Concepts Of Childhood: What We Know And Where We Might .

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Concepts of Childhood: What We Know and Where We MightGoKing, Margaret L., 1947Renaissance Quarterly, Volume 60, Number 2, Summer 2007,pp. 371-407 (Article)Published by Renaissance Society of AmericaFor additional information about this 60/60.2king.htmlAccess Provided by Brooklyn College Library at 09/29/10 4:55PM GMT

Concepts of Childhood: What We Knowand Where We Might Goby M A R G A R E T L. K I N GThe publication some forty years ago of the landmark work by Philippe Ariès, entitled Centuriesof Childhood in its widely-read English translation, unleashed decades of scholarly investigationof that once-neglected target, the child. Since then, historians have uncovered the traces ofattitudes toward children — were they neglected, exploited, abused, cherished? — and patternsof child-rearing. They have explored such issues, among others, as the varieties of Europeanhousehold structure; definitions of the stages of life; childbirth, wetnursing, and the role of themidwife; child abandonment and the foundling home; infanticide and its prosecution; apprenticeship, servitude, and fostering; the evolution of schooling; the consequences of religiousdiversification; and the impact of gender. This essay seeks to identify key features and recent trendsamid this abundance of learned inquiry.1. I N T R O D U C T I O NThe history of the history of childhood begins, as everyone knows, withPhilippe Ariès, whose Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life — an evocative mistranslation of the original title, L’Enfant et la viefamiliale sous l’Ancien Régime — burst on the scene in 1962. Poor Ariès:surely he could not anticipate that his imaginative essay would become thepremier site of contestation, as one says, in this little corner of our collectiveenterprise, and his views both pilloried and defended by Anglophoneknights of the monograph over the course of a generation.Ariès was right, at least in this regard: the modern concept of thechild, the sentimental concept of childhood, of which there were glimpsesin Renaissance Italy and Reformation Germany, first crystallized inseventeenth-century England, more or less, and then, in the eighteenthcentury, in France and more highly urbanized regions of Europe and theAmericas. At this juncture, as some of the studies discussed below informus, elite mothers embraced their destiny to breastfeed, swaddling clothesdisappeared, obstetrical science trumped old wives’ tales, the children’sbook industry was born — along with children’s clothing, children’sfurniture, and children’s games — and middle-class parents, publicly expressing their love for children and their grief at child death, dedicatedthemselves to the welfare and advancement of their offspring in a surge thatculminated in today’s so-called “helicopter parents.”It is not this argument, of course, that especially energized Ariès’s critics,but rather the hypothesis that high rates of infant and child mortalityRenaissance Quarterly 60 (2007): 371–407[ 371 ]

372R E N A IS S A N CE Q U A R T ERLYdiscouraged parents from investing emotionally in children. LawrenceStone (1977), looming large among others, agrees; Linda Pollock (1983,1987) disagrees, along with Alan Macfarlane (1970, 1986), among others:most volubly, Steven Ozment (1983, 1990, 1999, 2001). The argumenthas petered out, although the obligatory review of the whole Arièsiandebate is still performed in the introductory chapter of volumes pertainingto childhood: among recent roundups, Steven Ozment’s in his Ancestors(2001) and Nicholas Terpstra’s in his Abandoned Children of the ItalianRenaissance (2005). It is time to reach closure on this: the rates of infantand child mortality were horrendous (between 25 and 50%), but levels ofparental affection for children varied with region, setting (urban vs. rural),and class. In terms of their investment in children, bourgeois and professional families of the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries quite nearlyresembled our own — which is to say, bourgeois and professional —families today.Ariès’s greatest contribution, however, is his insistence on the historicity of childhood: that childhood was not an essential condition, aconstant across time, but something that changed — or, if childhood itself,bound by biologically- and psychologically-determined phases of development, is constant, then the understanding of it differed, as did the way itwas experienced by both adults and children. A modest successor to earlieroverviews of this sort, including those by Hugh Cunningham (1998),Richard Vann (1982), and Adrian Wilson (1980), this essay reflects on thestudy of the history of childhood (often embedded in studies of householdand family) since Ariès. Focusing primarily on the early modern period, butmaking, where appropriate, occasional forays beyond its boundaries, itmaps out some of the main lines of inquiry and suggests issues that remainunresolved.2 . T H E H E R O I C E R A : S T U D I E S F R O M T H E M I D -1960 ST O M I D - 1980 SAriès’s assumption of the historicity of childhood was the platform for theimportant work that followed in a first stage from the mid-1960s throughthe mid-1980s. The key figures are Peter Laslett, singly (1965, 1983a,1983b) and with collaborators (1972, 1977, 1980), David Herlihy andChristiane Klapisch-Zuber in collaboration (1978, 1985) and singly(Herlihy, 1978, 1985; Klapisch-Zuber, 1985), Alan Macfarlane (1985),and Michael Mitterauer (1992) singly and in collaboration with Reinhard

