Spirituality And Resilience In Cambodia: A Trauma-informed .
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: CSociology & CultureVolume 19 Issue 1 Version 1.0 Year 2019Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research JournalPublisher: Global JournalsOnline ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587XSpirituality and Resilience in Cambodia: A Trauma-informedPerspectiveBy Zoe Wyatt & Mike NowlinDeakin UniversityAbstract- A vast number of children and young people globally face the harsh realities of war,genocide, natural disasters and other such tragedies. Yet there is limited research and fewpublished studies that look specifically at how spirituality can be utilized as a trauma-informedapproach to promote resilience and wellbeing for young people. Earlier research conducted withteachers and clinicians working with traumatized children at Hagar International Cambodiaindicated a convergence of trauma-informed themes. In particular, a religious and spiritualapproach to resilience was identified as one of the key factors for children in their recovery fromtrauma (Wyatt, et al, 2017; 2018). Hagar is a faith-based human rights organization providingadvocacy services for women and children who have survived the most extreme cases of humanrights abuse (Hagar International, 2015). This research continues with young people who havebeen supported by Hagar, exploring the protective factors that promote wellbeing and resilience.GJHSS-C Classification: FOR Code: formedPerspectiveStrictly as per the compliance and regulations of: 2019. Zoe Wyatt & Mike Nowlin. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative CommonsAttribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License http://creative commons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), permitting all non-commercialuse, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Spirituality and Resilience in Cambodia:A Trauma-informed PerspectiveI.TResilience in a Cambodian Contexthere has been minimal inquiry into how resilienceis defined by varying populations outside of aWestern framework and little is known about howthe current construct of resilience applies to nonwestern populations, particularly within marginalizedgroups (Boyden & Mann, 2005; Ungar, 2004).Furthermore, there is a divergence of resilience researchthat is contradictory to adversity reactions detailed in theresearch of Western cultures. For example, the Westernsense of autonomy in mental health support (ie. going tosee a therapist), rather than the protective wall ofcommunity found in much of rural Asia may impact as tohow PTSD symptoms are experienced. Ungar (2008)argues that the characteristics of resiliency differssignificantly from culture to culture, largely impacted bythe length of time exposed to adversity and theindividual’s capacity to locate adequate support, withina culturally meaningful environment that promoteswellbeing. Limited research exists on how marginalizedyouth in low and middle income countries, particularlythose who are or have been involved in the sexualAuthor α: Deakin University / The Cabin Group.e-mail: zowyatt@hotmail.comAuthor σ: Hagar International.exploitation, are able to bounce back from adversity,when many have not experienced the quality of care t in their young lives. Moreover, it is arguedthat whilst health professionals working with traumasurvivors may have access to psychosocial guidelinesthat operate in the West, they often fail to recogisecultural explanatory models that are being used bysurvivors towards building personal and group resilience(Overland, 2013).The ill-treatment of children needs to be seen inthe context of Cambodian history and culture, thedevastation caused by the Khmer Rouge (KR) regime(1975-79), intergenerational trauma and the complexcurrent socio-economic climate which does not lenditself to a simple explanation (Wyatt, et al, 2016). Thedevastating outcomes of the genocide inflicted by theKhmer Rouge regime and then the twenty years ofinternational isolation that followed continue to havebroader societal implications (Bockers et al, 2011; Fieldet al, 2013). This is largely due to half the populationbeing under the age of 25, which causes numerousproblems and leads to unrest, unemployment andhigher levels of migration (US State Department, 2017).Cambodia continues to be a vulnerable nation forhuman trafficking, as a source, transit and destinationcountry for traffickers (United Nations, 2017). Thisvulnerability and the increase in human trafficking canbe contributed to a number of factors