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ConcordiaTheologicalQuarterly ', .'S.- „-,SSS--W:SSS'säsySSS:-S. '. .::SSWhat Would Bach Do Today?Paul J. GrimeEschatological Intention in DeuteronomyGeoffrey R. BoyleChrist’s Coming in 1 ThessaloniansCharles A. GieschenLuke and the Foundations of the ChurchPeter J. ScaerThe Reformation and the Invention of HistoryKorey D. MaasLuther’s Lectures on GenesisS. J. MunsonLuther’s Prayer for Melanchthon’s RecoveryAlbert B. Collver IIILutheran Identity in the Russian EmpireDarius PetkünasThe Theology of Stanley HauerwasJoel D. LehenbauerUS ISSN 0038-8610

Concordia Theological QuarterlyConcordia Theological Quarterly, a continuation of The Springfielder, is a theological journalof The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod, published for its ministerium by the facultyof Concordia Theological Seminary, Fort Wayne, Indiana.Editor: David P. ScaerAssociate Editor: Charles A. GieschenBook Review Editor: Peter J. ScaerMembers of the Editorial CommitteeJames G. Bushur, Paul J. Grime, Richard T. Nuffer, and Lawrence R. Rast Jr.Editorial Assistant: B. Andrew WrightThe FacultyJames G. BushurCarl C. Fickenscher IIDaniel L. GardCharles A. GieschenPaul J. GrimeLarry S. HarvalaArthur A. Just Jr.Cameron A. MackenzieWalter A. MaierWalter A. Maier IIINaomichi MasakiJohn G. NordlingRichard T. NufferJohn T. PlessJeffrey H. PulseTimothy C.J. QuillLawrence R. Rast Jr.Richard C. ReschRobert V. RoethemeyerDavid P. ScaerPeter J. ScaerKlaus Detlev SchulzWilliam C. WeinrichDean O. WentheRoland F. ZieglerConcordia Theological Quarterly (CTQ) is indexed in Religion Index One: Periodicals andabstracted in Old Testament Abstracts and New Testament Abstracts. CTQ is also indexedin the ATLA Religion Database and included in the full-text ATLASerials (ATLAS )collection. Both are products of the American Theological Library Association, 300 S.Wacker Dr., Suite 2100, Chicago, IL 60606, E-mail:atla@atla.com, WWW:http://www.atla.com. It is also indexed in the International Bibliography of PeriodicalLiterature on the Humanities and Social Sciences (www.gbv.de).Manuscripts submitted for publication should conform to the Chicago Manual ofStyle and are subject to peer review and editorial modification. Please visit our websiteat www.ctsfw.edu/CTQ for more information. Previous Articles, Theological Observers,and Book Reviews can be accessed electronically at http://media.ctsfw.edu.CTQ is published in January, April, July, and October. The annual subscription rateis 25.00 within the United States, 30.00 (U.S.) in Canada, and 40.00 (U.S.) elsewhere.All changes of address, subscription payments, and other correspondence should bee-mailed to CTQ@ctsfw.edu or sent to Concordia Theological Quarterly, 6600 NorthClinton Street, Fort Wayne, Indiana 46825. CTQ is printed and stripped by MignoneCommunications, Inc., Huntington, Indiana. 2012 Concordia Theological Seminary US ISSN 0038-8610

Concordia Theological QuarterlyVolume 76:1-2January/April 2012Table of ContentsWhat Would Bach Do Today?Paul J. Grime.3Standing on the Brink of the Jordan: Eschatological Intentionin DeuteronomyGeoffrey R. Boyle. 19Christ's Coming and the Church's Mission in 1 ThessaloniansCharles A. Gieschen. 37Luke and the Foundations of the ChurchPeter J. Scaer. 57The Reformation and the Invention of HistoryKorey D. Maas. 73The Divine Game: Faith and the Reconciliation of Oppositesin Luther's Lectures on GenesisSJ. Munson. 89Tides Heroica? Luther's Prayer for Melanchthon's Recoveryfrom Illness in 1540Albert B. Collver III. 117The Quest for Lutheran Identity in the Russian EmpireDarius Petkünas. 129The Theology of Stanley HauerwasJoel D. Lehenbauer. 157

