oi perceptual reality"(993).The relevance ofperception in acculturation wasalso recognized by Chance (1965),who viewed acculturation as " .a change of the individual's perception,attitudes, cognition" (386).-Immigrants are faced with a certain degree of aMbiguity muchlike individuals moving from one place to another within the samecountry.They must find ways to make sense out of their new environmentin order to adapt to it. They try to categorize events and people intocertain molds; thus, cultural stereotypes become salient as screeningdevices when immigrants need to maintain the easiest and most economicalstructure in their perception of unfamiliar people and the social milieu.For example, a new immigrant may believe that Americans are hll friendlyand free.Others may believe the opposite, that they are unfriendlyand their freedom is sometimes restricted.Given time, however, the immigrant generally adopts new perceptualcategories and will comprehend perspectives wider ark:': more complex thanhis initial stereotypes.Curiosity, searching out of necessity, andgoing beyond the customary are ways in which these perceptual networkscan be further differentiated, refined,, and organized into a more sen-sitive information processing system.This tendency toward a morecomplex perceptual structure is supported by the literature on cognitivesystems, in which simplicity-complexity in one's cognitive structure7

6is not viewed as an additional aspect of "personality" -- for example,a "trait," but viewed as dependent upon developmental conditions.Schroder, Driver, and Streufert (1967) asserted that the level ofcognitive complexity in a given area is not necessarily static overtime.Accordingly, an immigrant's differentiated view of the hostsociety is a product of life experiences from multi-dimensional perspectives in the host society, while more global and unidimensionalstereotypes are indicative of lack of insights in the host society atthe initial stage of immigration.In the present study, cognitive complexity is defined as theextent of cultural knowledge and familiarity with all segmentg of thehost society.This includes the group's institutions and sub-groups,the attitudes, beliefs, and values of the members, and the reciprocalrole requirements within the group and between group members and nonmembers.Such knowledge of the culture of a structurally complex groupcan never be complete, even in the case of a life-long member of thegroup. The newcomer's degree of knowledge can be judged only in relativeterms,Cognitive structure is an important communication variable becauseit allows the immigrant to perceive many goals and the means to theirattainment.It provides a more adequate means of relating the immigrantto the host society.In communication terms, the "discrepancy" betweenthe intention of a sender (or host society) and the meaning of themessages to a perceiver (or an ethnic member) will be reduced.One'sperceptual structure should, therefore, be the most important mechanismthrough which he will pursue the goal of better acculturation in thehest society.

7The role of intercultural communication in the development ofan immigrant's perception of the host society is apparent when oneconsiders that any form of cultural learning occurs through communicationin one form or another.As Peterson, Jensen, and Rivers (1965) pointedout:Communication is.the carrier of the social process.It is the means man has for organizing, stabilizing,and modifying his social life.The social processdepends upon the accumulation, exchange, and transmission of knowledge. Knowledge in turn depends uponcommunication (16).Thus, the growth of a differentiated view of the host Eociety will befacilitated by the accumulation of the immigrant's comunication experiences.Among many forms of human communication, interper:onal communicationand mass med-ia consumption are the two most salient forms in culturallearning process.Through the two major channels of interculturalcommunication, immigrants can learn and comprehend wider andl moredifferentiated view of the host society.Other forms of communicationsuch as mere observations of strangers on the street are consideredless influential on the immigrant's learning of the host culture.Thegrowth of an immigrant's cognitive complexity in perceiving the hostsociety, therefore, is proposed here primarily the result of the accumulationof his interpersonal communication experiences with members of the hostsociety and exposure to mass media offerings of the host society.PROPOSITION 1:The more an'immigrant participates ininterpersonal communication with membersof the host society, the more complex willbe his perception of the host society.

PROPOSITION 2:The more an immigrant-uses mass media.of the host society, the more complexwill be his perception of the host society.Factors Affecting Differential Intercultural CommunicationThe next question is why different immigrants engage in differentamounts of intercultural communication.Anong many factors that maydirectly or indirectly influence one's communication behaviors are:language competence, acculturation motivation to learn and participatein the host sCciety, and accessibility to the interpert;onal and masscommunication channels of the host society.In the following discussions,each of the three factors will be explained for its importance inexplaining the immigrant's communication behaviors.The role of the host language in intercultural communication isself-evident since effective cross7cultural communication can take placeonly when language appropriate to a given society is at least minimallyused and comprehended by the immigrant.Studies among foreign studentsprovide considerable empirical support in this regard suggesting apositive correlation between the students' fluency in !ipeaking and under-standing English and their association with American friends (See Poo1,1965,for a summary of such studies).The same positive relationship has beenfound between the language fluency and an immigrant's exposure to thehost mass media.Richmond (1967), in his study of Canadian immigrants,reported that "the readership of [Canadian] newspapers and magazineswas very closely related to the'fluency of the immigrants in eitheri

