The Shroud And The Iconography Of Christ

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St. Louis, October 9-12, 2014The Shroud and the iconography of ChristEmanuela MarinelliAbstractThe similarity between the Shroud face and most of the depictions of Christ known in art,both Eastern and Western, is clear and cannot be attributed to pure chance; it must be theresult of a dependency, mediated or immediate, of an image from the other and of all from acommon source. We can identify several elements on the Shroud that are not regular, hardlyattributable to the imagination of the artists, that make us understand how the ancientrepresentations of Christ's face depend on the venerated relic. It is reasonable to think that inthe early days of the Church, the Shroud has been kept hidden for various reasons. During thisperiod, for the representation of Christ they only used symbols or they applied to the figure ofChrist appearances derived from other religions. After the victory of Christianity, sanctionedby Constantine in 313 with the Edict of Milan, a new image of the face of Jesus began tospread, which is characterized by not too long beard, mustache, narrow, tall and stately face,with long hair, falling on His shoulders, and sometimes with a middle line that divides them.Numerous testimonials, both written and iconographic, confirm that in Edessa (Şanliurfatoday, in south-eastern Turkey) there was an impression left by Jesus on a cloth with Hissweat and His blood. This sacred cloth, hidden for centuries and rediscovered in the sixthcentury, became the inspirational model for the iconography of Christ. All the legends, thetraditions, the references to the existence of such an image are important for reconstructing anitinerary of the Shroud in the dark ages prior to its appearance in Europe and to understandwhy there are so many references to the existence of an image of Christ on a cloth.Keywords: Edessa, Mandylion, SindoneThe Shroud is an extraordinary relic because, besides having blood stains on it 1, it isimprinted with the image of the corpse that was wrapped in it 2. According to a long tradition3,it is the burial sheet of Jesus, the sindón (sheet) bought by Joseph of Arimathea for His burial,the othónia (cloths) that will be found empty by Peter and John4.1P.L. BAIMA BOLLONE, Indagini identificative su fili della Sindone, in Giornale della Accademia di Medicina diTorino 1-12 (1982), pp. 228-239; J.H. HELLER - A.D.ADLER, Blood on the Shroud of Turin, in Applied Optics 19,16 (1980), pp. 2742-2744.2P.L. BAIMA BOLLONE, Rilievi e considerazioni medico-legali sulla formazione delle immagini sulla Sindone, inLa Sindone e la Scienza, Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Sindonologia, Torino 7-8 Ottobre 1978, Ed.Paoline, Torino 1979, pp. 109-114; R. BUCKLIN, A pathologist looks at the Shroud of Turin, in La Sindone e laScienza, Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Sindonologia, op. cit., pp. 115-125.3L. FOSSATI, La Sacra Sindone. Storia documentata di una secolare venerazione, Ed. Elledici, Leumann (TO)2000.4Mt 27,59; Mc 15,46; Lc 23,53; Gv 19,40; Lc 24,12; Gv 20,5-7.1

