Communism - Christians For Truth

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Communismandthe New LeftWHAT THEY'RE UP TO NOWBOOKS by U.S.NEWS & WORLD REPORTA division of U.S.News & World Report, Inc.WASHINGTON, D.C.1969

ContentsList of Illustrations7Introduction11The American Left: Old and New13How They Exploit War41IIIHow They Exploit Blacks65IVHow They Exploit Disorder79Guerrilla Tactics95IIIvVITarget: Youth111VIITarget: Labor129Spying for Russia143The Left and the Law159Marxism: Food for the New Left173The Outlook for the Left183Appendix197Index215VIIIIXXXI

7List of IllustrationsAllen Young, Bernardine Dohrn, and Michael Klonskywith newsmenCommunist Party candidates in the 1968 presidentialelectionW. E. B. DuBoisW. E. B. DuBois ClubsBettina Aptheker addresses a rallyA. J. Muste, Herbert Aptheker, Tom Hayden, andStaughton Lynd at rallyStokely CarmichaelEldridge CleaverMembers of Cornell University's Afro-American SocietySDS national headquartersBettina ApthekerStudent-police confrontation at Madison, WisconsinDraft card burningDavid DellingerMarch from the Lincoln Memorial to the PentagonNew Left provoking Pentagon troopsJerry Rubin pursuing tactic of ridiculeEruption of violence at the Democratic 525556

Yippie contributing to tumult of Democratic NationalConventionAntiwar protesters are dispersed by police"Counterinaugural" parade in WashingtonSit-in at Marquette UniversityAntiwar protest at Oberlin CollegeCommunist Party-U.S.A. national conventionClaude LightfootStokely Carmichael with Troung Chinh in HanoiMaxwell StanfordEldridge Cleaver at news conference in AlgiersRobert F. Williams arriving in DetroitRioting in Harlem following King's assassinationWilliam Epton leading antipolice parade in HarlemCover of pamphlet, "We Want Black Power"Gutted buildings in Cleveland riotFires in Washington, D.C., during 1968 riotsBlack Power conference in NewarkBomb damage to New York Army induction centerHuey Newton and Bobby SealeLarry Clayton Powell before Senate investigationsubcommitteeFire bomb displayed by New York City fire marshalFred Ahmed Evans after murder conviction in ClevelandSDS occupying University of Connecticut administrationbuildingMark Rudd addressing freshmen at ColumbiaROTC protest at Tulane UniversityAntidraft demonstrators in fountain during"peace demonstration"Herbert Aptheker addressing students at Universityof WisconsinStudent strike at Harvard UniversityPeace demonstrator playing in San Francisco CivicCenter fountainMembers of the "Future Generation"Student-worker uprising in ParisNew Leftists supporting strikers at Mahwah, New 07108ll4ll6ll9121123125126127131136

SDS national conventionLabor leaders Harry Bridges, Michael Quill, andJoseph CurranEthel and Julius RosenbergSpies Harry Gold and Roy A. Rhodes, and double agentJohn Huminik, Jr.Spies Rudolph Abel, Leonid Pivnev, and Klaus FuchsJerry Rubin and others at Chicago conspiracy trialBomb damage at Bluefield State CollegeA. J. Muste and companions with Ho Chi MinhTwo of the Catonsville Nine burning draft recordsRennie Davis during testimony before Senateinvestigation committeeKarl MarxFriedrich EngelsHerbert MarcuseHarlem, always a potential trouble-spotBlack Panthers halted at Washington state capitolBlack Panthers invade California assembly chamberPolice battle students at University of ConnecticutBlack Panther protest outside court 186186191194

11IntroductionThere is considerable confusion in the United States about thedifferent groups which make up the far left, old and new. This isdue to a number of factors.First there is the Communist Party-U.S.A., ever-loyal to SovietRussia. This aged party realizes it cannot survive as a powerfulinfluence unless it enters into the stream of the younger forcesof the so-called "New Left." Hence its members may be foundin the ranks of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), one ofthe major groups of the New Left.However, most youthful members of the New Left consider theRussians and their American followers to be "square" and "oldhat"-products of a Soviet society which has gone soft and "bourgeois," not so different, in their opinion, from the United States.The radical students themselves-described by one professor as"the spoiled children of the consumer society"-are another sourceof seeming contradiction. They have contempt for the urban,industrialized society,.with its congestion and pollution, whichgave them a world of plenty but left them, they say, spirituallyimpoverished. Looking for new gods, they turn to men like MaoTse-tung, Che Guevara, and Fidel Castro-revolutionary figureswho advocate guerrilla warfare. They may call themselves Marxists