9English or French"(138-9).From the above evidence, it is postulated that an immigrant'scompetence in speaking and understanding English facilitates not aalyhis interpersonal interaction with Americans but also his use of theAmerican mass media.PROPOSITION 3: The more competent an immigrant is in thehost language, the greater will be hisparticipation in interpersonal ccmmunicationwith members of the host society.PROPOSITION 4: The more competent an immigrant is in thehost language, the greater will be his useof host mass media.Secondly, it is postulated that the degree of an immigrant'sacculturation motivation will significantly influence his interculturalcOmmunication behaviors.Psychologists have generally distinguishedbetween motivation and action -- between the desire to achieve andactual achievement (Atkinson, 1966; McClelland, 1967).Motivationsare conceived as the psychological dispositions to strive for certaingoals that energize human behavior when the situation arouses theexpentancy that performance of an act is instrumental to attainmentto the goal.In this.study, acculturation motivation is defined simplyas the degree of eagerness for an immigrant to learn and participatein the host society.One's acculturation motivation is viewed conceptually independentfrom his English competence.An immigrant who is fluent in English may

10or may not associate-with Americans or use the American mass t,ediadepending upon his value orientation, his attitude toward the hstsociety, personality.factors such as gregariousness, receptivity tonew elements of life, or interest in current affairs il general.Whatever the reason may be, different immigrants do 'show differentlevels of acculturation motivation,which wili affect t:leir interper-sonal and mass communication behaviors.PROPOSITION 5:The greater an immigrant's acculturationmotivation, the greater will be his participation in interpersonal communication withmembers of the host society.PROPOSITION 6:The greater an immigrant's accultJrationmotivation, the greater will be his useof host mass media.The third factor which is proposed to influence one's interculturalcommunication behaviors is "accessibility" to host communication channels,.The tern "accessibility" means, in.relation to interpersonal communication,interpersonal "interaction potential," i.e., the degree of opportunityfor association with members of the host society provided in one's dailycommunication environment.For example, a Korean immigrant who worksfor an American company dealing with Americans has a greater chance todevelop more or less meaningful relationships with them than a Korean whoowns a Korean grocery store:Accessibility in relation to mass communi-cation is indicated by the availability of the American mass media athome (e.g., radio, TV, subscription to American newspapers and magazines).12,

11An immigrant who has a TV set at home is likely to watth the programsmore often than the one who does not.The same pattern is expetted inreading newspapersThe impoIcommunicationvironmental factors in inte-.-aen closely examined in previouIlVes.Inthe present study, accessibility to host communication channels is postulated to be an important factor, along with English competence andmotivational factors, in influencing the immigrant's intercultural communication behaviors.No, matter how strongly motivated and fluent in'English an immigrant is, he will find it diffitult to form-any meaningfulrelationship with Americans unless he is provided withsome opportunityto approach or to be apprOached by Americans.,Similarly, he will find,it difficult to use the American mass media if they are not readilyavailable.PROPOSITION1 The greater an immigrant's interpersonalinteraction pOtential, the greaterwill behis participation in interpersonal communi.cation with members of the host society.PROPOSITION 8: The more access an immigrant has to hostmass media, the greater will be his exposureto host mass media.I1So far, it has been suggestad-that the three factors (languagecompetence, acculturation motivation, and channel accessibility) willcontribute to a significant, if not eXhaustive, explanation-r,.thedifferential communicationinvolvement of immigrants with the hostsociety.At the same time, they will influence an immigrant's perceptualAr!,v

