The Identity And Image Of Women In Hip-Hop
Dines14.qxd7/26/02 10:06 AMPage 13614[RTFWHO(SE) AM I?The Identity and Image ofWomen in Hip-Hop Imani PerryThis is an argument for media literacy with regards to gender politicsin contemporary hip-hop. Specifically, it is concerned with the interplay of the visual and linguistic texts, the image and words. I begin by analyzing the recent trend of objectifying and subjugating black women inhip-hop music videos, and their potentially damaging social impact. Next,I consider how feminist recording artists respond to this dynamic. I arguethat although we find some clearly gender liberatory images and arguments we also find abundant examples in which the feminist message incertain songs is neutralized by an objectifying visual image of the artistssinging those songs. This image is often consistent with or supportive ofthe larger sexist trend in music videos. I compare two versions of the song“Lady Marmalade” to demonstrate how contemporary women recordingartists are objectified, and how contemporary musical texts derive some oftheir meaning from the visual images of the singers. Next, I argue that thetensions between feminism and female subjugation often reflect the tensions between artistic creation and record company image making and theartist as creator versus the artist as commodity. In concluding the chapter,I contemplate manners in which artists might use their property in theirwords to subvert the power of the image. I also encourage critical medialiteracy among viewers and listeners as a means of understanding the operation of race and gender in this complex landscape.136
Dines14.qxd7/26/02 10:06 AMPage 137Who(se) Am I Black Women’s Bodies inHip-Hop VideosIn the last few years of the 20th century, thevisual image of black women in hip-hoprapidly deteriorated into one of widespreadsexual objectification and degradation. Foryears before, hip-hop had been accused ofmisogyny—critics often citing the references to women as bitches and “hoes.” Butit is also true that hip-hop was often scapegoated, being no more misogynistic thanAmerican popular culture in generalalthough perhaps peppered with less politelanguage. But in the late years of the 20thcentury, hip-hop took a particularly pernicious turn, which is not only full of sexistassertions but threatens patriarchal impact.It seemed to happen suddenly. Everytime you turned on BET or MTV there wasa disturbing music video. Black men rappedsurrounded by dozens of black and Latinawomen dressed in swimsuits, or scantilyclad in some other fashion. Video aftervideo was the same, each one more objectifying than the next. Some were in stripclubs, some at the pool, beach, hotel rooms,but the recurrent theme was dozens of halfnaked women.This was a complex kind of sexist message as well. Its attack on black femaleidentity was multifaceted. First, and mostobviously, the women are commodified.They appear in the videos quite explicitly asproperty, not unlike the luxury cars, Rolexwatches, and platinum and diamondmedallions that were also featured. Themale stars of the videos do not get theselegions of women because of charisma orsexual prowess. Rather, they are able tobuy them because they are wealthy. Themessage is not, “I am a Don Juan,” butinstead, “I am rich and these are myspoils.” Not only are the women commodified, but so is sex as a whole.Moreover, the women are often presented as vacuous, doing nothing but swaying around seductively. Their eyes areaverted from the camera, thereby allowingthe viewer to have a voyeuristic relationship 137to them. Or they look at the camera, eyesfixed in seductive invitation, mouth slightlyopen. Extremely rare are any signs ofthought, humor, irony, intelligence, anger,or any other emotion.Even the manner in which the womendance is a signal of cultural destruction.Black American dance is “discursive” (inthat sexuality is usually combined withhumor and the body is used to conversewith other moving bodies). The womenwho appear in these videos are usuallydancing in a two-dimensional fashion, aderivative but unintellectual version ofblack dance, more reminiscent of symbolsof pornographic male sexual fantasy thanof the ritual, conversational, and sexual traditions of black dance. Despite all the gyrations of the video models, their uninterestedwet-lipped languor stands in sharp contrastto (for example) the highly sexualized“boodie dancing” of the Deep South(which features polyrhythmic rear endmovement, innuendo, and sexual bravado).This use of black women in the musicvideos of male hip-hop artists often makesvery clear reference to the culture of stripclubs and pornography. Women dancearound poles; porn actresses and exoticdancers are often featured in the videos andthey bring the movement-based symbols oftheir trades with them. The introduction ofporn symbols into music videos is consistent with a larger movement that began inthe late 1990s, in which pornographicimagery, discourses, and themes began toenter American popular culture. Powerfulexamples may be found in the HowardStern Show, E! Entertainment television,and daytime talk shows. Stars of pornographic films attain mainstream celebrity,exotic dancers are routine talk show guests,and the public face of lesbianism becomesnot a matter of the sexual preference ofwomen, but the sexual consumption andfantasy life of men. The videos are anappropriate companion piece to this widertrend. Although the music videos are malecentered in that they assume a heterosexualmale viewer who will appreciate the imagesof sexually available young women, it is