including povertyand high-unemployment (especially for adolescents andyouth), increased sex tourism, a socio-economicimbalance between rural and urban populations and alack of basic education and safe migration (Reimer et al,2007). Cambodia is one of the poorest countries in Asiaand 28.3% of the population survive on less than 2.30USD per day (World Bank, 2017).II.The Construct of ResiliencyThere has been minimal inquiry into howresilience is defined by varying populations outside of aWestern framework and little is known about how thecurrent construct of resilience applies to non-westernpopulations, particularly within marginalized groups(Boyden & Mann, 2005; Ungar, 2004). Furthermore,there is a divergence of resilience research that iscontradictory to adversity reactions detailed in theresearch of Western cultures. For example, the Westernsense of autonomy in mental health support (ie. going to 20 19Global JournalsYearface the harsh realities of war, genocide, natural disasters andother such tragedies. Yet there is limited research and fewpublished studies that look specifically at how spirituality canbe utilized as a trauma-informed approach to promoteresilience and wellbeing for young people. Earlier researchconducted with teachers and clinicians working withtraumatized children at Hagar International Cambodiaindicated a convergence of trauma-informed themes. Inparticular, a religious and spiritual approach to resilience wasidentified as one of the key factors for children in their recoveryfrom trauma (Wyatt, et al, 2017; 2018). Hagar is a faith-basedhuman rights organization providing advocacy services forwomen and children who have survived the most extremecases of human rights abuse (Hagar International, 2015). Thisresearch continues with young people who have beensupported by Hagar, exploring the protective factors thatpromote wellbeing and resilience. It is expected that for theseyoung survivors of trafficking, gender-based violence andabuse, that religion and spirituality may offer a framework forlife that bring meaning to individuals in the face of adversity.This article brings together current research and practice, in anexploration of spirituality and resilience for trauma survivors inCambodia.1Global Journal of Human Social Science ( C ) Volume XIX Issue I Version IAbstract- A vast number of children and young people globally2019Zoe Wyatt α & Mike Nowlin σ
Year2019Spirituality and Resilience in Cambodia: A Trauma-informed Perspective-Global Journal of Human Social Science ( C ) Volume XIX Issue I Version I2see a therapist), rather than the protective wall ofcommunity found in much of rural Asia may impact as tohow PTSD symptoms are experienced. Ungar (2008)argues that the characteristics of resiliency differssignificantly from culture to culture, largely impacted bythe length of time exposed to adversity and theindividual’s capacity to locate adequate support, withina culturally meaningful environment that promoteswellbeing. Multiple studies conducted on traffickedvictims found that within collectivist cultures such asCambodia, it is necessary that interventions adopt aholistic, interdependent and interconnected approach tohealth and wellbeing (Perrin, e al, 2001: Berry, 2006;Armendariz, et al, 2011; Overland, 2013). Particularly forthose who are, or have been, involved in the sexualexploitation are able to bounce back from adversity,when many have not experienced the quality of care t in their young lives.Moreover, it is argued that whilst healthprofessionals working with trauma survivors may haveaccess to psychosocial guidelines that operate in theWest, they often fail to recogise cultural explanatorymodels that are being used by survivors towardsbuilding personal and group resilience (Overland, 2013).Overland (2013) conducted research into thephenomena of resilience of KR survivors, of whichcertain themes emerged from participants: socialintegration and a strong work ethic both build selfreliance, whilst religion, spirituality and culture provide aknowledge base and framework for understanding ofthese traumatic events. The stories of trauma survivorsare important as few empirical studies of underlyingresiliency factors has occurred within a population ofyoung Cambodians who have a predominately Buddhistcultural tradition. In Overland’s study of trauma andresilience using biographical accounts of KR survivors,the definition provided for resilience was: “those whoappear to be doing remarkably well” (Overland, 2010,p.34).This term was drawn from Antonovsky’s (1987)earlier work on how people