ANNIVERSARY 1941 - 1991 'PRSJWß RPm

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JPRS-EER-91-0 014ÄRÜARY3991ANNIVERSARY1941 - 1991'PRSJWß rPmPNLis&issSI*Si 13 At19980515 135igm* # i U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE /Äliill NATIONAL TECHNICAL INFORMATION SERVICEmsmtiBJF*"* SPRINGFIELD, VA. 221 eiiti«IP Hi &mmfr W JM\\pBC &f lllilr.Lfil **'&PHI

East EuropeJPRS-EER-91-020CONTENTS14 February 1991POLITICALINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRSAnti-Hungarian Sentiment in Romania Described [Budapest HITEL 9 Jan]1BULGARIAViews, Background of Prime Minister Popov [OTECHESTVEN VESTNIK 3 Jan]2CZECHOSLOVAKIASvitak's Views on Leftist Politics Criticized [NOVE SLOVO 10 Jan]Ludovit Stur's View on Czech-Slovak Relationship [NOVE SLOVO 10 Jan]69HUNGARYJeszenszky on Soviet-Baltic, East-West Relations [Oslo AFTENPOSTEN 22 Jan]Members of Parliament, Voter Profiles Analyzed [FIGYELO 8 Dec]1112POLANDCzechoslovak-Polish Relations, Stereotypes ViewedHistorical Tensions Reviewed [WPROST 9 Dec]Students on Czech Stereotypes [WPROST 9 Dec]Leaders on Future Relations [WPROST 9 Dec]Tyminski Party To Run in Parliamentary Elections [RZECZPOSPOLITA 2-3 Feb]German Unification: Effects on Economy, Culture [WPROST 9 Dec]German Minority Presents 'Disquieting' Demands [WPROST 16 Dec]Increased Anxiety Over Growing Number of Refugees [WPROST 9 Dec]Helsinki Committee's Request to Attorney General [GAZETA WYBORCZA 27 Dec]Ambassador to Israel on Travel, Cultural Contacts [ZYCIE WARSZAWY 2 Jan]16161718181820212324ROMANIAControversial Minister Plesu Interviewed ["22" 11 Jan]Brucan: 'Terrorists' Former Securitate Cadres [ADEVARUL 21 Dec]2529ECONOMICINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRSProspects of Cooperation With Albania Reviewed [Athens ELEVTHEROTIPIA 16 Jan]31CZECHOSLOVAKIAVolkswagen To Restructure Skoda Auto Production [HOSPODARSKE NOVINY 19 Dec]4 Heirs Interested in Restaurant U Fleku [HOSPODARSKE NOVINY 4 Jan]3235POLANDRetrospective of 1989-90 Economic Legislation [GAZETA BANKOWA 23 Dec]Foundry Representatives Discuss Restructuring [RZECZPOSPOLITA 27 Dec]Electronic Mail Service To Be Established [GAZETA BANKOWA 2-8 Dec]363839

JPRS-EER-91-02014 February 19912ROMANIAHow Currency Might Become Convertible [ROMANIA LIBERA 10 Jan]'Timisoara' Trade Union Leader Interviewed [ADEVARUL 16 Jan]4041SOCIALPOLANDCritical Look at Catholicism's Changing Role fWPROST 16 Dec]43

