The Remaking Of Narendra Modi - Reuters Graphics
INDIAThe remaking ofNarendra ModiIndia’s most divisive politiciandenies he has changed hisimage. But his ability to reinventhimself is central to the manBy Ross Colvin andSatarupa BhattacharjyaGandhinagar, Gujarat, July 12, 2013MAIN DRAW: Modi, here at thisyear’s “Vibrant Gujarat summit,”has boosted investment in hisstate, though critics say itsperformance on social indicatorslags.REUTERS/Amit DaveSPECIAL REPORT 1
INDIA The remaking of Narendra ModiThe lunch guests were sworn to secrecy.The European diplomats gathered at the German ambassador’sresidence in New Delhi’s lush green embassy enclave quizzed the guest of honouron everything from the economy and communal violence to his political ambitions.But nobody, the representatives from mostof the 28 European Union states agreed,could publicly mention the man they weremeeting that day: Narendra Modi, India’smost controversial politician and, possibly,the country’s next prime minister.It was a moment that captures the paradox at the heart of Modi, and the cautionwith which the outside world approacheshim. The January lunch at AmbassadorMichael Steiner’s residence ended a decade-long unofficial EU boycott of the62-year-old politician, who had just wonhis third straight term as chief minister ofthe state of Gujarat.The boycott stemmed from 2002 riotsin Gujarat in which Hindu mobs killed atleast 1,000 people, most of them Muslims.Human rights groups and political rivalshave long alleged that Modi, a Hindu anda dominant force in the Hindu nationalistBharatiya Janata Party (BJP), allowed oreven actively encouraged the attacks. Modihas always vehemently denied the charge,and a Supreme Court inquiry found no evidence to prosecute him.In the decade since, Modi has remadehimself as a business-savvy, investorfriendly administrator, a charismatic leaderwho has presided over a booming economyand lured major foreign and Indian companies to invest in his sprawling coastal state,famed for its spirit of entrepreneurship andas the birthplace of Mahatma Gandhi.Modi is now the head of the BJP’s campaign to win back power in a national election due by next May, and is widely expectedto become the party’s prime ministerial candidate. As he has grown in political importance, foreign envoys have begun, cautiously,to woo him. At the same time, many worryCONVERSATION: Modi, here in the garden at his residence in Gandhinagar, Gujarat, after an interviewwith Reuters. REUTERS/Amit DaveI’m a nationalist. I’mpatriotic. Nothing is wrong.Narendra Modithat a public appearance with the politicianmay serve as a kind of endorsement.Modi is a polarising figure, evoking visceral reactions across the political spectrum.Critics call him an extremist and a dictator; supporters believe he could lift India’seconomy out of the doldrums and makeIndia an Asian superpower.His profile is far bigger than almost anyother politician in India. He attracts mediacoverage normally reserved for BollywoodA-listers. His face appears on magazinesand newspapers and the covers of two newbiographies. His comments and public appearances are regular fodder for televisionnews shows.Modi’s ability to remake himself is central to understanding the man, even if herejects any suggestion he has changed hisimage. In a rare interview in late June heinsisted that apparent contradictions wereno such thing. Sitting in his sparsely decorated office in a heavily guarded compoundin the Gujarati capital Gandhinagar, Modiput his hand on his chest to emphasisethat point. “I’m a nationalist. I’m patriotic.Nothing is wrong. I’m a born Hindu. Soyes, you can say I’m a Hindu nationalist,”he said. At the same time, “as far as progressive, development-oriented, workaholic. there’s no contradiction between the two.It is one and the same image.”The hour-long interview with Modi,conducted mostly in Hindi, along withinterviews withadvisers and aides, paint apicture of a hard-working loner with fewfriends and an unusually small circle of colleagues and loyal officials around him.At times Modi appeared tense, thoughnot defensive. He chose his words carefully,especially when talking about his role in the2002 riots.“A leader who doesn’t take a decision:who will accept him as a leader? That is aText continues on page 4SPECIAL REPORT 2
INDIA The remaking of Narendra ModiIndia’s states by the numbersBy many economic measures, Gujarat has done well over the past decade; it is less impressive on social indicatorsPER CAPITA INCOMEFINANCIAL INCLUSIONGujarat is one of India’s richest statesHow many people have access to banks?GujaratGujaratIn thousands of rupees5075 10030LITERACY RATEINFANT MORTALITY RATEGujaratGujaratEducation levels are up, but lag other statesIn percent7080904050Improved, but some way to goNumber of deathsper1,000 live births153045Note: The maps of India reflect state-by-state data. Frontier lines depict administrative lines of control; some borders are disputed.Per capita income data for 2011 fiscal year, others for 2011 calendar year.Sources: Planning Commission of India (mortality); Census of India (literacy); Central Statistical Organisation (income); CRISIL (finance)SPECIAL REPORT 3