manage stress and ‘staywell’ in the face of adversity. Notably, Antonovsky’ssense of coherence (SOC) has been used as anexplanatory variable in multiple studies (Stru mpfer,1995; Friborg, et al, 2003; Greene, 2015) whereby thesurvivor’s ability to ‘stay well’ is dependent on their lenson the world. Perhaps for many Cambodians it is amatter of survival mode rather than “doing well” insociety. Antonovsky argues that these core concepts of“doing well” is rationality, understandability, consistencyand predictability must be present, so that life maybecome manageable, as it is meaningful (Geyer, 2013).How can this be applied in a Cambodian context wheretrauma and psychological disruptions are both complexand far reaching? Also taking into consideration, thecurrent political and economic factors such as the KR 2019 Global Journalstrials and inability to secure a stable household incomein Cambodia, would potentially be re-traumatizing formany, post the KR regime and living through 20 years ofinternational isolation (Greene, 2015).III.Children and Young People ofHagar International CambodiaDespite significant trauma in their young lives,many of the children Hagar has supported havedeveloped the ability to bounce back from severeadversity, cultivated the capacity to deal with adversesituations. Researchers globally have investigatedresilience in children and young people to learn aboutthe processes that support positive adaption and informpractice and policy in the process (Masten & Cicchetti,2016). As resilience research has advanced, commonfactors associated with resilience emerged whichincluded individual attributes of problem solving skills,self-regulation capabilities, sense of meaning in life,hope, faith and optimism all played a role (Wright, et al,2013; Masten, 2018). In earlier research (Wyatt, et al,2017) conducted with Hagar’s teachers and clinicalteam into their own self-care working with trauma, hope,faith and spirituality was a common theme emergingduring the interview process. Participants were a mix ofBuddhist and Christian religions, yet it was evident inmany interviews that spirituality played an important partin participants’ emotional wellbeing; even though therewere no specific interview questions about faith.Participants spoke about love and sharing their ‘light’with the children, whilst others talked about reading andfinding hope in the Bible after a challenging day (Wyatt,et al, 2018). One commenting that "God and faith is veryimportant for me, this is how I take care of my spirit"similarly, other participants linked faith to feelings ofcalm and taking care of themselves emotionally withstatements such as “I go to church sometimes I crybut I turn to Jesus for help” and "I go to the pagoda andI feel calm" (Wyatt, et al, 2018).IV.Religion in CambodiaTraditionally Cambodia has been a spiritualcountry, with a unique complex blend of Hinduism,Buddhism and Animism (referred to locally as the Khmerreligion). The early influences of Hinduism provide theKhmer with gods, Theravada Buddhism an ethicalframework and animism an abundant spirit world(Coggan, 2015). All three together make up the richtapestry of Cambodian spiritual life (Eisenbrunch, 1994).Since the time of ancient Cambodia, the search forharmony between the local animistic foundations,philosophic-spiritual contributions and the adoption ofTheravada Buddhism has been evident (Keyes, 1994;Kent, 2008). Animism plays an integral role and is thecornerstone of folk Buddhism. The influence of animismis not just evident with Cambodian Buddhists, but also
V.The Link Between Faith andResilienceThere has been ample research conducted intoreligion and faith as protective factors that promotewellbeing and resilience. A review of spiritual practicesin at-risk adolescents identified three prominent spiritualthemes that were related to strengthening resilience: (a)experiencing a personal relationship with a higher powerof their understanding, (b) finding a sense of meaningand purpose in life, and (c) incorporating personallysignificant spiritual practices (Williams & Lindsey, 2010).Werner (1993; 2001) studied Hawaii Islander childrenwho practiced various religions (including Christianityand Buddhism) and were persistently resilient from anearly age. What emerged in the research, was oftenspontaneous accounts of religion and faith in referenceto coping and resilience (Werner, 1993; Williams &Lindsey, 2010). It is in the human capacity for meaningmaking in the midst of overwhelming suffering andadversity, where belief in a power greater than oneself ispresent, may