128Concordia Theological Quarterly 76 (2012)

CTQ 76 (2012): 129-156The Quest for Lutheran Identityin the Russian EmpireDarius PetkünasThe identity of the Lutheran Church in the Russian Empire presents acomplex picture, consisting of many ethnic groups of immigrants as wellas the inhabitants of conquered territories. In the 16th and 17th centuries,the question of confessional identity was not pressing. The LutheranChurches of the empire accepted the Unaltered Augsburg Confession of1530, and later most accepted the other Lutheran symbolical writings. Inthe era of Pietism, however, Lutheran identity began to blur. Theconfessional writings were never denied, but they were no longer theactive touchstone by which many groups identified themselves. Thesituation of confessional identity was soon further complicated by thespread of Rationalism, which regarded the Lutheran Confessions asmerely indicating what was believed in ages past.The present study examines the identifying characteristics ofLutheranism in the Russian Empire from the early days of the Reformationuntil the eve of the October Revolution of 1917. It provides a picture of thedevelopment of Lutheran consciousness in the churches that would even tually be united into one Lutheran Church in Hie Russian Empire until itsdissolution in 1917. It examines the factors that led to Hie acceptance of allof the symbolical writings of the Book of Concord in these Lutheranchurches, as well as the influences which jeopardized their identity in thetime of Pietism and Rationalism. It also examines the events in Hie 19thcentury that led to a renewal of a Lutheran consciousness and of a newappreciation of the symbolical books and Lutheran traditions. The study isbased on primary source materials including church orders and liturgicalagendas Hiat shaped and most clearly reflected the self-identity of thesechurches, as well as secondary source material that is primarily historicalin nature.This study will be of interest not only to students of church history butalso to those who are concerned to see how patterns and trends of thoughtinfluenced the Lutheran Church in the modem era. One may see in presentDarius Petkünas is a member of the faculty in the Baltic Studies Program of theUniversity of Klaipeda, Lithuania, and a docent in the theological faculty of theUniversity of Helsinki, Finland. He also serves as pastor of three Lutherancongregations in western Lithuania and is a member of the Consistory and thePresidium of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Lithuania.

130Concordia Theological Quarterly 76 (2012)social and philosophical trends something of a repetition of the ex periences of the Lutheran churches in the empire in the 18th and 19thcenturies. The question of Lutheran identity becomes acute in an era ofgrowing ecumenism, secularism, and accommodation. This study providesinsight as to how the church reacted two centuries ago and the conse quences of the directions taken at that time. In this way, this study mayprove helpful to churchmen today, for those who have learned the lessonsof the past are best equipped to meet present challenges.I. The Church on the Eve of the October RevolutionIn 1914, on the eve of World War I, the Lutheran church in the RussianEmpire was the third largest Lutheran church body in the world.According to statistics provided by the General Consistory in St.Petersburg, there were 3,674,000 Lutherans in time Russian Empire.1 Its sizewas exceeded only by the Lutheran churches in Sweden and the Germanempire.2 Of the non-Eastern Orthodox churches in Russia, it was secondonly to the Roman Catholic church, which included within it largenumbers of Lithuanians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians.3The Lutheran church in Russia was of course not Russian at all.Russians were not permitted to convert, and any Lutheran pastor whoaccepted a convert from the Russian church or married a Lutheran to anOrthodox, or baptized the child where one parent was Orthodox would beseverely reprimanded and, if caught doing it again, defrocked. This lawwas officially annulled in 1905, but that did not bring any influx ofRussians into the Lutheran Church. In addition, no matter what was said1 Neither Poland nor Finland would be included in the statistics, since the Lutheranchurches enjoyed some autonomy and were not under the jurisdiction of the GeneralConsistory in St. Petersburg. Theophil Meyer, Luthers Erbe in Russland: Ein Gedenkbiich inAnlass der Feier des 400-jdhrigen Refonnationsfestes der evangelisch-lutherischen Gemeinden inRussland (Moskau: Gedruckt in d. Rigaschen Typo-Lithographie, K. Mischke, 1918), 98.2 According to 1900 statistics there were 5,972,792 Lutherans in Sweden, and in1905 there were 37,646,852 Evangelicals in Germany, the majority of whom wereLutherans. Those who took the census in the German empire did not differentiatebetween Lutherans and Reformed. The Catholic Encyclopedia: Au International Work ofReference on the Constitution, Doctrine, Discipline, and History of the Catholic Church, vol. 9(New York: The Encyclopedia Press, 1910), 463.3 A 1902 census of the Russian Empire indicates that there were 4,564,391 RomanCatholics in the dioceses of Mogilev (Moeiued), Vilnius (BiiAbtuoc), Samogitia or Telsiai(fK-uydb or TeAbium), Lutzk-Zhitomir (Jlyipc-lKumoMup), and Tiraspol (TupacnoAb). TheRoman Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Poland was not included in these numbers.Die Kirchen und das religiöse Leben der Rußlanddeutschen. Katholischer Teil, ed. J. Schnurr.(Stuttgart: Selbstverlag, 1978), 24.