The dating of the cloth with radiocarbon method has placed the origin of the Shroudbetween 1260 and 1390 AD 5, but that dating is not considered valid for justified reasons, asthe examined sample was not representative of the whole cloth 6.The similarity between the Shroud face and most of the depictions of Christ known in art,both Eastern and Western, is clear and can not be attributed to mere chance; it must be theresult of a dependency, mediated or immediate, of an image from the other and of all from acommon source7.It has been suggested the derivation of the features of the Shroud image from the classicand most widespread way to represent Christ in art. The Shroud would represent « an arrivalpoint beyond which the tradition of acheropite could no longer go»; this icon «the last tocome» would have « collected all the results of a whole pre-existing tradition»8. This thesis isnot sustainable, because the research and the analysis carried out on the relic excluded, withabsolute certainty, any hypothesis of a manufacturing with artistic means 9.The opposite argument, raised for the first time in the early twentieth century by thebiologist Paul Vignon, asserts that the face of Christ, as it is presented in art, must depend onthe Shroud; that is, there is a similarity between the classical type of the face of Christ with abeard and the Shroud image 10.We can identify on the Shroud several elements that are not regular, hardly attributable tothe imagination of the artists, that make us understand how the ancient representations ofChrist's face depend on the venerated relic: the hair is long and bipartite; many faces showtwo or three strands of hair in the middle of the forehead: it can be an artistic way of depictingthe trickle of blood in the shape of an epsilon present on the forehead of the Shroud face; thesuperciliary arches are pronounced; many faces have one eyebrow higher than the other, likethe Shroud face; by the root of the nose, some faces have a sign like a square, missing in theupper side, and below it there is a sign in the shape of a V.Moreover, the nose is long and straight; the eyes are large and deep, wide open, with hugeirises and large eye sockets; the cheekbones are very pronounced, sometimes with spots; awide area between the cheeks and the hair of the Shroud face is without mark, so that the hairbands appear to be too detached from the face; one cheek is very swollen due to a strongtrauma, so the face is asymmetrical; the mustache, which is often drooping, is arranged5P.E. DAMON et al., Radiocarbon dating of the Shroud of Turin, in Nature 337, 6208 (1989), pp. 611-615.A.D. ADLER, Updating Recent Studies on the Shroud of Turin, in American Chemical Society, SymposiumSeries 625, 17 (1996), pp. 223-228; H.E. GOVE et al., A problematic source of organic contamination of linen, inNuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research, B 123 (1997), pp. 504-507; R.N. ROGERS, Studies on theradiocarbon sample from the Shroud of Turin, in Thermochimica Acta 425 (2005), pp. 189-194.7H. PFEIFFER, La Sindone di Torino e il Volto di Cristo nell'arte paleocristiana, bizantina e medievaleoccidentale, Emmaus 2, Roma 1982, p. 13.8G.M. ZACCONE, Dalle acheropite alla Sindone, in Sacre impronte e oggetti «non fatti da mano d’uomo» nellereligioni, Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Torino 18-20 Maggio 2010, Ed. dell’Orso, Alessandria 2011, pp.309-323, on p. 323.9J.H. HELLER - A.D ADLER, A Chemical Investigation of the Shroud of Turin, in Canadian Society of ForensicSciences Journal 14, 3 (1981), pp. 81-103; E.J. JUMPER et al., A Comprehensive Examination of the VariousStains and Images on the Shroud of Turin, in Archaeological Chemistry III, ACS Advances in Chemistry 205, 22(1984), pp. 447-476; L.A.SCHWALBE - R.N. ROGERS, Physics and Chemistry of the Shroud of Turin, A Summaryof the 1978 Investigation, in Analytica Chimica Acta 135 (1982), pp. 3-49.10H. PFEIFFER, La Sindone di Torino e il Volto di Cristo nell'arte paleocristiana, bizantina e medievaleoccidentale, op. cit., pp. 14-16; P. VIGNON, Le Linceul du Christ. Étude scientifique, Masson et C. Éditeurs, Paris1902, pp. 163-192; P. VIGNON, Le Saint Suaire de Turin devant la Science, l’Archéologie, l’Histoire,l’Iconographie, la Logique, Masson et C. Éditeurs, Paris 1939, pp. 113-191.62

asymmetrically and fall over the lips on each side with a different angle; the mouth is small,not hidden by the mustache; there is a beardless area under His lower lip; the beard, not toolong, is bipartite and tripartite sometimes, and it is slightly displaced on one side.Fig. 1 – Comparison between the face of the Shroud, photographic positive (on the left) and photographicnegative (on the right), and the face of Christ in the catacombs of Pontian, Rome, 8th century (in themiddle).The inspiration from the Shroud is evident, for example, in the signs between theeyebrows, on the forehead and on the right cheek of the face of Christ (8th century) in thecatacombs of Pontian in Rome 11 (fig. 1). So it is essential to look, into the history, thedocuments, the references, the descriptions of this unique object, to understand how much itmight have influenced the depictions of Christ over the centuries 12.It is reasonable to think that in the early days of the Church, the Shroud has been kepthidden for several reasons: first of all it was a very precious memory, having wrapped thebody of the Redeemer. Also there was some fear that some opponent outside the community,or even within it, could seize and destroy it. The Jews, in observance of the Mosaic Law,considered it unclean everything that had had contact with a corpse13 and St. Paul recalled:11I. WILSON, Icone ispirate alla Sindone, in Le icone di Cristo e la Sindone, edited by L. COPPINI e F.CAVAZZUTI, Ed. San Paolo, Cinisello Balsamo (MI) 2000, pp. 72-88, on p. 78.12G. DROBOT, Il volto di Cristo, fedeltà a un santo modello, in Le icone di Cristo e la Sindone, op. cit., pp. 57-71,on p. 60.13Nm 19,11-22.3