be important for bolstering resilience(Hinton et al, 2011; Masten, 2015). These belief systemsmay also protect self-efficacy in the face of lost controlwith faith and spiritual practice being the cornerstonethat help trauma survivors move forward with their lives.Masten (2018) found that religion may also improvewellbeing by promoting healthy behaviours and grantingaccess to religious social support. Krause (2008)concurred with findings that spiritual practice is linkedwith an improvement of physical health, by directlylowering levels of stress cortisol in the body throughmindful meditation. Anand (2009) found that Buddhismenabled resiliency through faith in the karma doctrinethat “facilitates acceptance of a tragic situation” (2009,p.818). Highlighting that it’s not only religion but alsoVI.Faith, Healing and PsychotherapyThe intersection between the faith of Hagar staffand the traumatised children they work with becomesintertwined with attachment theory. Through therelationship the children build with trusted Hagar staff,they may seek to emulate the same faith, thusdeveloping a further protective system of attachment.Attachment theory was initially described by JohnBowlby’s (1982) work based on the many traumatizedchildren post-WW2 that were separated from or lost theircaregivers. Bowlby viewed attachment as a protectivesystem critical for human survival and the bond betweenchild and caregiver serves the function of safety,emotional security and learning (Bowlby, 1982). It hasbeen well-documented that even the presence of atleast one good relationship post-traumatic event/s canbuffer the devastating impact on a child’sdevelopmental progress and ability to form adultattachments later in life (McGloin & Widom, 2001;Collishaw, et al, 2007; Alink, et al, 2009). Attachmentplays a lifelong role in human adaption and may alsoserve as cultural conduits, transmitting religious, spiritualand cultural practices that may foster resilience over thecourse of a child’s development (Alink, et al, 2009).Studies of children of war highlight the importance ofreligious practice, particularly practices involving recitingscripture and sharing a philosophy of life that promotespeace (Masten, 2015).Post-trauma, children may look towards trustedadults who may become spiritual mentors, as theyembody desirable characteristics. Through the variedlenses of religion and spiritual practice, children mayfind solace after the trauma they have experienced. Thisis evidenced in the self-reported ‘knowing’ that manyChristians have, that there is a “positive rhythm andpattern in the universe, guided by a Supreme Being whocares for us” (Hayward & Elliott, 2009, p.197). Whilst inBuddhism, attachment is discouraged and dwelling onpain without an action plan rarely leads to relief 20 19Global JournalsYearother spiritual beliefs, that help people through traumaticexperiences (Rumbold, 2007; D’Souza & Kurvilla, 2006).With various dimensions of religious practicedemonstrated in the research which linked wellbeingthrough participation in religious activities, socialidentity, divine sense of control and religious socialsupport (Elliot & Doane, 2014). Religious institutionshave been found to be protective factors for youngpeople post-trauma. It has been found that socialconnectedness through church and other religiousactivities, influences youth from poor communities morethan doctrine does (Armitage et al, 2012). Researchershave also found that that church attendance can have apositive effect on the physical, social, and emotionalhealth and wellbeing of individuals (Armitage etal, 2012).3Global Journal of Human Social Science ( C ) Volume XIX Issue I Version Iwithin the Khmer-Christian community. Recent statisticssuggest there is still a relatively low percentage ofCambodians (2-4%) that identify as Christian, althoughan increasing number of registered Christian churcheslocated in Phnom Penh area (Unicef, 2017). Eventhough Christianity is not considered a major religion inCambodia (World Faith Development Dialogue, 2012),foreign evangelistic churches claim their numbers aregrowing rapidly and whilst actively seeking converts, ithas been argued that the new religion in Cambodia isChristianity (Cormack, 2014). It appears that for someCambodians prayer to a Christian God can operate likemagic, whilst churches offer a sense of community andmutual help, that some argue is absent in traditionalKhmer society (Cormack, 2014; Coggan, 2015).Furthermore, the attraction by some Khmer towardsChristianity may also lie within a potential employmentnetwork; as many churches and Christian-based NGOsoffer free education and English lessons.2019Spirituality and Resilience in Cambodia: A Trauma-informed Perspective