Petkunas: Lutheran Identity in the Russian Empire131by officials in St. Petersburg, local officials and police might choose tomaintain the old rules in their jurisdictions. Family circumstances wereoften such that it was not wise to encourage conversions.Lutherans in Russia were people whose family backgrounds andorigins lay elsewhere. Consequently, the Lutheran Church was verycosmopolitan. The largest single group was Latvian, numbering 1,293,000.Most of these were in Livonia and Courland, but there were also largenumbers of Latvians in the regions of St. Petersburg and Moscow. Thesecond largest group was Estonian. There were 1,100,000 of them, and themajority of them lived in Livonia and Estonia. There were also large num bers of Estonians in the St. Petersburg and Moscow consistorial districts.The third largest group consisted of the Germans, numbering 1,098,000.German Lutherans were widely scattered, but most of them lived in tire St.Petersburg and Moscow consistorial districts. In the St. Petersburg district,there were 415,000 German Lutherans and in the Moscow district therewere even more, 490,000. An additional 100,000 lived in Livonia and 75,000in Courland. These three groups represented more than two thirds of allthe Lutherans in the Russian Empire. In addition, there were 148,000 Finns,nearly all of them in Ingria, which was in the St. Petersburg consistorialdistrict, 14,000 Swedes, most of them in Estonia or St. Petersburg, 12,000Lithuanians in Lithuania, who along with 4,000 Poles were in the Courlandconsistorial district. Furthermore, there were 2,000 Livs (Lat. Livoues), 1,000Armenians, and approximately 1,000 Lutherans who did not fit into any ofthese ethnic groups.To simplify matters, it can be said that Russian Lutherans and theirchurches fell in two main groups: those in the Baltic lands and those inRussia proper. The Lutheran Church in the Baltic lands consisted of threeconsistorial districts: Livonia with 1,280,000 members, Courland with669,000, and Estonia 476,000. In Russia proper, there were 703, 000 in theSt. Petersburg consistorial district and 546,000 in the Moscow district. Bothof these Russian districts comprised vast territories. Lutherans in Ingriaand South Russia were administered from St. Petersburg and Lutherans asfar away as Irkutsk and points even farther east were under the Moscowconsistory. The Russian Lutheran Church consisted of 539 congregationswith 832 church buildings and 996 prayer houses.4 Serving the churchwere some 553 pastors.54 Luthers Erbe in Russland, 98.5 Personalstatus der Evangelisch-Lutherischen und der Evangelisch-Reformierten Kirche inRussland (Petrograd: Buchdruckerei J. Watsar, 1914), 3-108.