«But we proclaim Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and foolishness to Gentiles»14.It was natural that the custodians of the Shroud considered it unwise to show this impressivewitness to the ignominious crucifixion.The Benedictine monk Maurus Green affirmed: «The fact that our Lord’s burial cloths andtheir arrangement were the first material evidence of the Resurrection would point to theirpreservation despite their defiling nature»15. The Apocrypha speak of the funeral cloths ofJesus. St. Jerome (4th century) in De viris illustribus quotes a passage of the Gospel accordingto the Hebrews16 (2th century): «The Lord, having given the burial cloth (sindonem) to thepriest's servant 17, went to James and appeared to him» 18. Some writings of the 2th-4th centuryare known under different names 19: The Gospel of Nicodemus, Acts of Pilate, Gospel ofGamaliel, Mysteries of Saviour's Acts 20. They report that the Lord, after the Resurrection, inthe tomb shows the sheet and the sudarium to Joseph of Arimathea21.In the Inlatio of the Missa de sabbato Pasche ante octavas of the Liber MozarabicusSacramentorum (6th-7th century) we read that Peter, with John, runs to the tomb and «sees inthe linens the recent vestiges of the deceased and resurgent»22. There is nothing improbable insupposing that the Shroud has been collected with care and not concealed in indifference; thisis also the opinion of St. Braulio, bishop of Saragossa (7th century), who affirms in the XLIIletter that he believes that the burial linen of the Lord had been preserved by the apostles forthe times ahead23. As soon as the persecution finished, Pope Sylvester I (314-335) during theProvincial Council of 325, at the Baths of Trajan in Rome, ordered that the Holy Mass wouldbe celebrated on a white linen consecrated by the bishop, in memory of the one in which theLord was wrapped24.The corporal of pure linen, outstretched on the altar, is a figure of the clean Shroud inwhich Jesus was wrapped: this is the common interpretation of the ancient Eastern and Latinliturgists, such as John, Patriarch of Constantinople (6th century). Germanus, Bishop of Paris,writes: « The corporal, on which is placed the oblatio, for this reason it is pure linen, becausethe Lord's body was wrapped in pure linen in the tomb»25. It is also recalled by the VenerableBede (8th century), Rabanus Maurus, Archbishop of Mainz (9th century) and St. Remigius of141 Cor 1,23.M. GREEN, Enshrouded in silence. In search of the First Millennium of the Holy Shroud, in The AmpleforthJournal 3 (1969), pp. 321-345, on p. 327.16P. SAVIO, Ricerche storiche sulla Santa Sindone, SEI, Torino 1957, pp. 60 and 152-160.17D. FULBRIGHT, Did Jesus give His Shroud to “the servant of Peter”?, in Proceedings of the InternationalWorkshop on the Scientific approach to the Acheiropoietos Images, Frascati 4-6 May 2010, edited by P. DILAZZARO, Ed. ENEA, Frascati (Roma) 2010, pp. 129-132.18A.M. DUBARLE, Histoire ancienne du linceul de Turin, O.E.I.L., Paris 1985, p. 120.19Ibid., pp. 125-126.20P. SAVIO, Ricerche storiche sulla Santa Sindone, op. cit., pp. 63 and 166-168.21F. AMIOT (edited by), Gli Evangeli apocrifi, Massimo, Milano, 1979, p. 123.22A.M. DUBARLE, Histoire ancienne du linceul de Turin, op. cit., pp. 130-132; P. SAVIO, Ricerche storiche sullaSanta Sindone, op. cit., p. 70.23A.M. DUBARLE, Histoire ancienne du linceul de Turin, op. cit., pp. 128-129; P. SAVIO, Ricerche storiche sullaSanta Sindone, op. cit., pp. 68 and 174-178; P. SAVIO, Prospetto sindonologico, in Sindon 3 (1960), pp. 16-31, onp. 24.24A. CALISI, L’immagine della Sindone e l’Iconografia Bizantina, in Chi ha visto me ha visto il Padre, Atti del 3 Convegno Nazionale degli Iconografi e degli Amici dell’Iconografia, Roma 24-26 Settembre 2010, pp. 1-10, onp. 8.25P. SAVIO, Prospetto sindonologico, op. cit., p. 23.154