JPRS-EER-91-02014 February 1991POLITICALINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRSAnti-Hungarian Sentiment in Romania Described91CH0300A Budapest HITEL in Hungarian 9 Jan 91pp 22-23[Letter to the editor by Tamas Kiss: "I Do Not Hope!"—first paragraph is HITEL introduction][Text] We publish this stern-voiced and sobering lettereven at the risk of probable Romanian objection. It mustbe made clear to Hungary's public, who is alwaysengaged in talks about politics, that true reconciliationneeds partners without ulterior motives. Unilateral goodintentions and a search for peace lead only to nationalself-surrender and self-mutilation. Because of his personal circumstances, the author requested that we use apseudonym.My little grandson is forlornly watching the autumn rain,but he says with the optimism of his three years: "Thisalso is going to go away soon and there will be summeragain, right?" His mother, not wanting to sadden him,nods: "I hope, son." But she will get the heating fuel forthe winter nevertheless.Many a Hungarian statement has been uttered in thesecond half of the year about Transylvania's future.Laszlo Tokes, Geza Domokos, Sandor Csoori, or theofficial spokesmen of Hungarian foreign affairs, analyzethe events very seriously and with thorough familiarityof the situation. They disclose the ever worsening conditions, call attention to the increasing dangers, andthen, when one would expect some possible solutions,the usual refrain follows instead: We hope that theRomanians' attitude will change, we hope that they willbecome aware of the need to reconciliate, we hope thatthey will get to know us better and like us more, we hope.Policies or the destiny of a people cannot be built onpipedreams. Every serious hope must have some realisticbasis. What could that be?A unified and great Romanian national state had beenthe dream of the Romanians for almost two hundredyears. They consistently put their hope on it when nopossibility of achieving it seemed to exist. Then, as aresult of the unbelievable and unexplainable blindness ofthe Hungarian "aster revolution" [the 1918-19 Bolshevik Revolution of Bela Kun, et al.], they acquired—by fluke—not only Transylvania, but also a significantchunk of the Hungarian Plains, and then after WorldWar II, Stalin gave it to them again as a present becauseof his hatred for Hungarians. The Romanians know thatthey cannot really possess the unified and great nationalstate they obtained until they free themselves from thepressure of the inherited nationalities which have muchmore experience and which stand above them in everyrespect. They inherited four such nationalities: the Germans, the Jews, the Hungarians, and the Bulgarians.Because of their cultural or numerical weakness, othersdid not present any threat.lOf the four, the Bulgarians were the most clever. At thetime of the great Romanian bonanza, they acquiredmore wealth through diligent work than the Romanianshad, and seized the first opportunity to reacquire enoughterritory to accommodate their own people. Then rapidly and skillfully, they relocated the population andconsequently no justification could be found to repossessany part of that territory, even in their worst postwarsituation.It was much easier for the Romanians to free themselvesfrom the Jews. First, they beat tens of thousands of themto death, but they did that so shrewdly that the world—and the Jews themselves—hardly know about it. At anyrate, the Jews did not wish to stay. Indeed, their displacement began immediately after the war. The Romanianstate sold them to Israel at a high price, and by now sofew of them remain that even anti-Semitism, which isalive and well, is not thought of seriously by the smallremnants of Jews.The most characteristic case is that of the Germans.They fought against Hungarian rule for two hundredyears, and they thought and found Romanians to be theirmost willing medium. They strongly supported Romanian rule both in 1918 and in 1940, only to haveinsignificant remnants of them awaiting the expensivepermission to leave Romania 70 years after their wishhad materialized.Thus, only the Magyars continued to stand in the way ofthe great Romanian national dream, that of a GreatRomania with one language and one ambition. Withtheir number, their still superior culture and historictraditions, and especially their intolerable and incomprehensible wish to live as Magyars in the middle of theattained Romanian unity, they represent for Romanianconsciousness—or rather for the Romanian collectivesubconscious feelings—the insurmountable anxiety ofancient serfdom that saturated their genes.I know Romanians well. As a child and as an adult, at theprison and at the workplace, I know their language andtheir culture, their virtues and their flaws. Some of themare true and good friends of mine. I am welcome in thehomes of simple and unknown country folks as well asserious intellectuals. In the prisons of Peter Groza, wefraternally divided among us the last bite of porridge. Iwould like to list here objective facts about them, notaccusations:1.1 do not know any Romanian who could envision anyMagyar community or culture still existing in a hundredyears. There are some who regret it, and some who thinkof the destruction of the Magyar culture in Transylvaniaas a loss but still consider that fact unavoidable.2.1 cannot even imagine a Romanian who would believethat the Magyar people would be capable of relinquishing Transylvania. The more convincingly Hungarian officials state this, the more suspicion it arousesthat they just want to bamboozle Romanians with such