12COMMUNISM AND THE NEW LEFTor communists, but they must be distinguished from Communistswith a capital "C," members of the official U.S. party.To complicate the picture further, we have two separate worldsamong the Marxist left-one white, the other black. This separation is the will of young black radicals who seek to invert theoriginal aim of Negroes to integrate into white society and whonow advocate the kind of segregation that recalls the discreditedpositions of their white foes in the South of the United States andof Africa. Yet the revolutionary blacks have something in commonwith the radical whites-an addiction to communism (with a small"c"), to violence, and to guerrilla warfare.Another point to be kept in mind is the fact that the far leftdoes not have a border which fixes a limit between the campusand the rest of the country. The movement Bows between theschools and the communities of the cities and towns. And itinvolves not only young people going to school but also olderpeople who left school long ago or never went there. We arewitnessing both an academic revolt and a political revolt-on-campusand off-campus-in search of a new university and a new society.This book seeks to arrange these diverse elements of the far leftinto some order to provide an overall view of the forces whichare creating turmoil in the United States today. Condensed outlines of the principal components of the far left will be found inchapters one and five. Documents in which leading groups describe their plans to destroy the present system in the UnitedStates will be found in the appendix.

13Chapter OneThe American Left: Old and NewNot since the depression of the 1930s has the United States seenso much activity by individuals and groups preaching Marxism,communism, and revolution. On campuses, on streetcorners, during mass demonstrations, speakers proclaim their determinationto overthrow the capitalist system.After years of steady decline in membership and influence, theCommunist Party-U.S.A. is reviving. Its leaders are regular visitors to college campuses, where they expound the party line tostudent audieqces. Party members are welcomed into the ranksof the antiwar movement and into some civil rights groups. And1968 saw the party return openly to politics with a presidentialticket under the party banner for the first time since 1940.The Communist Party is no longer alone on the far left. Somegroups, formed after the Soviet-Chinese split in the world communist movement, violently reject the Moscow-oriented Communist Party-U.S.A. Others are the products of a new generationborn after World War II. They are the youthful militants of theNew Left.It is the New Left that is most often in the spotlight today. Itsmembers often are among the leaders of antiwar demonstrationsand campus disruptions. The New Left has turned parts of the

Eight Major Componentsof the Far LeftI. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)(a) Revolutionary Youth Movement I (RYM I) (TheWeatherman)(b) Progressive Labor Party-Worker-Student Alliance(PLP)(c) Revolutionary Youth Movement II (RYM II)(d) Trotskyite groups:(1) Young Socialist Alliance (YSA)(2) Youth Against War and Fascism(3) Johnson-Forrest Group(4) Sparticist League(e)Communist Party-USA (CP-USA) and its youthgroup, the DuBois Clubs of America(f) Independents (radicals who oppose the war and theestablishment but do not endorse revolution)II. Black Panther Party (BPP)Ill. Student National Coordinating Committee (SNCC)IV. Black Student Unions (BSU)V. Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM)VI. Republic of New Africa (RNA)VII. Youth International Party (Yippies)VIII. Freelancers: David Dellinger of National MobilizationCommittee to End the War in Vietnam; StaughtonLynd of the Union of Organizers; Herbert Marcuseof University of California at San Diego; an estimated 100 militant black groups such as the Nationof Islam; Ramparts magazine; The Guardian.

THE AMERICAN LEFT: OLD AND NEW15Negro civil rights movement away from nonviolence and towardBlack Power, and it is in the forefront of the latest attempt toinstill Marxist ideas into the American labor movement.What are the differences between the Old and New Left? Whatdo they hope to accomplish? What are their tactics? How successful have they been?Old or New, the groups of the far left share the same longrange goal: overthrow of the capitalist system in America. Butthey differ on how they would achieve this aim and on whatwould follow.The Communist Party preaches the current Soviet line ofpeaceful coexistence. Gus Hall, the Communist Party's top official,unlike Nikita Khrushchev, does not say that our grandchildrenwill live under communism. He tells audiences that somedaysocialism will replace capitalism. He emphasizes that the changewill come from within by peaceful means, not from the SovietUnion or any other foreign power. "U.S. socialism will be clearlymarked, 'Made in U.S.A.,'" says Hlill.The future socialist America, as pictured by the CommunistParty, would install public ownership of basic industries and stateplanning of economic goals. Workers in each factory would havea decisive voice in running their plant. The party soft-pedalstalk of such extreme measures as abolition of private propertyand collectivization.But the angry young militants of the New Left see little chanceof a peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism. They talkof revolution and guerrilla warfare. To them the symbol ofauthority is the policeman, whom they call "pig." To these youngradicals, police are fair targets for rocks and bottles and otherweapons. So, too, are campus buildings and Selective Serviceoffices. So far their violence bas been directed primarily at property. But guns are becoming more common. At Cornell University, black students reinforced their demands for change by takingover a building and arming themselves with rifles.Extremist groups, such as the Black Panthers, teach their members how to make and use Molotov cocktails. The Panthers alsoare setting up schools in California to teach guerrilla warfare