Year2019Spirituality and Resilience in Cambodia: A Trauma-informed Perspective-Global Journal of Human Social Science ( C ) Volume XIX Issue I Version I4(Thompson, 2006). This is contradictory to manypsychotherapists belief that one must dig deep into painto release it. However, it has been argued thatruminating on pain only makes pain larger (Schieman,2011). Digging deeper sometimes leads to only a biggerhole and has the potential to embed memories oftrauma further, essentially doing a great deal more harmthan good. Pause for reflection and prayer, allows theindividual to transfer focus from their wounds to howthose wounds might cause some greater growth orinsight (D'souza, & Kuruvilla, 2006). Stepping back froma problem, meditating, acknowledging it and attemptingto understand its interconnection to the world outsideallows an individual to chart a new course of action andleave their pain in the past ((D'souza, & Kuruvilla, 2006).As Cambodia lacks a developed mentalhealthcare system similar to that found in many Westerncountries, there have been efforts made to introducemore Western psychological approaches to managingthe effects of trauma in Cambodia since the nineties(Aggar, 2015). This has been particularly in response tohelp survivors of the KR cope with residual stress (Kent,2006; Overland, 2010). However, there are a range oflocal practices highlighted in Agger’s (2015) work thatCambodians already draw upon to calm the mind andmitigate some of the symptoms of stress, namely,meditation and mindfulness. It is these techniques thathave helped inform Western psychological practice, yetthe concept of mindfulness remains grounded inTheravada Buddhist tradition. Agger’s research foundthat Buddhist mindfulness is interwoven into the broadercultural fabric and that “practicing mindfulness isinextricably linked to other cultural notions, particularlythat of merit making, and that “both bring psychologicalbenefit to individuals” (2015, p.554). As faith in someways is synonymous with hope; both clearly see a futurebeyond the present. Faith is more rooted in acceptingthe present as a path to the future (Thompson, 2006).However, while hope tends to focus on escaping thebad parts of the present, to get to the better timesahead. Faith in a power outside of self, whether that beGod or the teachings of Buddha, allow for detachmentfrom worry and negative ruminating thoughts, acting asa catalyst for perspective and acceptance of what is.VII.In Conclusion: TherapeuticReflections from the FieldAs practitioners in the field we need to getincreasingly more comfortable with discussions aboutreligion and spirituality if we are to be most effective intreating the mental health and recovery needs of thetraumatized and other vulnerable populations. This canprove challenging given a growing nversations with possible ideological variancespotentially contentious, threatening, and emotionally 2019 Global Journalsunsafe. It is particularly essential when working withothers from a cultural context or religious backgrounddifferent than our own that we are able to adjust our lensto be more accepting of such ideological differences.Within the therapeutic relationship we have to create anatmosphere of respect and acceptance, helping othersdraw upon their religious and spiritual practices tostrengthen their resolve to heal, to activate their innateresilience mechanisms, even when said practices andbeliefs vary significantly from our own. To merely avoidutilising such a therapeutic tool due to our owndiscomfort is essentially offering an obsolete treatmentmodality to those seeking our help.We understand that healing potential comesthrough a combination of skilled interventions,therapeutic rapport, and by coming alongside theindividual to help them to outlast the hardship byunlocking their resilience. Research tells us that faithand spirituality are key drivers for resilience building, andyet we often struggle to address it in treatment, citing “Idon’t want to be disrespectful”, or allowing our ownissues about discussing religion to interfere. As a matterof practicality, it is important to ensure your assessmentforms and treatment plans don’t merely ask a person’sreligion, but dig much deeper asking abouttheir corereligious constructs and practices that are mostmeaningful, and how they might incorporate them intotreatment planning to promote spiritual health andinsights. We must effectively explore