12structure indirectly through intercultural communication experiences(See Propositions\ 1 & 2). One's competence in the host language, accult47ration motivation, and accessibility to interpersonal and mass communication channels of the host society will not have any significant effecton his perceptual complexity 14ithout some meaningful interpersonalaumption of host mass media.communication experience 07Therefore,there will be weak or no direct relationships between the three causal,faotors.and the perceptual pattern of an immigrant.PROPOSITION 9:The complexity with which an immigrantperceives the host society will be influencedby language competence, acculturation motivation,and channel accessibility, mediated hy inter-.personal and mass communication experiences.Proposition 9, together with the other eight propositions, enablesone to draw a causal model of intercultural communication-acculturation as;described in Figure 1.It needs to be pointed out that the exogenousvariables in the path:model (X1, X2, X3, and X4) may not be totally inde.pendent from one another, but co-vary as a group of acculturation indicators.For instance, a person with better Engliah competence may tend to haveiagher acculturation motivation and have greater access to host cOmMuni.cation channels.Similarly, the extent to which an immigrant participatesin interpersonal commUnication in the host society (X5) tends to be posi,tively related to his consumption of the host mass media (X6).Since4it is extremely difficult to hypothesize any causal order among thesevariable's, the relationships are taken as given and the causal structureamong them is considered Unknown.In Figure 1, suchpositive.

.0113relationships are represented by the double-arrowed curves, whilethe ca4aal order predicted in the nine propositions is represented bythe direction of the arrow.,METHOD & PROCEDUREThe SurveyThe nine propositions and the path model-were tested through asurvey of the Korean population in the Chicago area during July-.-August,1975.400 Korean immigrant households were selected from three availablesources--The KoreanAArectory of Chicago, lists of Korean church membersin the area, and the Chicago & Vicinity telephone Directory.Theaccepted practice of systematic random sampling was used (Blalock, 1972,514-10.Any overlapping of the aample was carefully eliminated beforethe survey.Due to the widely diffused residential areas of the Korean population,the survey was conducted.through mail-questionnaires.Respondents withtelephones were called by the investigator and were further encouragedto cooperate.For those who were married, either husband or wife wasasked to respond without consulting with his/her spouse. Out of the400 households,-285 completed questionnaires were returned, a responserate of 70%.address.Among the 115 non-responses, 52 were due to.change ofAfter the questionnaires were returned, students and travellerswho were staying in the United States only a short period of time wareexcluded in order to limit the present study to those Koreans who hadPT

14at least temporarily decided to immigrate to the United States.The total number of questionnaires that were actually used in the dataanalysis was 281.To test the representativeness of the sample against the totalKorean population in the Chicago area, respondents' background charactertqtics were compared with other available data on the same population.the diatribUtion ofnumber of years the immigrants have lived\in the United States was analyzed.It was shown that the average lengthof stay of the present sample is 4.2 years (standard deviation4.0)indicating a rapid increase in the population size during the lastseven or eight years. .This pattern approximates the increasing numberof Koreans who have entered the United States each year since 1950, mostlysince 1967, as reported by the United States Office.of Imnigration andNaturalizatiob Service (1974).Secondly, the major demogr.compared with the reported staLlLc. composidon of the sa.:777:e was';al data on the Korean poplation in,).the Chicago area (Korea Times,The comparison of the 17woindicates general agreeMent between their distributions of ocialpazion,age, and Marita3, status, although a small difference was found in theproportion of the\Koreans with an income of more than 20,000 a year.Such a slight bias in the preser.t sample ,.howeveri is not considered toIaffect the validity of testing the hypothesized theoretiCal relationshipsamong the variables.1 6

y'15/tem ScalesThe key variables were measured through composite item-scalesconstructed during a pilot study among 40 Koreans prior to the survey.In the pilot study, the ambiguity of wording and comprehensiveness ofquestions as well as the reliability of the measurement scales werechecked.The construction and the internal consistency scores of theit, .--scales are as follows:ar c e p a92 of the'llost: The degree of complexity in perceivingthe host was measured through an open-endedqueetion regarding similaritiesdiffere es between the nature of interpersonal relationships amongAmericans and Koreans.By definition, a cognitively complex person,ccaTared with a cogntiveiy simple person, has a. greater number of-.1.tmensions-worth of information with ahich to comprehend differencessimilar or adjacent objects in a cognitive domain (Bieri, 1955).aus, a composite score (CMPLXTY) was generated from the statementsgiven by the respondents by (I) the number of dimensions in similarities tad differences (PERCEPT 1) and, (2) the.degree of elaboraLion anddiscrimination-of individuaand subgroup differences amollg Americansinterpersonal relationsh.: 7, Patterns (PERCEPT 2).liability scores between t;,e two coders were.Inter-judge89 for PERCEPT I andfor PERCEPT 2 respectively.Interpersonal Communication:An immigrant's involvement inerper8ona1 communication with members of the host society was measuredHy the vdiume and intensity of his informal and formal social telationships.was assumed that suCh interpetsonal relationship patterns indicate17