INDIA The remaking of Narendra ModiRIOT: Hindus in Ahmedabad, Gujarat’s main city, during anti-Muslim riots in March 2002. REUTERS/Arko Dattaquality, it’s not a negative,” Modi said. “Ifsomeone was an authoritarian then howwould he be able to run a government forso many years? Without a team effort howcan you get success?”He dismissed concerns about his style ofmanagement.“I always say the strength of democracylies in criticism. If there is no criticism thatmeans there is no democracy. And if youwant to grow, you must invite criticism. AndI want to grow, I want to invite criticism.”“WE HAVE NO ORDERS TO SAVE YOU”The son of a tea-stall owner, Modi’s journey into politics started young. As a teenager he joined the Rashtriya SwayamsevakSangh (RSS), a voluntary right-wing groupthat serves both as the ideological incubatorfor “Hindutva”, a hardline brand of Hindunationalism, and as the philosophical parentof the BJP. Early on Modi was a “pracharak”or propagandist, living a monkish life andevangelising from village to village to winnew recruits. That experience taught him“your life should be disciplined,” he said,and that “what work you get, do it well.”Modi joined the BJP in 1987. With areputation as an efficient organiser he rosethrough the ranks, although his self-promotion and ambition earned him enemies alongthe way, according to various biographies.Parimal Nathwani, group president inGujarat of one of India’s biggest companies, Reliance Industries Limited, tells astory that captures Modi’s drive to succeed.In January 2001, nine months before Modibecame chief minister, Gujarat was hit byone of the worst earthquakes in India’srecorded history. Modi, who was workingat the BJP headquarters in Delhi, calledNathwani at Reliance to ask if he couldborrow the company jet to fly to Kutch, thehardest-hit district.Modi did not think Gujarat’s then-chiefminister Keshubai Patel – who was alsoBJP but was Modi’s rival – would allowFollow Reuters Special Reportson Facebook:facebook.com/ReutersRevealshim on the official aircraft, Nathwani recalls. But “he wanted to be the first to reachKutch, to see and analyse what had happened so that he could make a report forthe party leadership in Delhi.” Nathwanilent him the jet – handing Modi a politicalvictory over his nemesis.Nearly four months after Modi’s swearing-in, Gujarat was hit by another earthquake. This one was man-made; the aftershocks can still be felt.On Feb. 27, 2002, a fire aboard a train inthe eastern Gujarat district of Godhra killed59 Hindu pilgrims. While there are stillquestions over how it started, police blamedthe blaze on local Muslims. That triggered awave of violence in which Hindu mobs attacked predominantly Muslim neighbourhoods. India is a Hindu-majority nation;some 138 million Muslims make up about13 percent of the population according tothe 2001 census, the latest available data onreligious makeup.The Indian government later put thedeath toll at more than 1,000; humanrights activists estimate at least double thatSPECIAL REPORT 4
INDIA The remaking of Narendra Modinumber died. Activists and relatives of theriot victims accused Modi and his government of giving Hindu rioters a free hand.New York-based Human Rights Watchsaid in a 2002 report entitled “We Have NoOrders to Save You” that at best police hadbeen “passive observers, and at worst theyacted in concert with murderous mobs.”In 2011, a Gujarati court convicted 31Muslims for the initial attack on the train.Separately, gynaecologist Maya Kodnani,who Modi made a minister for woman andchildren in 2007, was sentenced to 28 yearslast August for handing out swords to rioters and exhorting them to attack Muslims.She is still serving her sentence.Modi has always rebuffed demands foran apology. He insists that he did all that hecould to stop the violence. “Up till now, wefeel that we used our full strength to set outto do the right thing,” he said.A special investigation team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court to investigate the role of Modi and others in theviolence said in a 541-page report in 2012it could find no evidence to prosecute thechief minister. Most importantly, it clearedModi of the most damaging allegation:that he had told senior officials to allowHindu mobs to vent their anger.“Everyone has their own view. I wouldfeel guilty if I did something wrong,” Moditold Reuters. “Frustration comes when youthink ‘I got caught. I was stealing and I gotcaught.’ That’s not my case. I was given athoroughly clean chit.”Asked if he regretted the violence, Modicompared his feelings to the occupant ofa car involved in an accident. If “someoneelse is driving a car and we’re sitting behind, even then if a puppy comes under thewheel, will it be painful or not? Of courseit is. If I’m a chief minister or not, I’m ahuman being. If something bad happensanywhere, it is natural to be sad.”At the lunch at the German ambassador’s house Modi was pointedly askedby the gathered diplomats for reassuranceGood but not topForeign direct investment to India by state, or statesfrom April 2009 to Dec. 2012Arunachal Pradesh,Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya,Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura 0.03 billionBihar, Jharkhand 0.03Rajasthan 0.21Orissa 0.24Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand 0.32Goa 0.52Kerala 0.70Chhattisgarh,Madhya Pradesh 0.78Chandigarh, Haryana,Himachal Pradesh, Punjab 0.80Sikkim, West Bengal 0.88Gujarat 2.98Andhra Pradesh 4.17Karnataka 4.63Pondicherry, Tamil Nadu 5.28Delhi 23.30Dadra and Nagar Haveli,Daman and Diu, Maharashtra 30.53Source:Reserve Bank of IndiaSPECIAL REPORT 5