Auxerre (10th century)26. «Sindone, quam solemus Corporale nominare», affirmed St.Amalarius27, liturgist and theologian, who was legate of Charlemagne in Constantinople in813. The entire body of Jesus lying on a sheet appears in the corporal of linen widespread onthe altar to celebrate the Eucharist in the Byzantine rite. It is significant to note that eventoday the corporal is called Shroud in the Ambrosian Rite 28.Regarding the features of Jesus, you must keep in mind that Sacred Scripture does not handdown any physical description of the Savior; prohibitions of the Old Law 29 preventedcertainly the first disciples to fix His features in pictures or statues, although the legendattributes some of them to St. Luke or Nicodemus30. Irenaeus (2th century) and Origen (3thcentury) consider it legitimate the representation of God into an image 31; in the early days ofChristianity, however, they only used symbols, such as the lamb, the bread and the fish,whose Greek name ichthùs is formed from the initials of the words: Jesus Christ Son of GodSavior. The image of Eucharistic fish can be seen, for example, in the crypt of Lucina inRome, in the Catacombs of St. Callixtus (2th century).An alternative was to apply to the figure of Christ features derived from other nonChristian religions. Among the oldest images we recall the Christus Sol Invictus in theMausoleum of the Julii in the Vatican necropolis (3th century), in which Jesus is depicted asthe Sun God, in opposition to pagan Helios32. In this period the human figure of the GoodShepherd, of the thaumaturgist and of the teacher were also introduced33. The Christ whoheals the hemorrhaging woman of the catacombs of St. Marcellinus and St. Peter in Rome (3thcentury) belongs to this kind of representations. Jesus is shown beardless to emphasize Hisdivine nature34.After the victory of Christianity, sanctioned by Constantine in 313 with the Edict of Milan,a different image of the face of Jesus started to spread, characterized by not too long beard,mustache, narrow face, tall and majestic, with long hair that fall on the shoulders and thatsometimes show a central line that divides them35. One of the earliest depictions of a beardedChrist appears in Rome in the hypogeum of Aurelii (3th century). Among the works that showHim with a beard we must remember some sarcophagi of the Theodosian era (4th century) stillpreserved, for example, in the former Lateran Museum in Vatican City, at St. SebastianOutside the Walls in Rome, at St. Ambrose in Milan and at the Lapidary Museum of Arles.Jesus with a beard can be found in Rome, even in the apse of the basilica of St. Pudenzianath(4 century); the Christ the Teacher of the Cubiculum of Leo in the Catacomb of Commodilla(4th century) and the enthroned Christ between Peter and Paul in the catacombs of Sts.26P. SAVIO, Prospetto sindonologico, op. cit., pp. 25-27.C. DU CANGE et al., Glossarium mediæ et infimæ latinitatis, Favre Ed., Niort 1883-1887, t. 2, col. 576c.28A. CALISI, L’immagine della Sindone e l’Iconografia Bizantina, op. cit., p. 8.29Es 20,4; Dt 5,8.30E. MARINELLI, Three Acheiropoietos Images in comparison with the Turin Shroud, InternationalInterdisciplinary Conference on the Acheiropoietos Images, Toruń, Poland, 11–13 May 2011, pp. 1-7.31G. EGGER, L’icona del Pantocrator e la Sindone, in La Sindone e la Scienza, Atti del II CongressoInternazionale di Sindonologia, op. cit., pp. 91-94, on p. 91.32C. CECCHELLI, Rapporti fra il Santo Volto della Sindone e l’antica iconografia bizantina, in La Santa Sindonenelle ricerche moderne. Risultati del Convegno Nazionale di Studi sulla Santa Sindone, Torino 2-3 Maggio 1939,LICE, Torino 1941, pp. 195-211, on pp. 199-200.33G. EGGER, L’icona del Pantocrator e la Sindone, op. cit., p. 91.34H. PFEIFFER, La Sindone di Torino e il Volto di Cristo nell'arte paleocristiana, bizantina e medievaleoccidentale, op. cit., pp. 20-21.35Ibid., p. 17.275