Who's Who on the Far LeftCommunist Party-U.S.A. (CP-USA)Position: U.S. branch of the international Communist Party.Policy comes directly from Moscow.Leadership: Gus Hall, general secretary: Henry W. Winston;Claude Lightfoot; Michael Zagarell; Daniel Rubin; HerbertAptheker.Location: Headquarters, New York City; membership estimated at between 12,000 and 13,000.Character: Predominantly white adults.Brief History: Founded in Chicago, Illinois, September 1, 1919.Poverty and the U.S. depression helped strengthen partyduring the 1930s. It polled 100,000 votes for its presidentialcandidate in 1932. Hitler-Stalin Pact of World War II, preceding the German invasion of Russia, caused many U.S.members to drop out of the party. After the war, CP-USAwent underground to escape the 1940 Smith Act, whichmade it a crime to conspire, advocate, or teach the violentoverthrow of the government; and the 1950 McCarranAct, which required registration of members. By mid-'50s,Senator Joseph McCarthy had died; the Smith Act was"gutted"; the McCarran Act registration requirement wasruled unconstitutional. The party returned to its openactivities.Although the Moscow brand of communism is consideredreactionary by much of the New Left, party membershiphas increased about 25% since 1960. In 1968, the party hadan official presidential candidate on the national ballot forthe first time in 28 years. July 1968, Zagarell reported that"the student unrest on the college campuses and the antidraft demonstrations have been helped along by the Communist Party." The party's youth group, the W. E. B. DuBoisClubs, had less than 100 members in March 1969, but partyofficials claim much of their own new membership consistsof young people. At the May 1969 national convention, Hallcautioned that "it is not yet time to organize armed struggle;"but the party's Commission on Black Liberation approves"cooperation" with BPP.

THE AMERICAN LEFf: OLD AND NEW17techniques."Our primary task is to build a Marxist-Leninist revolutionarymovement," says Michael Klonsky, former national secretary ofStudents for a Democratic Society (SDS), largest of the NewLeft groups. In a television interview, Klonsky described theAmerican system as "racist," "capitalist," and "imperialist," andurged student radicals to arm themselves. "I believe we are goingto have revolutionary change in the society," he said.The New Leftists offer no clear view of what their futuresociety would be like. They talk of socialism, communism, andMarxism. But their real emphasis is on tearing down rather than.on building up. They are interested in a transfer of power fromAllen Young, cen ter, of th e SDS press service, meets with newsm enat the 1969 SDS convention in Chicago. He is flanked by Bernardin eDohrn and Mich ae l Klon sky, self-described "revolutionary communists" who held national offices during the 1968-69 school year.

Who's Who on the Far LeftStudents for a Democratic Society (SDS)Position: Leadership advocates overthrow of the U.S. "system."Leadership: Mark Rudd, Milton Rosen, Jeffrey Gordon, MichaelKlonsky, Carl Davidson, Rennie Davis, Alan Haber, TomHayden, Bernardine Dohrn, Carl Oglesby.Location: Headquarters, Chicago; an estimated 500 branches.Character: Membership of 30,000 to 70,000, predominantlywhite, middle-class students. Within SDS, feuding independent groups are competing for power. Major factionsinclude Rudd's Revolutionary Youth Movement I, the 1969elected leadership; Klonsky's Revolutionary Youth Movement II; and Rosen's Progressive Labor Party. RYM I rejectsthe guidance of Moscow and Peking, but embraces MarxistLeninist theory.Brief History: In 1959, Student League for Industrial Democracy, offspring of League for Industrial Democracy, changedits name to SDS under Haber. June 1962, Hayden's PortHuron Statement advocating reform (not revolution) forthe United States was adopted. 1964, SDS had 1,200members in 27 chapters. Radical Education Project wasestablished at Ann Arbor, Michigan, to circulate SDS literature, speakers, and films. February 1965, U.S. bombing ofNorth Vietnam began. Spring 1965, SDS had 125 chapterswith 4,000 members. June 1965, SDS dropped clause inconstitution barring "advocates and apologists of totalitarianism." LID severed all ties with SDS. June 1968, revolutionary communists were elected national leaders. FromOctober 1967 to May 1969, 211 campuses were involvedin 471 disruptions, causing millions of dollars in damage.Since December 1963, when SDS voted to accept "localinsurgency" as the organization's purpose, guerrilla warfare and arson techniques have been featured in SDSliterature. January 1969, Cameron Bishop became the firstSDSer to make the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Men List onsuspicion of sabotage. As one SDSer emphasized in June1969: "It's not reform we're after."