INDIA The remaking of Narendra Modithat the bloodshed of 2002 would not berepeated. For years after the riots, EU ambassadors in New Delhi had largely kepttheir distance from Modi, although the EUnever formally ostracised him.Britain, which has a large Gujarati population, did impose a formal diplomaticboycott on Modi for the deaths of threeBritish citizens in the riots, but ended it lastOctober. Washington maintains its ban,despite pressure from some Republicanlawmakers in Congress. There has beenno move at the U.S. State Departmentto reconsider its 2005 decision to revokeModi’s visa over the riots, a U.S. officialtold Reuters. Indeed, a U.S. governmentpanel, the Commission on InternationalReligious Freedom, recommended lastMay that Washington refuse any visa application from Modi.There has not been “full transparencyabout (Modi’s) degree of involvement inthe violence and his responsibility for that,”the commission’s chairwoman, KatrinaLantos Swett, told Reuters.At the lunch, Modi occupied a centralseat at a long, rectangular dining room table, with German ambassador Steiner sitting to one side. His reply to the questionabout the possibility of further riots: therehas been no communal violence in Gujaratsince 2002, unlike in other parts of India.MARKETING MODIIn the aftermath of the riots, Modi went towork improving his reputation.“What he has done is change the narrative and go for (economic) development,”says Swapan Dasgupta, a New Delhi-basedpolitical analyst who has advised BJP leaders on media strategy. “From 2002 onwardshe does not mention the riots any more. Itdoes not come into his speeches. This focuson development was backed up by a verypowerful publicity machine.”Modi has built a reputation as an incorruptible and efficient technocrat who haselectrified Gujarat’s 18,000 villages – theTRADE: A cargo ship being loaded with wheat at Mundra port in Gujarat. REUTERS/Amit DaveToday a whole lot of peoplein different parts of the countryat least know his name.Abraham Koshyprofessor of marketingstate is the only one in India with a near24/7 power supply – and slashed red tape toattract companies like Ford, Maruti Suzukiand Tata Motors.During Modi’s 10 years as chief minister, Gujarat has grown an average of 10percent a year. The state ranked fifth out of15 big states in 2010/2011 in terms of percapita income. Modi boasts it is the “engineof India’s economic growth.”But opponents and some economistspoint out that Gujarat has a long tradition of entrepreneurship and that thestate was doing well economically beforeModi took charge. Other states, includingMaharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh,Tamil Nadu and Delhi, attracted more foreign investment than Gujarat between 2009and 2012, according to India’s central bank.The difference is Modi and his salespitch. Economic success is important, heseems to realise. But so is telling that storyagain and again. As chief minister, Modi hasembraced modern technology like no otherIndian leader. He is active on Facebook andYouTube and has 1.8 million followers onTwitter, though aides say that number willhave to grow substantially for it to haveany impact in an election. During his reelection campaign last December, Modiused 3-D projection technology to appearsimultaneously at 53 events – a world record. He appears impeccably dressed, either in suits or stylish tailor-made kurtas,a knee-length Indian shirt, rimless glassesand a neatly trimmed white beard.“In terms of brand recognition he hassucceeded eminently.Today a whole lotof people in different parts of the countryat least know his name,” said AbrahamKoshy, professor of marketing at India’s topbusiness management school, the IndianInstitute of Management in Ahmedabad,who nevertheless questions whether Modican turn that recognition into votes.SPECIAL REPORT 6