132Concordia Theological Quarterly 76 (2012)It could be said that Lutherans in the Russian Empire were eithernative Baltic peoples living in their traditional homelands or immigrantsfrom the west who had come to Russia proper by invitation of tsars andtsarinas in the 18th and 19th centuries. Livonia and Estonia came underRussian control after the Battle of Poltava in 1709, when the Swedes losttheir power in the region. The Third Partition of Poland and Lithuania in1795 brought the annexation of Courland and Lithuania into the empire.Lutheran immigrants from German lands into Russia proper settled alongthe banks of the Volga River near Saratov, as well as in the region of St.Petersburg, in the governmental district of Volhynia in present day north western Ukraine, and in the Southern Russian governmental districts ofCherson, Tauria, Jekaterinoslav, and Bessarabia, most of which are now insouthern Ukraine.6 The greatest period of immigration came as a responseto the 1763 invitation of Catherine the Great for Europeans to settle inRussia where land was plenty and freedom of worship guaranteed.II. Confessional Character of the Lutheran Churchin the Baltic Lands and Russia Proper in the 16th-17th CenturiesFrom tire start, Lutherans in the Baltic lands understood themselves tobe the church of the Augsburg Confession. Lutheranism spread far andwide mainly within the states of the old Livonian Confederation, whichconsisted of the lands of the Livonian Order, the Archbishopric of Riga,and the Bishoprics of Dorpat, Oesel-Wiek, and Courland, as well as theindependent Hanseatic cities of Riga, Tartu (Ger. Dorpat), and Tallinn (Ger.Reval). These lands were largely under the control of German noblemenwho were open to Lutheran doctrine and practice. Lutheranism first tookroot in the major cities of Riga and Dorpat in Livonia and Tallinn inEstonia and from there it spread to the surrounding areas. Tire publicdefinition of the Lutheranism of these regions came to be necessitated bythe collapse of the Livonian Confederation. The westward movement ofthe Muscovite armies in 1558 could not be effectively combated by thegreatly weakened states of the Confederation. They ceased to exist with tiredissolution of the Livonian Order by the Treaty of Vilnius in 1561. Alreadyin 1559, the Bishop of Oesel-Wiek sold his lands to King Frederick II ofDenmark, who found the church there to be unreformed. The king intro duced the Danish church order and regulated life according to tireAugsburg Confession.7 According to the terms of the 1645 Peace of6 Die evangel isch-lu Iberischen Gemeinden in Rußland, vol. 1, Der St. Petersburgischeund Moskowische konsistorialbezirk (St. Petersburg: Buchdruckerei J. Watsar, 1909), XV.7 Alvin Isberg, Ösels kyrkojoroal tiling 1645-1710: Kompetenstvister ochmeningsinotsättningar rörande fiinktionssättet (Uppsala: [Uppsala universitet], 1974), 14.

Petkunas: Lutheran Identity in the Russian Empire133Brömsebro, Oesel (Est. Saaremaa) was ceded to Sweden. In 1561, Swedentook control of Tallinn and the west coast of Estonia. Now Estonia and theEstonian Church would be governed by Swedish rules which called for theformal acceptance of the Augsburg Confession and Luther's catechisms.The rest of the territory of the Confederation was divided into two regions:Courland, which bordered both Lithuania and the Baltic, and the newterritory of Livonia, which spread northward from Courland through whatis now central Latvia to include also large portions of present day southernand central Estonia.In 1561, Gotthard von Kettler, the last master of the Livonian Brothersof the Sword, concluded an agreement with the Roman Catholic KingSigismund Augustus of Poland-Lithuania which made Courland a fief ofPoland-Lithuania and officially declared that the Lutheran church wouldmaintain the doctrinal position of the Augsburg Confession.8 The firstCourlandian church order was adopted in 1570. It stated that the Churchof Courland would hold the doctrinal position required by the Propheticand Apostolic Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments and theirexposition in tire three Ecumenical Symbols (the Apostles, Nicene, andAthanasian Creeds), as well as Luther's catechisms and the AugsburgConfession of 1530. This would remain the foundation of all Christiandoctrine and practice. The church order, which was printed in 1572,required that all pastors know this doctrine thoroughly and teach it to theirpeople in a simple way.9The picture of the new province of Livonia was somewhat morecomplicated. The agreement with Sigismund II Augustus, known as thePrivilegium Sigismundi of 1561, subjugated the land to Poland-Lithuania butat the same time it permitted the churches to continue to confess theAugsburg Confession. Twenty years later at the end of the Livonian Wars,the Privilegium Sigismundi would be annulled and replaced by theConstitutiones Livoniae of 1582 which brought the counter-Reforniation toLivonia. A Roman Catholic diocese was established with the seat of thebishop in Wenden (Latv. Cesis). This weakened the Lutheran Churchsubstantially. Eastern Livonia, where tire Lutheran Reformation had never8 Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts, ed. Emil Sehling vol. 5,Livland. Estland. Kurland. Mecklenburg (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1913), 45.9 De doctrine et ceremoniis sinceri cultus diuini Ecclesiarum Ducatus Curlandiac,Semigalliaeque etc. in Lhionia.—Kirchen Ordnung Wie es mit der Lehr Göttliches worts,Ausstheilung der heiligen Hoclrwirdigen Sacrament, Christlichen Ceremonien, Ordentlicherubung, des waren Gottesdiensts, In den Kirchen des Herzogthumbs Churlaiidt und Semigallienin Liefflandt, sol stetes vermittelst Göttlicher hiiljf gehalten werden.—Anno salufis 1570(Rostock: Gedruckt. bey Johan. Stöckelman und Andream Gutterwitz, 1572), D.