C ON CE P T S O F CHIL D H O O D373Sieder (1982).1 From these authors we learn important new informationabout the evolution of diverse household structures (especially Laslett,Macfarlane, Herlihy, and Klapisch-Zuber), the volatility of family life (especially Herlihy, Klapisch-Zuber, and Mitterauer and Sieder), and thevariability of household functions (especially Macfarlane and Mitterauerand Sieder), all of which necessarily affected the lives of children.The critical realization was that the European family — more precisely,the Western European family — was from the outset not extended, involving multiple generations ruled by an elderly patriarch. Instead, for themost part, marriage was neolocal: newlyweds formed their own households.In exceptional pockets, such as southern France, rural Tuscany, and theVenetian patriciate, brothers formed joint households to share an inheritance. In northwestern Europe, especially, marriage ages were late for bothmen and women, well into the twenties, while among wealthy Italianfamilies, as among the Greeks and Romans, adolescent brides married menaround age thirty.Although the modern nuclear family was not universal, Europeanfamilies tended to conform to this model more than to the extendedfamilies and complex households of other regions, such as Asia. One consequence was demographic adaptability: when stressed by famine, disease,and war, Europeans married younger and had more children; when productivity increases no longer kept up with population growth, they marriedlater and were less fertile. The presence of a large group of celibates, mostcommitted to the Church, was a further advantage. Nevertheless, exuberantpopulation growth ahead of resources left Europeans vulnerable to theBlack Death, in which some one-third to one-half perished.Although household structure, for the most part, tended to the nuclearand household size was limited, the European family was dynamic andvolatile, characterized by many entrances and exits. Children were oftensent away young, while elderly or otherwise dependent kin, especiallyfemales, rotated into the household. These served as additional laborers, tothe extent that when they were in short supply, servants might be broughtin to overcome the shortage. Even the identity of the parental couple1To these might be added the work of anthropologist Jack Goody, principally hisDevelopment of the Family and Marriage in Europe (1983), relating the distinctive structureof the European family from the medieval period to the threshold of the modern to patternsof landholding and to the presence of the Catholic Church; see also his (with collaboratorsJoan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson) Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe(1976). Goody’s synthesis The European Family: An Historico-Anthropological Essay (2000),pursues these themes across the whole chronological span of European history.

374R E N A IS S A N CE Q U A R T ERLYshifted. A householder might have three or four wives in succession, as eachsuccumbed to early death, perhaps in childbirth: each surviving wife managed a household containing their own children and also those of one ormore predecessors. Widowed, a young woman might leave for a newhusband, leaving her children to be reared by their kin in the paternal line;or she might stay, to be sidelined by the wife of the inheriting son. Fewchildren lived in a household whose configuration remained constant forthe length of their childhood.Not only did family configurations shift unpredictably in premoderntimes, but families performed different sets of functions. In our own world,families most often provide (or aim to) “havens in a heartless world,” to useChristopher Lasch’s phrase in his pessimistic assessment of 1977. In formertimes, they performed a range of functions: political, military, judicial, andreligious as well as social and cultural, as Mitterauer and Sieder (1982) aptlyshow in their schematization of the progressive shedding of householdfunctions to the core purpose of acculturation. In the early modern era,many noble and royal households had political, military, and judicial functions, while peasant, artisan, and some merchant households werethemselves places of production: factories as well as families. The emergence of radical religious groups, such as Anabaptists, Puritans, Quakers,Jansenists, and Pietists, put a premium on the task of acculturation, asminority faiths sought to secure their future through the careful training oftheir offspring.The authors contributing these insights to our knowledge of child andfamily employed the characteristic methods of social historians. Ariès wasa humanist who examined written and visual texts. Those named in thepreceding paragraphs mined the archives, studying tax data, notarial documents, and baptismal and death records while quantifying what could bequantified. Laslett worked on his several volumes in association with theCambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure,which he cofounded and codirected, while the joint project of Herlihy andKlapisch-Zuber on Tuscan families involved a unique and pioneering display of quantitative historical methods for this region. (Both of the latter,their commitment to social-science methodology notwithstanding, werealso insightful readers of literary, religious, and humanist texts.) Mitterauerand Sieder are both sociologists, and their European Family, like Mitterauer’sHistory of Youth, is properly described as historical sociology.Also working principally in the 1970s and 1980s, Alan Macfarlane andLawrence Stone offer strikingly different visions of the English family.Stone’s Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (1977) is ablockbuster analysis of the family’s evolution through three stages — from