Dines14.qxd1387/26/02 10:06 AM Page 138A Cultural Studies Approachclear that young women watch them aswell. The messages such videos send toyoung women are instructions on how tobe sexy and how to look in order to capturethe attention of men with wealth andcharisma. Magazines geared toward youngwomen have given such instructions onhow women should participate in their ownobjectification for decades. However, neverbefore has a genre completely centralizedblack women in this process.1The beauty ideal for black women presented in these videos is as impossible toachieve as the waif-thin models in Voguemagazine are for white women. Thereis a preference for lighter-complexionedwomen of color, with long and straight orloosely curled hair. Hair that hangs slickagainst the head when wet as the modelemerges out of a swimming pool (a common video image) is at a premium too.Neither natural tightly curled hair nor mostcoarse relaxed hair becomes slick, shining,and smooth when wet. It is a beauty idealthat contrasts sharply to the real hair ofmost black women. When brown-skinnedor dark-skinned women appear in thevideos, they always have hair that falls wellbelow shoulder length, despite the fact thatthe average length of black women’s natural hair in the United States today is 4 to6 inches, according to renowned black hairstylist John Atchison.The types of bodies that the camerashots linger on are specific. The videos haveassimilated the African American ideal ofa large rotund behind, but the video idealalso features a very small waist, largebreasts, and slim shapely legs and arms.Often while the camera features the faces oflighter-complexioned women it will lingeron the behinds of darker women, implyingthe same thing as the early 1990s refrainfrom Sir Mix a Lot’s “Baby Got Back” thatlauded the face of a woman from LosAngeles and the behind of a woman fromOakland. That is, the ideal is a high-statusface combined with a highly sexualizedbody (which is often coded as the body of apoor or working-class woman).2 Color isaligned with class and women are“created” (i.e., through weaves, palemakeup, and camera filters) and valued byhow many fantasy elements have beenpieced together in their bodies.The Impact of the Image Although one might argue that the celebration of the rotund behind signals an appreciation of black women’s bodies, the imagetaken as a whole indicates how difficult abeauty ideal this is to attain for anyone.A small percentage of women, evenblack women, have such “Jessica Rabbit”(the voluptuous cartoon character fromthe 1990s film Who Framed RogerRabbit?) proportions. As journalist TomikaAnderson wrote for Essence magazine, “Inmovies, rap songs and on television, we’retold that the attractive, desirable and sexyladies are the ones with ‘junk in theirtrunks.’ And even though this might seemridiculous, some of us actually listen to (andcare about) these obviously misogynisticsubliminal messages—just as we areaffected by racialized issues like hair textureand skin tone.”3Americans have reacted with surprise toabundant social scientific data that showthat black girls are the social group whoscore highest on self-esteem assessmentsand tend to have much better body imagesthan white girls. Although these differencesin esteem and body image are to a largeextent attributable to cultural differences,with black girls having been socializedto see beauty in strong personality characteristics and grooming rather than in particular body types, I believe the media play arole as well. White girls are inundated withimages of beauty that are impossible formost to attain: sheets of blond hair, waifthin bodies, large breasts, no cellulite, smallbut round features, high cheekbones. Overthe years, black women have been relativelyabsent from public images of beauty, anexclusion that may have saved black girls