how one’s beliefsand spiritual practices can bring hope and meaning tothe hurting, to offer a path toward growth and healing. Itis also equally important to understand which beliefsand practices might actually deter their growth andhealing by causing feelings of shame, regret, or failure.The therapeutic relationship has tremendouspower to change the course for those who engage withus in treatment, so we must ensure that we are using themost effective tools to promote healing. Exploration ofreligious beliefs and spirituality are two exceptionallypowerful tools to help build resilience when strategicallypromoted in a safe and accepting manner within thetreatment context. As clinicians we need to regularlyassess our own comfort levels on said topics; findquestions and exercises to sensitively engage ourbeneficiaries in dialogue; and to maximize the impact ofservices by empowering one’s belief in somethinggreater than themselves to make sense of the events intheir lives. Such activities are indicative of culturalcompetence, and only come through continuingeducation, a growing self-awareness, and thoughtfuldialogue with those whose religious or spiritual practicesvary from our own.About the AuthorsThe lead author and researcher on this projectis an Australian Mental Health Social Worker (AASW)and PhD Candidate with Deakin University Australia,
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Spirituality and Resilience in Cambodia: A Trauma-informed Global Journal of Human Social Science ( C ) Volume XIX Issue I Version I630.37.38.39.40.41.Hardacre, eds. Asian Visions of Authority: Religionand the Modern States of East and Southeast Asia.Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.Krause, N., 2008. The Social Foundation ofReligious Meaning in life. Research on Aging, 30(4),pp. 395-427.Masten, A. S. & Cicchetti, D., 2016. Resilience inDevelopment: Progress and
the context of Cambodian history and culture, the devastation caused by the Khmer Rouge (KR) regime (1975-79), intergenerational trauma and the complex current socio-economic climate which does not lend itself to a simple explanation (Wyatt, et al, 2016). The devastating o
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Kapic and Randall Gleason and Evangelical Spirituality by James Gordon. The former represents Puritan piety, whereas the latter, Evangelical spirituality.2 Before comparing 1 Joel Beeke, in his book Puritan Reformed Spirituality (Grand Rapids: Reformation Heritage Books, 2004), approaches Reformed and Puritan spiritualities as single entity.
2 FOCUS CE COURSE Spirituality and Social Work Originally printed December 2010 DEFINITIONS Spiritual / Spirituality Spirituality is an aspect of religious traditions, and also of existential value systems. Elkins (1988) gives this definition: “Spirituality, which comes from the Latin, spiritus, meaning breath of life,” is a
COVID-19 has caused an unprecedented crisis and has come as a shock to Cambodia, the region and the world. The effects of COVID-19 have led to an 80% drop in international and 20% . Phase 3 (Relaunch): Preparation for the new future (2024-2025) of Cambodia's tourism sector aims to maximize the benefits of sustainable development of Cambodia's .
(sources: National Review of the HIV/AIDS response in Cambodia and UNAIDS Country Profile). Fig.2 : The map of the Kingdom of Cambodia Economy Cambodia is one of the poorest country in the region and has some of the worst human development indicators in the world. Recent economic growth has focused in capital city and surrounding area. The vast
22nd April 2020: UNICEF Cambodia 122 Deaths reported: 0 Over 90,000 migrant workers have returned to Cambodia. All schools and universities are closed. continues to support the Royal Government of Cambodia and WHO in risk communication and community engagement. This is to ensure that the entire population, especially the most marginalized women
Cambodia to lead and manage in health sector of the Kingdom of Cambodia. Article 3: Ministry of Health has the roles and duties as stated below: - Determine the health policies based on the basic program of the Royal Government of Cambodia aiming to promote the health and well-being of the citizens,
Cambodia Services Trade. 1. Performance and Regulatory Framework Assessment. As a result of a determined regulatory reform process and an economic modernization process over the past two decades, Cambodia has experienced extraordinary economic growth. In 2004, Cambodia became the first low-income country to join the World Trade Organization (WTO).