Marcellinus and Peter (4th-5th century) belong to the same type. In all the depictions of theSavior the similarity with the Shroud face is always marked: note, for example, the ancientimage of SS. Savior venerated in the oratory of St. Lawrence in Palatio, called SanctaSanctorum, in Rome, whose original icon goes back to the 5th-6th century; the mosaic (7thcentury) of the Chapel of St. Venantius by the Baptistery of St. John Lateran; the Christ of thecathedral of Tarquinia (12th century); the Savior of the cathedral of Sutri (13th century); andthe mosaic (13th century) of the apse of the basilica of St. John Lateran 36.Fig. 2 – Comparison between the face of the Shroud, photographic positive (on the left) and photographicnegative (on the right), and the Pantocrator of the church of the monastery of Daphni, Athens area, 12thcentury (in the middle).Starting from the 6 th century also in the East spreads a particular type of portrait of Jesusinspired by the Shroud: it is the majestic Christ, with a beard and mustache, called thePantocrator (Almighty), of which there are splendid examples in Cappadocia 37. There is anevident inspiration from the Shroud in the face of Christ in the silver vase of the 6 th centuryfound in Homs, Syria, now in the Louvre in Paris, and in that of the silver reliquary of 550,from Chersonesus in the Crimea, which is in the Hermitage in St. Petersburg38.36G. ZANINOTTO, L’Acheropita del SS. Salvatore nel Sancta Sanctorum del Laterano, in Le icone di Cristo e laSindone, op. cit., pp. 164-180, on pp. 178-179.37L. MANTON, The Cappadocian frescoes in relation to the Turin Shroud, in Acheiropoietos, “non fait de maind’homme”, Actes du III Symposium Scientifique International du CIELT, Nice 12-13 Mai 1997, Éditions duCIELT, Paris 1998, pp. 119-12638M. MORONI, L’icona di Cristo nelle monete bizantine. Testimonianze numismatiche della Sindone a Edessa, inLe icone di Cristo e la Sindone, op. cit., pp. 122-144, on p. 124.6

The Pantocrator is also present in the post-Byzantine era and it will remain substantiallyunchanged until today39. In the East, this image will become the only one for all the figurativeart and even in the West it will always prevail40. In the Pantocrator (13th century) of St.Sophia (Istanbul) and in the Pantocrator (14th century) of St. Saviour in Chora (Istanbul) wefind concave cheeks and prominent and asymmetric cheekbones. Regarding the detail in themiddle of the forehead, which can be a strand or a double strand of hair, or some red or whiteline or spot, sometimes even a vertical wrinkle, it is always painted in the middle and does notchange the essential form but its content in the various images of several centuries. Thisreveals, despite the different interpretations, a unique origin: the characteristic trickle of bloodon the forehead of the Shroud face.You can notice the lock of hair, simple or double, for example in the Pantocrator (9thcentury) of the oratory of St. Lawrence in Palatio in Rome, in the Pantocrator (12th century)of Cefalù (Palermo), in the Pantocrator (12th century) of Monreale (Palermo), in thePantocrator (12th century) of Sant’Angelo in Formis in Capu

Stains and Images on the Shroud of Turin, in Archaeological Chemistry III, ACS Advances in Chemistry 205, 22 (1984), pp. 447-476; L.A.SCHWALBE - R.N. ROGERS, Physics and Chemistry of the Shroud of Turin, A Summary of the 1978 Investigation, in Analytica Chimica Acta 135 (1982), pp. 3-49.

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