134Concordia Theological Quarterly 76 (2012)permeated the local population, was now firmly in the hands of the RomanChurch. The Counter-Reformation also made inroads into areas whichformerly had been Lutheran. Indeed, the Lutheran Church maintained itsstrongest presence in and around Riga and Dorpat. It was the coming ofSwedish King Gustavus Adolphus in 1621 and the assertion of Swedishpower that reestablished Lutheranism in Livonia.10Hie three churches in the Baltic lands were confessional in that theyaccepted the Augsburg Confession and Luther's catechisms. The contro versies that had necessitated the Formula of Concord had not touched them,and they saw no need to add it to their confessional subscription. Swedennow ruled in Livonia and Estonia, and these churches became part of theChurch of Sweden. Controversy hit the Swedish church in the 1630s whenBishop Johannes Matthiae Gothus of Strängnäs began to advocate publiclysignificant changes in the theology, polity, and worship. Gothus was muchimpressed by German theologian Georg Calixtus, who advocated areunion of the churches on the basis of the supposition that the church wasunited and controversy-free for its first 500 years. Gothus invited JohnDury of the Church of England to come to Sweden to advocate theadoption of policies that would unite the Swedish and English churches ina common confession and polity. The proposal was brought first to thetheological faculty at Uppsala; they rejected it as not truly Lutheran. It wastaken next to the clergy. They thought no better of it, nor did the SwedishRiksdag when its turn came to consider the proposal in 1638. BishopJohannes Rudbeckius of Västeräs took the occasion to move that theChurch of Sweden to adopt the entire Book of Concord, including theFormula of Concord, as its doctrinal basis. Gothus continued his efforts torevise the church's polity, order, and worship, but he was unsuccessful. Inthe 1663 Bill of Religion, the Church of Sweden accepted the Formula andother symbols of the Book of Concord as its confessional basis. This wasratified by the Riksdag in 1664. In 1686, the Church of Sweden approved anew church law in which the Book of Concord was expressly named. Nowboth the Livonian and Estonian Churches confessed the entire Book ofConcord.1110 Ernst Hj, J. Lundström, Bidrag till Livlands kyrkohistoria under den svcnska tideiisförsta skede. Fran Rigas intagnnde 1621 till fi-eden i Olivia 1660 (Uppsala; Stockholm:Almquist & Wiksell, 1914), 10-13, 22; Hermann Dalton, Verfassungsgeschichte derevangelisch-lutherischen Kirche in Russland. Beiträge zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchein Russland, vol. 1 (Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1887), 75-80.11 Martin E. Carlson, "Johannes Matthiae and the Development of the Church ofSweden during the First Half of the Seventeenth Century," Church History 13 (1944):296-305.