C ON CE P T S O F CHIL D H O O D375large weblike structures devoid of emotional warmth to small enclaves ofintense feeling — that tracks, as noted above, the Arièsian trajectory.Macfarlane, in contrast, both in his Origins of English Individualism (1978)and in Marriage and Love in England (1985), locates the birth of theintensely-connected, emotion-rich family much earlier, perhaps as early asthe thirteenth century: before, according to Ariès, the concept of childhoodexisted. Macfarlane’s extended review (1979) of Stone is an absorbingpiece.Macfarlane’s reading of the English experience is echoed for France inthe work of Jean-Louis Flandrin (1979) and James Traer (1980). In his1979 Families in Former Times, Flandrin finds that, prodded by priests andconfessors, patriarchal control of the French family began to loosen in theseventeenth century, while parents conspired to limit births and increasechildren’s life chances. In his 1980 Marriage and the Family in EighteenthCentury France, Traer explores how tensions between ecclesiastical and stateconcepts of the family promoted the liberalization of family life in lawcodes and procedures.The 1970s also saw psychohistorical approaches to the history ofchildhood, for which Ariès’s discussion of sexual games played with children and developing notions of privacy paved the way. David Hunt’sParents and Children in History (1970) explores the psychic roots of political and social repression, while Edward Shorter’s Making of the ModernFamily (1975), focusing on the transition from the eighteenth to thenineteenth century, identifies the development of sacrificial maternallove as the keystone of the modern family. Lloyd de Mause’s signature100-plus-page essay, “The Evolution of Childhood” (1973) is the manifesto of the psychohistorical approach, published in the important firstvolume of the History of Childhood Quarterly which he founded, and reprinted (1974) as the introduction to a collection of essays (also entitledThe History of Childhood) he edited. Tracing the evolution of childhoodfrom the barbarisms of the remote past to the bliss of the dawning momentof psychic freedom, de Mause usefully reminds historians of the mentalcost of enduring patterns of child abuse, neglect, and abandonment.Although de Mause’s own approach is imaginatively and boldly psychohistorical, the contributions to his volume are often more standard (andsome would say more reliable) studies organized by era in a coherentsequence. Notable for readers of this journal, and offering insights stillvaluable, is J. B. Ross’s “The Middle-Class Child in Urban Italy, Fourteenth to Early Sixteenth Century” (1974). Two other useful essaycollections from the early 1970s, more miscellaneous in structure, showcasethe variety of methodological approaches and regional perspectives that