Dines14.qxd7/26/02 10:06 AMPage 139Who(se) Am Ifrom aspiring to impossible ideals. But withthe recent explosion of objectified andhighly idealized images of black women inmusic videos, it is quite possible that thebody images and even self-esteem of blackgirls will begin to drop, particularly as theymove into adolescence and their bodiescome under scrutiny. Many of the musicvideos feature neighborhood scenes, whichinclude children. In them, little black girlsare beautiful. They laugh, smile, playDouble Dutch, and more. They are full ofpersonality, and they are a cultural celebration. Their hair is plaited, twisted or curled,and adorned with colorful ribbons thatmatch their outfits in characteristic blackgirl grooming style. And yet the adultwomen are generally two dimensional androbbed of personality. Is this what pubertyis supposed to hold for these girls? A Feminist Response?In such troubling moments, we should alllook for a gender critical voice, in theworld, in ourselves. Where do we find aresponse to this phenomenon that willcompellingly argue against such characterizations of black women, a hip-hop feminism? There has been a feminist presence inhip-hop since the 1980s. From Salt n Pepato Queen Latifah to MC Lyte and others,there is a feminist legacy in hip-hop andhip-hop feminism continues to exist despitethe widespread objectification of blackfemale bodies. We can find numerous examples of feminist and antisexist songs in hiphop and hip-hop soul. Mary J. Blige,Lauryn Hill, Destiny’s Child, Missy Elliot,Erykah Badu, and others all have their individual manners of representing blackfemale identity and self-definition.Missy transgresses gender categorieswith her man-tailored suits and her frequent presence as narrator of the action inthe music videos of male hip-hop artists, anextremely rare location for a woman. Missyis a large woman who presents a glamorous 139and stylish image but never is presentedin an objectifying manner. She usesbizarreness to entice rather than being asexpot (appearing in one video in an outfitthat resembled a silver balloon before a funhouse mirror). Although Missy Elliot maynot be distinctive for brilliant rhyming, shehas a noteworthy acumen for making hitsongs as a producer and rapper, and sheconsistently maintains her personal dignity.Alicia Keys, one of the crop of newsinger songwriters who fit into the hip-hopnation, also presents an image that contrasts sharply with the video models. Theclassically trained pianist, who has claimedBiggie Smalls and Jay Z among her musicinfluences, appeared in her first music videofor the song “Fallin” in a manner that wasstylish and sexy but decidedly not selfexploiting. Her hair in cornrows, wearinga leather jacket and fedora, she sings withvisible bluesy emotion. She describesrepeatedly falling in love with a man who isnot good for her. In the music video, Keystravels by bus to visit the man in prison.This element is an important signifier ofhip-hop sensibilities, as it is the one art formthat consistently engages with the crisis ofblack imprisonment and considers imprisoned people as part of its community. Asshe rides in the bus, she gazes at womenprisoners working in a field outside thewindow. They sing the refrain to the song,“I keep on fallin’ in and out, of love withyou. I never loved someone the way I loveyou.”4 The women on the bus riding to visitmen in prison mirror the women outside ofthe bus, who are prison laborers. Thisvisual duality is a commentary on the problem of black female imprisonment, a problem that is often overlooked in discussionsabout the rise of American imprisonmentand black imprisonment in particular. Itmakes reference both to the fact that manyblack women are the mates of men who areimprisoned and to the reality that manyblack women wind up in prison because ofbeing unwittingly or naively involved withmen who participate in illegal activities.5These social ills are poignantly alluded to in
Dines14.qxd7/26/02 10:06 AM140 Page 140A Cultural Studies Approachthe video by a close-up of a stone-facedwoman in prison clothing with a single tearrolling down her cheek.Another critical example of a black feminist space in the hip-hop world is found insinger songwriter India.Arie. A youngbrown-skinned and dreadlocked woman,she burst upon the music scene with hersong and companion music video “Video,”which is a critique of the image of womenin videos. In the refrain, Arie tells listenersthat she’s not the type of woman whoappears in music videos, that her body typeis not that of a supermodel but neverthelessshe loves herself without hesitation.Similar lyrics assert that value is found inintelligence and integrity rather than expensive clothes, liquor, and firearms. The videocelebrates Arie, who smiles and dances andpokes fun at the process of selecting girlsfor music videos. She rides her bicycle intothe sunshine with her guitar strapped acrossher shoulder. Arie refuses to condemn artistswho present a sexy image but has stated thatshe will not wear a skirt above calf length onstage and that she will do nothing that willembarrass her family. Musically, althoughher sound is folksy soul, she does understand her work as being related to hip-hop.