Petkunas: Lutheran Identity in the Russian Empire135The first evidence of the acceptance of the entire Book of Concord intire Courlandian Church is found in the 1727 Latvian language Courlandagenda. In the form for the installation of a pastor into his parish, the can didate was required to subscribe to the Ecumenical Creeds, the UnalteredAugsburg Confession, its Apology, the Smalcald Articles, the catechisms ofLuther, and the Formula of Concord. No specific mention of The Treatiseon the Power and Primacy of the Pope is found, but it may well have beenunderstood as a part of the Smalcald Articles. The German agendas of 1741and 1765 list the same requirements.12Two other Baltic churches need to be considered. One was a smallchurch surrounded by Courland and centered in tire area of Piltene. Afterthe collapse of the Livonian Confederation, this region was under Danishcontrol. The Danes sold it to Poland-Lithuania in 1585, and it was incor porated into the Commonwealth in 1611. It was agreed that tire churchshould continue to adhere to the Augsburg Confession in doctrine andpractice. No mention was made of the acceptance of the entire Book ofConcord until the 1741 Piltene rite of ordination, in which a pledge likethat found in the Courlandian agendas was now included. The sameprovision concerning the acceptance of the whole Book of Concord wasrepeated in the 1756 Piltene agenda.13The story of the Lutheran Church in Lithuania is unique. It was alwaysa minority church. Past experience with the Teutonic knights made theLithuanians suspicious of all things German. In addition, the stringentlaws of King Sigismund the Old (1467-1548) made it impossible to confessopenly Lutheran doctrine. The penalty for doing so was the loss of allproperty and privileges and likely banishment. His successor, Sigismund IIAugustus, was more tolerant. Calvinism spread with the rebellion againstthe Roman Church of the Lithuanian nobility under Duke NicolasRadziwill the Black. Enough noblemen followed him that it appeared for atime that Lithuania would become the eastern bastion of Calvinism.Calvinists soon split into two churches, one remaining classically Calvinistand the other espousing anti-trinitarian doctrine. The latter group wasformally known as the Polish-Lithuanian Brethren. It came later to becalled Socinian after Faustus Socinus, who gathered under his control12 Lettische Neu verbesserte-und vollständige Kirchen-Agende Oder Hand-Buch (Milau1727), 208; Vollständiges Kirchen-Buch (Mitau: Georg Radetzki, 1741), 154; VollständigesKirchen-Buch (Mitau: Christian Liedke, 1765), 306.13 Agenda Ministrortim Ecclesiae Evangelicae in Districtu Piltinensi (no information isavailable) 1741, 31; Agenda ministrorum ecclesiae evangelicae in districtu Piltinensi(Königsberg: Johann Heinrich Hartung, 1756), 53-54.

136Concordia Theological Quarterly 76 (2012)formerly contending anti-trinitarian groups. The Lutherans were a minor ity from the beginning. In the 16th century, there were two strong Germanparishes, one in Vilnius and the second in Kaunas. Apart from these, therewere only a few scattered congregations, mostly in Samogitia in northernLithuania. None of these Protestant groups ever received any officialstatus, and with the arrival of the Jesuits and the counter-ReformationRoman Catholic control was made permanent and complete. TheSandomierz Consensus of 1570, a political agreement between theLutherans, Reformed, and Bohemian Brethren who had settled in MajorPoland, attempted to establish a united front of Polish and LithuanianProtestants in a bid for official recognition. The Reformed interpreted thisdocument as an ecumenical manifesto proclaiming Reformed andLutheran unity. Lutherans took a very different view of it, and in 1578 theyrepudiated it.14 The appearance of the Formula of Concord and thepublication of the Book of Concord strengthened Lutheran confessionalconsciousness in Lithuania. As the power of the counter-Reformationgrew, an attempt was made in 1585 to reconcile both groups in acolloquium in Vilnius, but Lutherans were no longer interested in allowingtheir doctrinal position to be diluted or subverted. This colloquiumprovides the first solid evidence that the entire Book of Concord was nowthe church's official confession.15 The confessional writings were speci fically noted in the 1648 Vilnius church order.16Lutherans in Russia proper in tire 16th and early 17th centuries werefew in number and consisted mainly of prisoners-of-war taken to Russiaduring the Livonian Wars (1558-1583), diplomats, and merchants. Thesewere granted permission to build a Lutheran church in Moscow late in1575 or early in 1576 in order to proclaim the gospel according to the termsset down in the Augsburg Confession. The Augsburg Confession ismentioned again in connection with the coming marriage of Johann, tirebrother of King Christian IV of Denmark, to Grand Duchess Ksenia(Xenia), the daughter of Tsar Boris Godunov. The king had given hisw Darius Petkünas, "The Consensus of Sandomierz: An Early Attempt to Create aUnified Protestant Church in 16th Century Poland and Lithuania," CTQ 73 (2009): 318,335.15 Darius Petkünas, Das Vilniuser Kolloquium von 1585 als Bemühung des FürstenChristophorus Radzivilus des Donners, die kirchliche Eintracht zwichen der Lutherischen undder Evangelisch-reformierten Kirche des Grossfiirstentums Litauen zu bewahren: Colloquiumhabihnn Vilnae die 14 lunii, anno 1585 super articiilo de Caena Domini (Vilnae: InstitutumLitterarum Lithuanicarum Ethnologiaeque, 2006), 146.16 D.T.O.M.A. Des Wilnaischen Kirch-Collegii Kirchen-Ordnung Den 22 July VilnaAnno M.DC.XLV1II. Lietuvos Valstybes Istorijos Archyvas (Lithuanian State HistoricalArchives, LVIA), LVIA F.1008, ap. 1, b. 402, p. 158v.