376R E N A IS S A N CE Q U A R T E RLYmark a field just venturing forth: those edited by Charles Rosenberg (TheFamily in History, 1975) and by Theodore Rabb and Robert Rotberg (TheFamily in History: Interdisciplinary Essays, 1973).3. FILLING IN: MONOGRAPHS AND SURVEYS FROM THE1 980 S T O T H E P R E S E N TThe next phase of the investigation of childhood, from the early 1980s tothe present day, has been constituted by a stream of monographs punctuated by syntheses and new editions of texts. To start with the smaller group,the syntheses include, in order of date of publication, those by JohnSommerville (The Rise and Fall of Childhood, 1982), spanning from antiquity to the present; by Hugh Cunningham (Children and Childhood inWestern Society since 1500, 1995), on the period from 1500 to the present;and by Colin Heywood (A History of Childhood, 2001), on the period“from medieval to modern times.”2In defining the different periods they address, these three overviewsacknowledge the difficulty of writing about childhood in the period beforeca. 1200, or about childhood beyond the Western world; only for ancientRome are there adequate specialist investigations to support the generalist’seffort of synthesis.3 Sommerville’s early work, especially broad in its purview, already displays his focus on the culture of Puritanism he laterexplores in depth in The Discovery of Childhood in Puritan England (1992).The syntheses of Cunningham and Heywood, likewise, bear the stamp oftheir authors’ specialist interests: Cunningham’s in children and povertyand their representation in modern England (1991) and Heywood’s inchildren and work in nineteenth-century France (1988).In addition to these overviews of childhood history, Michael Andersonoffers a concise report in Approaches to the History of the Western Family,1500–1914 (1995), and the team of Joseph Hawes and N. Ray Hiner2Other syntheses of interest include those by Shulamith Shahar (Childhood in theMiddle Ages, 1990) and Beatrice Gottlieb (The Family in the Western World, 1993), and, inGerman and French, respectively, Klaus Arnold’s 1980 Kind und Gesellschaft, which preceded Sommerville and later titles but was little read in this country (the New York PublicLibrary does not even possess a copy); and Danièle Alexandre-Bidon and Dider Lett’s 1997Les enfants au Moyen Age: V–XV e siècles. A monograph rather than a synthesis, ClarissaAtkinson’s The Oldest Vocation (1991), on medieval mothering, is fundamental.3For Rome, especially Keith R. Bradley (1990), Suzanne Dixon (1988, 1992, 2001),Jane F. Gardner (1998), Judith P. Hallett (1984), Beryl Rawson (1986, 2003), and ThomasWiedemann (1989). For Greece, the works of Sarah Pomeroy (1997, 2002) are a standalone achievement.

C ON CE P T S O F CHIL D H O O D377contribute an invaluable collection of articles providing an internationaland comparative overview of childhoods past and present (Children inHistorical and Comparative Perspective, 1991). The wide-ranging essayscollected by David Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli in Family Life in EarlyModern Times (1500–1789) (2001), the first of their three-volume Historyof the European Family, may be too broad to be greatly helpful to specialistsin our era.Even as such general works appeared, a wave of monographs surged toexplore particular aspects of the history of children and related topics. Thefollowing pages consider first those specific to regions or places, and thenthose grouped according to theme or problem.England: English historians, building on the foundations laid byLaslett, Macfarlane, and Stone, have looked closely at aristocratichouseholds and everyday life. Joel T. Rosenthal (Patriarchy and Families ofPrivilege in Fifteenth-Century England, 1991) and Barbara J. Harris (EnglishAristocratic Women, 1450–1550, 2002) give complementary portraits ofthe fifteenth- and sixteenth-century aristocracy, the former stressing theimportance of patrilineal strategies, the latter the significant authority andsometimes invisible power exerted by matriarchs. For the eighteenth century, Judith S. Lewis (In the Family Way, 1986) and Naomi Tadmor(Family and Friends in Eighteenth-Century England, 2001) offer studies ofaristocratic family relations to supplement Randolph Trumbach’s earlierwork (Rise of the Egalitarian Family, 1978) on aristocratic kinship. Explorations of aristocratic households benefit from the analysis of the papers oftwo families in particular: the Verneys (Miriam Slater’s Family Life in theSeventeenth Century, 1984) and the Pastons (Colin Richmond’s three volumes on The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century, 1990, 1996, 2000),based on nineteenth- and early twentieth-century editions of the documents. Alison Hanham, in addition, has edited the papers of a merchantfamily, the Celys (The Cely Letters, 1472–1488, 1975), and has contributeda study based on those texts (The Celys and Their World, 1985).Feminist scholars look at the women of the elites because of the greaterabundance of literary texts, which they use to illumine the lives of womenas mothers, as does Sylvia Brown (Women’s Writing in Stuart England,1999) and Betty Travitsky (“The New Mother of the English Renaissance,”1980, and “‘A Pittilesse Mother’?”, 1994). Not only such studies, but alsoeditions of works by mothers — both as facsimiles and in new criticaleditions — fill out our understanding of early modern motherhood: especially valuable is Elizabeth Joscelin’s The Mothers Legacy to her UnbornChilde, edited by Jean Metcalfe (2000). Valerie Fildes’s works on breastfeeding(Breasts, Bottles and Babies, 1986, and Wet-Nursing: A History, 1988)

378R E N A IS S A N CE Q U A R T ERLYexplore this particular aspect of the maternal role in a broad sweep overtime, region, and class; al

disappeared, obstetrical science trumped old wives’ tales, the children’s-book industry was born — along with children’s clothing, children’s furniture, and children’s games — and middle-class parents, publicly ex-pressing their love for children and their grief at child death, dedicated

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