Intergroup Helping As Status Relations: Effects Of Status .

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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology2006, Vol. 91, No. 1, 97–110Copyright 2006 by the American Psychological Association0022-3514/06/ 12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0022-3514.91.1.97Intergroup Helping as Status Relations: Effects of Status Stability,Identification, and Type of Help on Receptivity to High-StatusGroup’s HelpArie NadlerSamer HalabiTel Aviv UniversityUniversity of HaifaIntegrating research on social identity processes and helping relations, the authors proposed thatlow-status group members who are high identifiers will be unwilling to receive help from the high-statusgroup when status relations are perceived as unstable and help is dependency-oriented. The firstexperiment, a minimal group experiment, found negative reactions to help from a high-status outgroupwhen status relations were unstable. The 2nd and 3rd experiments, which used real groups of IsraeliArabs and Israeli Jews, replicated this finding and showed that high identifiers were less receptive to helpfrom the high-status outgroup than low identifiers. The 4th experiment, a help-seeking experiment withreal groups of competing high schools, found that the least amount of help was sought from a high-statusgroup by high identifiers when status relations were perceived as unstable and help was dependencyoriented. Theoretical and applied implications are discussed.Keywords: reactions to help, help-seeking, perceived status stability, ingroup identification, dependency-/autonomy-oriented helpIn his classic essay The Gift, anthropologist Marcel Mauss(1907/1957) described the tribal custom of potlatch, in which aclan leader engages in lavish displays of gift-giving to other clanleaders. Mauss noted that the “motives for such excessive gifts . . .are in no way disinterested. . . . To give is to show one’s superiority” (p. 72). This is group-based behavior in that tribal leadersestablish their hierarchical position “to the ultimate benefit . . . oftheir own clan” (italics added, p. 4). For recipients of potlatch, “toaccept without returning . . . [is] to become client and subservient”(p. 72). Phrased in the language of modern social psychology, thissuggests that helping relations can be mechanisms through whichgroups create, maintain, and change status relations.The present research examined the willingness of low-statusgroup members to seek and receive help from a high-status outgroup as affected by the perceived stability of intergroup statusrelations, the ingroup identification of the recipient, and type ofhelp (i.e., autonomy- or dependency-oriented help). The researchhypotheses follow the model of intergroup helping as status relations (Nadler, 2002), which draws on social identity research(Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and helping relations (Bierhoff, 2002;Penner, Dovidio, Piliavin, & Schroeder, 2005; Schroeder, Penner,Dovidio, & Piliavin, 1995). The present research represents thefirst empirical effort to assess the major tenets of this model.SOCIAL IDENTITY PERSPECTIVEOver the last three decades, the social identity perspective onintergroup relations (Turner & Reynolds, 2001) has progressed intwo complementary lines of research and theory: social identitytheory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) and self-categorization theory (Tajfel, 1978; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell,1987). Self-categorization theory holds that people’s identity fluctuates across a continuum ranging from individual (e.g., “I am agenerous person”) to social (e.g., “I am a fan of a particular soccerteam”) identity, and research has explored variables that affect themovement between these two poles and its consequences (e.g.,Onorato & Turner, 2004; Roccas, 2003). Social identity theoryoriginated with the pioneering work of Tajfel and his colleagues,who argued that in their quest for positive identity, group memberspositively distinguish themselves from outgroups by discriminating against them (i.e., Tajfel & Turner, 1979). In support of this,research has demonstrated that the division of people into groups,even on a relatively insignificant dimension (e.g., as specific vs.global perceivers), is sufficient to produce ingroup favoritism (i.e.,discrimination against that outgroup) and outgroup devaluation(e.g., Jetten, Spears, & Manstead, 1999).More recent research indicates that the phenomena of ingroupfavoritism and outgroup devaluation are affected by the status ofthe ingroup and the outgroup (Bourhis & Gagnon, 2003). Whereasmembers of high-status groups show greater discrimination towardlow- than equal-status groups (Sachdev & Bourhis, 1991), lowstatus groups sometimes exhibit outgroup favoritism: When theyhave internalized their low status, they favor the high-status outgroup on dimensions of comparison that are related to their statusinferiority (Sachdev & Bourhis, 1987). The inconsistency that iscreated between outgroup favoritism and people’s general need forpositive identity can be resolved by individual mobility (joining thehigh-status group), social creativity (e.g., reframing the intergroupArie Nadler, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv,Israel; Samer Halabi, Department of Psychology, University of Haifa,Haifa, Israel.This research was supported by the Argentina Chair for Research on theSocial Psychology of Conflict and Cooperation, Tel-Aviv University. Wethank Sonia Roccas for helpful comments on earlier versions of this article.Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to ArieNadler, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv69978, Israel. E-mail: arie@freud.tau.ac.il97