Petkünas: Lutheran Identity in the Russian Empire137brother permission to wed her contingent upon a promise that the dukeand his entourage would be permitted to worship and practice theLutheran faith in accordance with the Augsburg Confession. Johan died in1602 before the marriage could be consummated, but tire Lutherans werepermitted by the tsar to build their new church and belfry despite thestrong objections of Russian Orthodox hierarchs.17 Additional impetus forbuilding the church came with the request of Prince Gustav of Sweden,who visited Moscow in 1599 and asked that the Lutherans be permitted tobuild a new church of adequate size. Evidence of the confessional positionof tire Moscow Lutherans can be found in the 1678 church order written byLaurentius Blumentrost, M.D., who had come to Moscow from Thuringiawhere he had served as court physician to Duke Ernst I. Ernst had en couraged Blumentrost to go to Russia to assist in the propagation ofLutheranism. Blumentrost had a personal reputation as a strong confessionalist and stated in his church order that no one was permitted topreach who had not previously been examined and ordained on the basisof the pure Unaltered Augsburg Confession. Mention was made also ofother symbolical books, though the}' were not specified.18As the result of Catherine's 1763 Manifesto, congregations sprang up onboth sides of the Volga River like mushrooms in the forest after the rain.These congregations were totally independent of external control byconsistories or higher ecclesiastical bodies, and they ordered their worshipand life as it had been back home—wherever that had been. The only con trol over them laid in the hands of the College of Justice for Livonian andEstonian Affairs in St. Petersburg (Rus. tOcmun-KoAAeena Jciiimhöckux uJIiupAmidcKiix deA). The College was accustomed to consider these parishesas operating under the provisions of the 1686 Swedish Church Order ac cording to which the whole Book of Concord was the doctrinal standard.19They were supposed to maintain this standard, but the parishes were a lawunto themselves.III. The Influence of Pietismon the Confessional Position of the ChurchA new movement was growing in the closing decades of the 17th andthe beginning of the 18th centuries, one that would alter the way Lutheranchurches viewed their confessions. This movement was in fact several17 Dalton, VerfassuHgsgeschichte, 9-10.1H flMHTpj-ni Bnaßi-iNn-ipoBMH UneraeB, noAimnuuKH k ucmopuu tiponiccmawiiatiffa 0Poccuvi. Macrb I. (Mockbq: Bi yHiiBepcmercKow Tunorpac iH, 1888), 190.19 Hkob fluru, Wanoptui iwSomkckux neMneß-KOAOHttcntoß. 3-e na« (MocKßa: FoniKa,2000), 292.

138Concordia Theological Quarterly 76 (2012)movements that differed in particulars but in general came to be calledPietism. It was in Germany, in Frankfurt am Main, that Philipp JakobSpener published his Pin desideria in 1675. He called for a spiritual renewalof the church and a religi

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