JPRS-EER-91-02014 February 1991POLITICALan ominous lie. They do not think Magyars are offendedto be considered "that stupid" to swallow this.3. With a few—although at times very serious—exceptions, Romanians reared in the Magyar culture arethe ones who are capable of really hating Magyars fromtheir hearts. (The leaders of the Vatra organization aresuch people.) One could only have a subjective opinionof the cause of this but only the indisputable fact can bestated objectively.4. Whatever the Romanians put their hands on duringthe past two hundred years they never let go, and theyconsider this their indisputable and self-evident right.This is why the idea in January that Magyar rights andinstitutions usurped by Ceausescu will be given back bythe new Romanian leadership was a naive dream. Inpractice this would mean that Romanian teachers, engineers, directors, tradesmen, and civil servants wouldsurrender their attained positions, buildings, workplaces,and institutions to the Magyars. Without exception, theyconsider even the thought of this an abhorring anddangerous heresy. (In Zilah, the Romanian leadership isexemplary in being understanding and unchauvinistic.They are proud of it and the Hungarians consider it agreat victory that this year they allowed one or twoHungarian classes in the ancient Wesselenyi College. Butlet anyone demand that they give back the entire collegeand leave! This would really be a glaring example ofMagyar ungratefulness and voraciousness.) Let us trylooking, in light of these facts, at fashionable endeavorslike winning the Romanians' love for Magyar culture(boasting about the superiority of Magyar culture?),inviting them to Magyar cities (to make them see thedifference in comparison with threadbare Romaniancities?), convincing them of our peaceful intentions(shaming them with how primitive their chauvinism is,right?). And when all this fails, there comes the sentence,nicely sighed: We hope, we must hope that sooner orlater the Romanians will take a liking to us and becomeour friends. After all, we live in one Europe.With this we compromise our conscience. But what if thehope fails to come true? If the Romanians continue to bewhat they have always been in the last two hundredyears, proudly identifying with their past, then what?Must not this question be raised? I would really like toknow what the Magyar society or its leaders are planningto do in the event that the repeated open and decisivedeclaration of the Romanian people, government, parliament, and all responsible institutions that "we willnever concede anything to demanding Magyars" provesto be true? Will we still be left with the "hope" until thelast Transylvanian Magyar moves to small, truncatedHungary?The Romanians consistently accuse us of lying. They areright. We consistently lie to ourselves, to each other, tothe world, and to the powers which now and then do turntheir attention to us and which do sense a moral responsibility for this entire miserable situation. The problem isnot so great after all, we will solve it together with thewell-meaning Romanian people. What is the sense of thislying that brings no hope and has no purpose? Is it easierto set our three-year-old selves at rest that autumn isfollowed not by winter but by summer instead of carrying out the unpleasant task of getting heating fuel?Perhaps it would be more useful indeed to acknowledgethat the Romanian people, despite the nice and emptyslogans and well-proven and attention-diverting sirenvoices of its politicians, simply do not need us either asbrothers or as good neighbors, not even as servants. Theywill not need us in the future either. Only after acceptingthis fact can we think responsibly about what the solution should then be.BULGARIAViews, Background of Prime Minister Popov91BA0205A Sofia OTECHESTVEN VESTNIKin Bulgarian 3 Jan 91 pp 1-2[Interview with Prime Minister Dimitur Popov byLyuben Genov, OTECHESTVEN VESTNIK editor inchief; place and date not given: "Hope May Turn IntoReality"][Excerpts] [passage omitted]Support of the Government[Genov] Why was it so difficult to form a government?[Popov] As I said, forming a government became possible for lack of another solution. What was sought wasan individual who would be greatly trusted by thepolitical forces. The government was formed also thanksto the personal courage of the individuals who agreed toparticipate in it. For example, Mr. Ivan Pushkarov saidabout himself that he had made the fateful decision totake a daring risk. This definition of his personal standpoint is accurate. However, it is not a question merely ofrisk but of readiness, as well, to assume a heavy, not tosay exceptional, burden. To participate in managing acountry that is in such condition and to assume the headof such a difficult ministry is indeed a heavy responsibility. I, too, gave it a great deal of thought before givingmy agreement. According to some, this was a government of suicides, of self-sacrifice or sacrifice. I do notthink so. This is a government of people who havesensibly taken this step, realizing that no other solutionwas possible. If it is a question of assessing the degree ofrisk and, in that sense, of sacrifice, I am ready forself-sacrifice if it is for the good of the people and of ourstate.We Are Marching Toward New State StructuresThis is an interesting government not only from thepoint of view of its formula or its structure. The politicalagreement indicates that this is a government of peacefultransition to democracy—that is, a government with amechanism through which the decisions made at the