98NADLER AND HALABIcomparison in a way that favors the ingroup), or social competition(working to elevate the status of the ingroup through socialchange; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Social competition is more likelywhen members of the low-status group perceive the existing statushierarchy as relatively unstable and illegitimate and intergroupboundaries as impermeable (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). When statusrelations are perceived as illegitimate and unstable, members oflow-status groups are likely to view the existing social hierarchy aschangeable, and because the impermeability of intergroup boundaries prevents individual mobility, they are expected to channeltheir motivation for social equality toward elevating ingroup status. Regarding the differential effects of perceived legitimacy andperceived stability, research has indicated that variations in levelsof perceived stability have stronger effects on the behavior andperceptions of low-status group members toward the high-statusoutgroup (e.g., Ellemers, Wilke, & van Knippenberg, 1993; Mummendey, Klink, Mielke, Wenzel, & Blanz, 1999). Because thepresent focus is on behavior and perceptions directed at the highstatus outgroup helper, we centered our attention on the effects ofperceived stability on receptivity to help from the high-statusgroup.HELPING RELATIONS AS POWER RELATIONSHelping relations are inherently unequal social relations. Thehelper has sufficient resources to confer on a recipient, who isdependent on the helper’s goodwill. This inequality makes receiving help a potentially self-threatening experience for the beneficiary (Nadler & Fisher, 1986). In this line, empirical research hasfound that when help is self-threatening, people respond negativelyto its receipt (e.g., Nadler, 1987; Nadler & Fisher, 1986) and preferto endure hardships rather than seek it (Nadler, 1991). Yet, thisresearch has converged almost exclusively on interpersonal helping encounters. In an exception to this interpersonal focus, Schneider, Major, Luhtanen, and Crocker (1996) studied reactions tointerracial help and found that African American participants whoreceived assumptive help (i.e., unsolicited help) from a EuropeanAmerican experienced lower self-esteem than African Americanswho received assumptive help from a fellow African American.Similar findings were reported in a study that examined the reactions of Arab-Israelis to the receipt of help from a Jewish-Israeli asopposed to an Arab-Israeli helper (Halabi, 2003). The study foundthat Arab-Israeli recipients reported lower self-evaluations whenthey were helped by Jewish-Israelis (the dominant group in Israelisociety) than when they were helped by Arab-Israelis (the lessdominant group). Taken together, these studies suggest two implications. First, it seems that when there is a salient distinctionbetween social groups, as is the case for African Americans andEuropean Americans in the United States and Arabs and Jews inIsrael, interpersonal helping encounters between members of thesegroups tend to be experienced as an intergroup interaction. Insupport of this, Suleiman (2004) noted that in Israeli society,interactions between Israeli Arabs and Israeli Jews are perceivedby participants as intergroup encounters even when they take theform of interpersonal dialogue (Suleiman, 2004). Second, thesestudies may be interpreted to indicate that because dependency onthe high-status outgroup reinforces its dominant position, helpfrom a member of the dominant outgroup is threatening to recipients from the low-status group. This conclusion is echoed indiscussions that note that being on the receiving end of affirmativeaction programs can be a stigmatizing experience for its beneficiaries (Pratkanis & Turner, 1996; Steele, 1992).The autonomy or dependency orientation of help may alsoinfluence whether dependence on a more privileged outgroup willthreaten the recipient’s social identity (Nadler, 1997, 1998).Dependency-oriented help consists of providing a full solution tothe problem at hand and reflects the helper’s view that the needycannot help themselves. When recipients agree that they cannotmake it on their own, dependency-oriented help is consistent withtheir view of themselves and they may readily seek and accept it.However, when recipients believe they can succeed independently,dependency-oriented help is inconsistent with their view of themselves as capable actors. In this case, potential recipients of helpare likely to reject offers of dependency-oriented help and refrainfrom seeking it. Autonomy-oriented help is partial and temporary(e.g., taking the form of instructions or hints) and reflects thehelper’s view that given the appropriate tools, recipients can helpthemselves (Brickman et al., 1982). Autonomy-oriented help allows recipients to retain their independence despite their relianceon the more resourceful helper (Nadler, 1997, 1998). Thereforethis type of help is not likely to clash with recipients’ view ofthemselves as capable and equal actors. Applied to the presentresearch context, this suggests that dependency-oriented help, butnot autonomy-oriented help, will be inconsistent with the lowstatus group’s motivation for equality. Because this motivationgrows higher when status relations are perceived as unstable,members of low-status groups are expected to be reluctant to seekor receive dependency-oriented help under these conditions.Intergroup Helping Relations as Status RelationsFigure 1 is a schematic representation of intergroup helping asstatus relations (Nadler, 2002). It suggests two clusters of intergroup helping relations: (a) when status relations are perceived asstable and legitimate and (b) when they are viewed as unstable andillegitimate. In the first case, the high-status group is expected totry to maintain its social advantage by providing dependencyoriented help to the low-status group. Under these conditions, thelow-status group is expected to be receptive to dependencyoriented help. When status relations are perceived as unstableand illegitimate, members of the high-status group view theirprivileged position as being threatened and are expected to tryto reaffirm their social advantage through increased efforts toprovide dependency-oriented help to the low-status group. Under these conditions, members of low-status groups—whichshould be motivated to gain equal status—are expected to reactnegatively to the receipt of dependency-oriented help from thehigh-status group a

hypotheses follow the model of intergroup helping as status rela-tions (Nadler, 2002), which draws on social identity research (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and helping relations (Bierhoff, 2002; Penner, Dovidio, Piliavin, & Schroeder, 2005;

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