THE AMERICAN LEFf: OLD AND NEW19one group to another, without explaining what the successormight be.lFor example, when Clark Kissinger, a former SDS nationalsecretary, was asked about socialism, he replied: "We don't takepositions on that sort of thing. What we don't like about theliberal welfare state is that all decisions are made in Washington. . . We don't want to tell the poor what the solutions to theirproblems should be. Once American democracy is revitalized,we1llet the poor decide for themselves what solutions they want."There is a strong streak of anarchism running through NewLeft ideology. Many of its members express violent opposition toall government authority. They come close to advocating theabolition of government rather than seeking the increased government control that would come with socialism.The anticapitalist philosophy of Karl Marx is a common threadrunning through all groups on the far left. Social inequality andinjustice are considered to be inevitable results of the capitalistsystem. They follow Marx's view that private ownership of industry brings exploitation and degradation of the working class.If overthrow of the capitalist system is the long-range goal ofthe far left, how do they propose to achieve it? What are theirimmediate goals?Leaders of the orthodox Communist Party have no illusionsabout the chances of overturning the capitalist system in theUnited States. They recognize that a "revolutionary situation"does not exist at present, notwithstanding all the noise and violence on campuses and in the cities. This might be expected todevelop over a long period of time, and as a result of intensiveproselytizing work by the Communist Party. The present aim isto persist year after year in spreading commtmist doctrines untilthey have undermined confidence in the established order andhave produced a minority suffidently large and powerful to overwhelm it.Immediate goals of the Communist Party are:0 To gain respectability. An intensive effort is under way toremake the party's image and secure its acceptance as a legitimate political party.

Gus Hall, center, Communist Party secretary general , raises hands ofMrs. Charlene Mitchell and Michael Zagarell after they were nominatedas the party's candidates respectively for the offices of president andvice president of the United States in 1968. This was the first timesince 1940 that the Communist Party ran a presidential ticket.

THE AMERICAN LEFI': OLD AND NEW21 To gain control of the New Left. Party leaders recognizethat winning control of these young people who already considerthemselves Marxists is the key to the party's future. To expand its influence within the labor and civil rightsmovements. To sustain attacks on American foreign policy, particularlywherever it is in conflict with communist movements throughoutthe world. The principal tactic is to picture the U.S. governmentas the ally of corrupt, right-wing dictatorships. Another is to tryto spread public discontent with Vietnam policy to all foreignpolicy moves.The drive for respectability began when the party won itslong court battle against laws requiring it to register as a communist action group and agent of the Soviet Union. A series ofSupreme Court rulings between 1962 and 1965 upheld the partycontention that registration would violate constitutional protection against self-incrimination.The court victories freed the party to operate in the open.In June 1966 it held its first national convention in two decades.Two years later, with press and television coverage, the partynominated a presidential ticket. Mrs. Charlene Mitchell, a 38year-old Negro from California, was its candidate for president,and Michael Zagarell, a 23-year-old party youth leader from NewYork, was the vice presidential candidate.The Communists followed many of the traditions of Americanpolitical conventions. There were nominating speeches, and afterthe ticket was chosen by acclamation the candidates stood inthe traditional pose, their hands held high above their heads, toacknowledge the cheers of the delegates. Like Democrats andRepublicans, the Communists adopted a party platform. Its planksincluded a demand to pull out of Vietnam immediately and to"begin dismantling the military-industrial complex." There alsowere calls to "change the tax

12 COMMUNISM AND THE NEW LEFT or communists, but they must be distinguished from Communists with a capital "C," members of the official U.S. party. To complicate the picture further, we have two separate worlds among the Marxist left-one white, the other black. This separa tion is the will of young black radicals who seek to invert the

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