JPRS-EER-91-02014 February 1991POLITICALroundtable meeting of the spring of 1990 are beingimplemented. It must extend the process that began withthe elections in June, which made possible the existenceof the Grand National Assembly and the election of anew president. These authorities already exist. However,it is obvious that they alone are not sufficient because wehave no efficient executive authority, which is quiteimportant in the implementation of these changes. Weare indeed marching toward new governmental structures. One of the tasks of the government is to prepareand set up these structures after the elections for localself-government. Before that, however, we need a lawabout their nature. Will they be municipalities, and, ifso, what kind? What will be the range of their jurisdiction and the subject of their activities? Obviously, thenew municipalities must be entirely different from theold people's councils in terms of their nature and significance. The people's councils were the lower level of thetotalitarian structure of the state. They were authoritiesthe purpose of which was to serve precisely a stronglycentralized power, the dictatorship. Obviously, themunicipalities must be a place for the democratic participation of the people in the administration of thestate. Another question is that of restoring the okoliyasand the okoliya managements, as a mechanism throughwhich the state will implement its domestic policies. It isnecessary to synchronize the two self-governing systems.Questions are being raised also concerning the (bolegati)and their managements. The mechanisms through whichthe government will be managing these agencies are veryimportant.As you can see, it is a question of a new state structure.Actually, in some respects we will be going back to theelements of the structure of the Bulgarian state as it wasmore than 40 years ago. We will be adopting the European practices, with their more advanced governmentalsystems. Consequently, the Grand National Assemblymust pass at least two laws. The first is on the localself-government authorities, which should establish thenature and characteristics of these agencies so that wemay see what we are choosing and what structures we aresetting up. The second should be on the new administrative division of the country, which would enable us toestablish the geographic areas and demographic structure, the economic potential, and the traditional historical, cultural, and other relations among settlements thatform a municipality. We must create viable municipalities with adequately large populations that would be ableto support themselves and engage in active efforts.Within the okoliyas we must have a balanced andrelatively equal number of people. Furthermore, wemust set up permanent electoral districts for the electionof people's representatives to the future NationalAssembly. Whether there will be 200 or 250 representatives is a matter to be decided upon by the futureconstitution. If with such a law we establish permanentelectoral districts, or districts that last at least 10 to 15years, we will have ensured that every single people'srepresentative will have a relatively equal constituency,and that, in the next elections, the deputies will beelected under relatively equal conditions.What happened last June? In some electoral districts—let us say in my native city, Kula—there were 28,000 to30,000 voters. In General Toshevo, however, the electoral district had some 62,000 voters. In practical terms,one people's representative was backed by some 30,000voters, while another was backed by nearly twice thatnumber. In the practice of other countries, a tolerance of15 to 20 percent or a maximum 25-percent deviationfrom the average electoral group is allowed; in the case ofour Grand National Assembly, it was 45,000 (58,000 inSofia).With these two laws, the government will be able toorganize the structure of the future Bulgarian state. Afterthe elections, this structure will be given a staff, and thepossibility of stabilization will appear. Subsequently, thenew authorities must prepare themselves and hold parliamentary elections, something that will require at leasttwo or two and a half months.This is one of the tasks or hopes of the transitionalgovernment. Even if it had no other task, implementingthis one properly would mean a great deal, [passageomitted]The Truth About the Situation in Bulgaria[Genov] On the basis of what the government haslearned so far, what should the Bulgarian people know?[Popov] Our people are unaware of the difficulty of oursituation. We have virtually exhausted our resources,and, unless we are able to secure even a modest amountof raw materials and energy, by February or March manyplants may have to be closed down. Our food reservesare reaching critical levels. We have no foreign currencywith which to purchase food abroad. We are even shortof money for medicine. As to why and how we got intothis situation, that is a different matter. If the people areaware of this, they will know and understand why we willbe unable to achieve quickly some of the things theywant. For example, a number of people would like forthe new government, after the new year, to fill the storeswith goods, to eliminate waiting lines, to keep fromincreasing prices, and to guarantee that there will be agreat deal more of what we need compared to what wehave now or what we had a year ago.Matters will improve, but this cannot be accomplishedimmediately or very quickly. I recently read somethingabout the changes in Spain, which also covered aninteresting distance from dictatorship to a democraticlegal system. Some 10 years were necessary before thestate could stand firmly on its own two feet. Or let usconsider Poland. The struggle waged by Solidarity hasbeen going on for 11 years, but it is only of late, after thedaring plan submitted by Balcerowicz, which involvedthe mandatory participation of the people and a readiness to withstand privations, that Poland is stabilizingand is rapidly advancing toward what is known as a

POLITICALJPRS-EER-91-02014 February 1991"market economy." This was accomplished moresmoothly in Hungary. However, Hungary had more timeat its disposal as well as prerequisites unavailable to us.However, such countries must consider us a seriouspartner. We must substantiate the type of trust wediscussed at the start of our conversation.We lost precious time because of inaction for at leastseven or eight months, time that could have been used toaccomplish

ANNIVERSARY 1941 - 1991 'PRSJWß rPm PN L SI* At igm* 13 iti is&iss Si 19980515 135 # i U . permission to leave Romania 70 years after their wish had materialized. Thus, only the Magyars continued to stand in the way of the great Romanian national dream, that of a Great

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