INDIA The remaking of Narendra ModiThe Indian media and the rulingCongress party regularly claim that Modihas employed foreign help – in particularAPCO Worldwide, one of the largest PRagencies in the United States – to help himrehabilitate his image and make him moreacceptable to voters at home and governments abroad.While politicians around the worlduse PR agencies, Modi’s political opponents hope to raise questions about Modi’sachievements, say analysts. Opponents aretrying to tell voters “appearance is not reality, what you see is very different from thereal Modi,” said Pralay Kanungo, a professor of politics and an expert on Hindu nationalism at Jawaharlal Nehru University inNew Delhi.Modi’s government hired APCO in2009 to promote Gujarat’s biannual business investment summits in India andabroad. But the Washington-based firmhas repeatedly denied any involvementwith Modi’s political campaigns. Whenasked to comment, APCO pointed to astatement they made earlier this year: “Wedo not work on Chief Minister Modi’spublicity campaign; we are not engaged tohelp resolve the (U.S.) visa issue.”The man himself says he has no need forimage makers. “I have never looked at orlistened to or met a PR agency. Modi doesnot have a PR agency,” he said.Modi says he rises at about 5 a.m. everyday to do yoga and meditate. He reads thenews for 15 minutes via Twitter on his iPad.He has not taken a holiday in 12 years, hesaid while walking Reuters around the garden outside his office.Modi lives alone and has little contactwith his mother, four brothers or sister.VIBRANT GUJARATOne key to the way Modi has transformedhis image is “Vibrant Gujarat”, a projecthe launched in 2003. The biennial event isaimed at attracting investment to his state.But it is also, say some of those involved inModi does not have aPR agency.Narendra ModiFOREIGN CONNECTIONS: Britain’s Ministerof State for the Foreign Office Hugo Swire withModi during a signing ceremony for a recentgas deal. REUTERS/Amit Davethe project, a propaganda exercise aimedat erasing the black stain of the riots andmarketing Gujarat, and therefore Modi, toIndia and the world.“The image makeover was needed asModi realised that as a hardliner, he wouldhave limited acceptability in the political spectrum,” said one of Gujarat’s topcivil servants. “So he started working onhis image and the Vibrant Gujarat summit of 2003 was a big step towards it. Thesubsequent summits have further helped inshaping his image.”The event started small but is now marketed as a kind of mini-Davos with Japanand Canada as partner countries. At the2013 summit, 121 countries attended, according to the Gujarat government.In one memorable moment, Modi,India’s richest businessmen and diplomatsfrom Japan, Canada and Britain amongFollow Reuters SpecialReports on Twitter:@SpecialReportsothers, raised hands together as a packedauditorium cheered. It was a powerful image, signalling Modi’s acceptance by majorforeign powers and business leaders. AnilAmbani, head of India’s third-largest telecommunications company, called him a“lord of men.”In what many political analysts viewedas a breakthrough moment for Modi, hepersuaded billionaire industrialist RatanTata in 2008 to move production of theNano, billed as the world’s cheapest car, tothe state. “He is good for business in India,”says Ron Somers, head of the U.S.-IndiaBusiness Council, a Washington-basedlobby group that represents major U.S.companies in India.It is difficult to tell how much of the tensof billions of dollars pledged at the summitsend up being invested, but the gatheringsachieve one thing: “Vibrant Gujarat summits are basically media-focused eventswhere the media can see Ratan Tata andthe Ambanis,” with Modi, said a formerstrategist who has worked with the government on the summits.At the same time, there is substance behind the glitz. Gujarat’s government hasinvested heavily in roads, ports, agricultureand power, creating visible signs of progressin contrast to other parts of India. Projectsthat can take months or even years to becleared elsewhere are regularly approved indays or weeks in Gujarat.A LEGACY QUESTIONEDModi’s image is also helped by the missteps of the ruling Congress party. PrimeMinister Manmohan Singh’s national government has struggled through a series ofcorruption scandals. Economic growth is ata decade low.But as Modi moves closer to becominghis party’s presumptive candidate for primeminister, his model of economic development is coming under greater scrutiny byboth opponents and the Indian media.The biggest criticism is that he is tooSPECIAL REPORT 7
INDIA The remaking of Narendra ModiPRODUCTION LINE: Gujarat lured production of Tata’s small car the Nano in 2008. The car has sold poorly, but the moment was a coup for the state;Right: a Modi fan during the 2011 Rath Yatra, or chariot procession, in Ahmedabad. REUTERS/Amit Dave (2)pro-business and that poor and minority communities, especially Muslims, havebeen left behind.“I don’t think the people of India canbe fooled with the development plank ofModi or the model of Modi’s Gujarat,” saidShakeel Ahmad, chairman of the IslamicRelief Committee in Gujarat, sitting inhis office in one of the poorer parts ofAhmedabad, Gujarat’s largest city.Veteran human rights activist NafisaBarot believes “his pro-business policieshave hurt poor people and among themmost are Muslims” – and gave that messageto EU officials recently.India’s P
meeting that day: Narendra Modi, India’s most controversial politician and, possibly, the country’s next prime minister. It was a moment that captures the para-dox at the heart of Modi, and the caution with which the outside world approaches him. The January lunch at Ambassador
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