“I’m trying to blend acoustic and hip-hopelements,” India explains. “I used the mostacoustic-sounding drum samples, to havesomething loud enough to compete withother records, but to keep the realistic,softer feel.”6More than the compositional elements,Arie understands her work as inflected withhip-hop sensibilities. She says:I don’t define hip-hop the way a recordcompany would. The thread that runsthough both my music and hip-hop isthat it’s a very precise expression of myway of life. It’s like blues; it’s very realand honest output of emotion into asong. Because of that legacy, my generation now has an opportunity to candidlystate our opinions. That’s what myalbum is about. I just wanna be me.7Arie’s definition of hip-hop as honestself-expression is true to the ideology thatwas at the heart of hip-hop at its beginningsand that continues to be a concept professed to by multitudes of hip-hop artists.However, that element of hip-hop is in tension with the process of celebrity creation.The “honest” words in hip-hop exist in aswamp of image making. It is not enough toexamine the clear and simple feminist presences in hip-hop; we must consider themurkier ones as well. When it comes tofeminist messages, often the words and language of a hip-hop song may have feministcontent but the visual image may be implicated in the subjugation of black women.Unlike the individualistic and expressivevisuals we have of Arie, Keys, or Elliot,other artists are often marketed in a mannerthat is quite similar to the way in whichobjectified video models are presented.Tensions Between Texts Women hip-hop artists who are selfconsciously “sexy” in their appearance,style, and words have a much more difficultroad in carving out a feminist space inhip-hop than performers such as Elliot,Keys, and Arie. This is because the language of sexiness is also the language ofsexism in American popular culture in general, and in hip-hop videos in particular.In the first edition of this book, I published a chapter titled “It’s My Thang andI’ll Swing It the Way That I Feel! Sexualityand Black Women Rappers.” In it I arguedthat a feminist space existed in hip-hopwhere women articulated sexual subjectivity and desire. I do still believe this is possible. However, when the women whoarticulate subjectivity are increasingly presented in visual media as objects rather thansubjects, as they are now, then their statement to the world is ambiguous at best, andat worst the feminist message of their workis undermined.
Dines14.qxd7/26/02 10:06 AMPage 141Who(se) Am IThe space a musical artist occupies inpopular culture is multitextual. Lyrics,interviews, music, and videos together create a collage, often finely planned, out ofwhich we are supposed to form impressions. But the texts may be in conflict withone another. Lil Kim, the much discussed,critiqued, and condemned nasty-talkingbad girl of hip-hop, is a master of shockappeal. Her outfits often expose herbreasts, her nipples covered by sequinedpasties that are color coordinated with therest of her attire. Despite Kim’s visual andlyrical vulgarity, many of her critics admitto finding her endearing. She is known byher interviewers to be sweet-natured andgenerous. But Lil Kim is a contradictionbecause although she interviews as vulnerable and sweet, she raps with a hardnessadored by her fans. She has an impressiveaggressive sexual presence, and she hasoften articulated through words a sexualsubjectivity along with an in-your-facecamera presence. However, as Kim hasdeveloped as an entertainer it is clear thather image is complicit in the oppressive language of American cinematography withregards to women’s sexuality. She hasadopted a “Pamela Anderson in brownskin” aesthetic, calling on pornographictropes, but losing the subversiveness thatwas sometimes apparent in her early career.Andre Leon Talley of Vogue magazinenoted her transformation from an “aroundthe-way girl” with a flat chest, big behind,and jet black (or green, or blue) hair weave,to the celebrity Kim who shows off breastimplants and shakes her long blond hair. Inher videos, the camera angles exploit hersexuality. In the video for the song “HowMany Licks,” she appears as a Barbie-typedoll, her body parts welded together in afactory. The video is an apt metaphor forher self-commodification and use of whitefemale beauty ideals. The video closes offits own possibilities. The doll factory imagemight have operated as a tongue-in-cheekcriticism of image making or white femalebeauty standards, but instead it is a seriousvehicle for Kim to be constructed as beautiful 141and seductive with blond hair and blue eyes.To be a doll is to be perfect, and as manytimes she is replicated, that many male fantasies will be satisfied. Over several years,Kim has become defined more by her participation in codes of pornographic descriptions of woman than by her challenge ofconcepts of respectability or her explicitsexuality.It is a delicate balance, but it is importantto distinguish between sexual explicitnessand internalized sexism. Although manywho have debated the image of femalesexuality have put “explicit” and “selfobjectifying” on one side, and “respectable”and “covered-up” on the other, that is aflawed means of categorization. The natureof sexual explicitness is important to consider, and will be increasingly important asmore nuanced images will present themselves. There is a creative possibility forexplicitness to be liberatory because it mayexpand the confines of what women areallowed to say and do. We just need to referto the history