16the degree and quality of information an immigrant learns about thehost society and its culture (Lazarsfeld & Merton, 1964).The fouritems used to assess interpersonal communiation were: (1) number ofcasual American acquaintances one knows well.enough to talk with whenone happens to meet them, (2) number of American friends one meets inone another's homes, (3) number of intimate American friends with whomone can discuss his private and personal problems, and (4) number ofAmerican orgaaizations one currently belongs\to as a regular member.These four items were correlated higlily with one another (Cronbach'sAlpha.81).Since the respondent's estimations of his casual acquaintances,friends, and intimate.friends can be subject to inaccuracy, a testretest check was made over a two-week period during the pretest.When the actual number of relationships were transformed into 1 to.10 increasing levels, the test-retest reliability score for interpersonal communication measures were .91 (for casual acquaintances ),.94 (for friends), And .47 (for intimate friends).Mass Media'Consumption: For scoring the immigi.anCti mass mediaconsumption, the amdunt.(or frequency) of exposure to American radia,TV, magazine, newspapers, and movies were measured.In addition, twoitems were added to assess their frequency of watching TV news andlistening to radio news programs.On analyZing the data, it was foundthat, although all seven items correlated with one another positively,the information-oriented media iteMs (newspaper and magazine readingand exposure to radio and TV news) were higher in their item7totalcorrelation than the items on general entertainment-oriented media

17use (overall radio and TV consumption and movie-going).,time, the four items higher in itemrtotalAt the sanecorrelation were strongerin thei association with other variables in the path model, suggestingthat an immigrant's exposure to entertainment-oriented media content isnot as influential as his exposure to information-oriented media contentin learning the host society.\,Considering that the informalion-oriented media behaviors wer,,more- useful in studying.the immigrant's acLui.L.pass, onlYthe four items were combined into a composite scalepf the immigrant'smass Media behavibr for the present study (Cronbach'S AlphaEnglish Competence:.67)In assessing the immigrant s English competence,respondents were asked to estimate their own ability to speak and understand English (e.g., "Do you have any difficulty in understandingAmericans when they speak?" "How much trouble do Americans seem to haveIt was assumed that the immigrant'sin understanding you?" etc.).subj-.2tive evaluation and confidence was probably as influential on hiscOmm.mication behaviors as his actual command'of the language.(See SeAtiz,Christ, Havel & Cook, 1963, 124, for supportive argument.)Besides, :heobjective method of'using judges to evaluate theimmigrant's Englishpresent study in which all the measurementscould not be employed in thwere done by,mail.The Cronbach's Alpha for the four items was .90.AAcculturation Motivation:The immigrant's acculturation motivationwas measured by the three questions asking their level of interest anddesire to learn the host norms and culture, in making friends withAmericans, and in learning current eventd in the United States.19For

18the three items, Cronbach's Alpha vas .52.The relatively lowcorrelations among the items can perhaps be attributed to the difficultyof testing the complex psychological state through simple self-reportquestions.Distribution of responses on the four-point scales ("little,""a little," "somewhat," and "a lot") shows a skewnerli tov.level of motivation,geE,Lumight have biased the responses.d highan artifact of "social desirability"Nonetheless, the three items wereconsidered to provide a reasonable basis, albeit probably not sensitiveenough, from which the immigrant's acculturation motivation or, atleast,:he extent to which acculturation was considered socially desirable.,could be estimated.Channel Accessibility:ACcessibility to interpersonal coMmunication'channels of the host society was measured by respondents' estimar. a ofthe percetage of American contaCts out of total daily contacts providedby their living environMent.Two items were,used to measure interpersonalinteractinn potential ("Of all peOple you daily come in contact with, whatpercentage-is With Americans?" and "In your present occupation, Vnatpercentage of the\people you ordinarily come in contact with is w7.thAmericans?").The two items correlated with each other by r.49 (p4 .001).Accessibility to the American mass communication channela wasmeasured by the availability of the American mass media at home.Sincethe data showed that radios and TVs were/owned by virtually everyhousehold in the community. (95.4% for radio and 97.5% for TV)

DOCUMENT RESUME ED 137 872 CS 501 681 AUTHOR Ki, Young Y. 'TITLE A Causal Model of Communication Patterns of Foreign. Immigrants in the Process of Acculturation. PUB DATE Dec 76.

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