of blues music, which is full ofraunchy, irreverent, and transgressivewomen artists, for examples. However, theoverwhelming prevalence of the Madonna/whore dichotomy in American culturemeans that any woman who uses explicitlanguage or images in her creative expression is in danger of being symbolically castinto the role of whore regardless of whatliberatory intentions she may have, particularly if she doesn’t have complete controlover her image.Let us turn to other examples to furtherexplore the tensions between text andvisual image in women’s hip-hop. Eve isone of the strongest feminist voices in hiphop today. She rhymes against domesticviolence and for women’s self-definitionand self-reliance. She encourages womento hold men in their lives accountablefor behavior that is disrespectful or lessthan loving. Yet the politics of Eve’simage are conflicted. She has appeared inmusic videos for songs on which she hascollaborated with male hip-hop artists.Those videos are filled with the stock
Dines14.qxd1427/26/02 10:06 AM Page 142A Cultural Studies Approachlegions of objectified video models. Eve isdressed provocatively and therefore validates the idea of attractiveness exemplifiedby the models. But she is distinguished fromthese women because she is the star. She isdignified and expressive while they are not.Her distinction from the other women supports their objectification. She is the exception that makes the rule, and it is herexceptionalism that allows her to have avoice. Similar dynamics have appeared invideos in which hip-hop singer Lil’ Mo hasbeen featured. In fact, a number of womenhip-hop artists, who claim to be the onlywoman in their crews, to be the one whocan hang with the fellas, are making arguments through their exceptionalization thatjustify the subjugation of other women,even the majority of women.Moreover, both Eve and Lil Kim oftenspeak of the sexual power they have asbeing derived from their physical attractiveness to men. It is therefore a power grantedby male desire, rather than a statement ofthe power of female sexual desire. Althoughneither artist has completely abandoned thelanguage of empowering female subjectivityin her music, any emphasis on powergranted through being attractive in conventional ways in this media language limitsthe feminist potential of their music. In oneof the songs in which Eve most explicitlyexpresses desire, “Gotta Man,” it is a desirefor a man that is rooted in his ability to bedominant. She describes him as “the onlythug in the hood who is wild enough totame me”8 and therefore she is “TheShrew,” willingly stripped of her defiantpower by a sexual union. Instead of usingher aggressive tongue to challenge prevailing sexist sexual paradigms, she affirmsthem by saying that she simply needs a manwho is stronger than most, stronger thanshe is, to bring everything back to normal.The tensions present in hip-hop throughthe interplay of the visual and the linguistic,and the intertextuality of each medium, arevarious. Even Lauryn Hill, often seen asthe redeemer of hip-hop due to her dignified, intellectually challenging, and spirituallyricism, has a complicated image. As amember of the Fugees, she was oftendressed casually, in baggy yet interestingclothes, thoroughly rooted in hip-hop style.It seems to be no accident that Lauryn Hillbecame a celebrity, gracing the covers ofBritish GQ, Harper’s Bazaar, and numerous other magazines, only when her sartorial presentation changed. Her skirts gotshorter and tighter, her cleavage more pronounced, and her dreadlocks longer. Whenshe began to sport an alternative style thatnevertheless had mainstream acceptability,she was courted by high-end designers suchas Armani. As Lauryn’s image becamemore easily absorbable into the language ofAmerican beauty culture, her celebritygrew. She even appeared on the cover ofSophisticates Black Hair Styles and CareGuide, a black beauty magazine in whichnatural hair is at best relegated to a coupleof small pictures of women with curly afrosor afro weaves, while the vast majority ofphotos are of women with long straightweaves and relaxers. She was certainlyone of the few Sophisticates cover modelsever to have natural hair and the onlywith locks. (Interestingly, the silhouette ofthe locks was molded into the shape ofshoulder-length relaxed hair.) In the issueof British GQ that featured Lauryn as acover model, journalist Sanjiv writes, “Shecould be every woman in a way ChakaKhan could only sing about—the decade’sbiggest new soul arrival with the looks of asupermodel and Hollywood knocking ather door.”9In September 1999, Lauryn appeared onthe cover of Harper’s Bazaar. The articleinside discussed her community serviceprojects, and the cover celebrated hermodel-like beauty. There was of coursesomething subversive about the cover.Dark-skinned and kinky-haired Lauryn Hillwas beautiful, and the image was ironic.Her locks were styled into the shape of aFarrah Fawcett flip, a tongue-in-cheekhybridization that at once referenced the1970s heyday of unprocessed afro hair andthat era’s symbol of white female beauty,
Dines14.qxd7/26/02 10:06 AMPage 143Who(se) Am IFarrah Fawcett. The hybrid cover is analogousto the diverse elements used in the creationof the new in hip-hop. Nevertheless, it isimportant to note that Lauryn becamewidely attractive when her silhouette, thinbody and big hair, matched that of mainstream beauty. So even as Lauryn has beentreated as the symbol of black women’s dignity and intelligence in hip-hop (and rightfully so given her brilliant lyricism), she toowas pulled into the sexist world of imagemaking. Although she has made some public appearances since cutting off her longhair, getting rid of the make-up, and returning to baggy clothes, publicity about herhas noticeably dropped.10In contrast to the image makingof Lauryn Hill, Erykah Badu has beenunapologetically committed to the drama ofher neo-Afrocentric stylings and thereforehas been able to achieve only limited mainstream beauty acceptance. After she shavedher head and doffed her enormous headwrap, and wore a dress that was shaped likea ballgown (although in reality it was adeconstructed, rough textured “warriorprincess,” as she referred to it, work of art),Joan Rivers named her the best dressed atthe 2000 Grammys. However she also said,and I paraphrase, that this was the bestBadu had ever looked and that Erykah Baduwas such a beautiful woman (rather thancomplimenting the dress or her style). Itseemed then to be an insinuation that shewas getting the recognition for comingcloser to looking “as beautiful as she reallyis,” not for truly being the best dressed. In a2001 Vogue magazine, Badu was discussedin an article about how ugliness could bebeautiful and the fine line between the two,making reference to her unusual attire, againa sign of how disturbing the beauty industryfinds her unwillingness to fit into standardparadigms of female presentation, even asher large hazel eyes and high cheekbones areundeniably appealing to individuals in thatindus try.I used the examples of Lil Kim, Eve,Lauryn Hill, and Erykah Badu, all verydistinct artists, to draw attention to the 143kinds of tensions that might exist between afeminist content in hip-hop lyrics and thevisual image of that artist. To further illustrate this point, let us now turn to a comparison that offers a dramatic example ofthe relationship between visual images andthe message of musical texts.Comparative Readings of the Creole ProstituteIn 2001, a remake of the 1975 LaBelleclassic “Lady Marmalade” hit the airwaves.Twenty-six years after it was first recorded,it once again became a hit. The 2001 version was performed by a quartet of successful young female artists, pop sensationChristina Aguilera, R&B singers Pink andMya, and rapper Lil Kim. Recorded for thesoundtrack of the movie Moulin Rouge, apostmodern rendering of the famousParisian cabaret circa 1899, the song servedas a fantastic commercial for the film. Andwith all those popular songstresses, it was asurefire moneymaker. The cultural impactof the most recent version of “LadyMarmalade,” however, was quite distinctfrom that of the original.The original version of the song wassung by a trio of young black women whohad recently shed their super sweet name“The Bluebells,” a fourth member, theirbouffant hairdos, and their chiffon gownsfor a more radical image as LaBelle. PattiLaBelle sang the lead on the song penned byKenny Nolan and produced by Allen Toussaint. She told a fable about a Creole prostitute in New Orleans, Lady Marmalade.Through the rhythm of her voice, Patti wasable to transmit Lady Marmalade’s strutand attitude. Marmalade turned her conservative john’s world upside down, andthereby robbed her exploiter of some of hispower. The song, with the racy lyricsVoulez vous couchez avec moi, ce soir?”was provocative and yet melancholy. Anddespite the fact that LaBelle’s memberspurportedly didn’t know the meaning of the
Dines14.qxd1447/26/02 10:06 AM Page 144A Cultural Studies ApproachFrench lyrics when they recorded the song,the song had a feminist sensibility about it.This was due to Patti’s vocal interpretationand the visual presentation of all of LaBelle.They were telling a story of the past inwhich a woman found a little subversivepower, but the storytellers themselves werecontemporary women, futuristic even.Bizarrely adorned, wearing “silver lamespace suits and studded breastplates” theysignaled “the death of the traditional threegirl three gown group.”11 LaBelle were rockglam stars and they stood outside of standard paradigms of female sexuality andobjectification. They were somehowwomen’s movement women, black powerwomen, and transgressive women at once.Patti br
charisma. Magazines geared toward young women have given such instructions on how women should participate in their own objectification for decades. However, never before has a genre completely centralized black women in this process.1 The beauty ideal for black women pre-sented in these videos is as impossible to achieve as the waif-thin .
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