THAI-BURMESE WARFARE DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND THE .
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century69THAI-BURMESE WARFARE DURING THE SIXTEENTHCENTURY AND THE GROWTH OF THE FIRST TOUNGOOEMPIRE1Pamaree SurakiatAbstractA new historical interpretation of the pre-modern relationsbetween Thailand and Burma is proposed here by analyzingthese relations within the wider historical context of the formationof mainland Southeast Asian states. The focus is on how ThaiBurmese warfare during the sixteenth century was connected to thegrowth and development of the first Toungoo empire. An attemptis made to answer the questions: how and why sixteenth centuryThai-Burmese warfare is distinguished from previous warfare,and which fundamental factors and conditions made possible theinvasion of Ayutthaya by the first Toungoo empire.IntroductionAs neighbouring countries, Thailand and Burma not only share a longborder but also have a profoundly interrelated history. During the first Toungooempire in the mid-sixteenth century and during the early Konbaung empire fromthe mid-eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, the two major kingdoms ofmainland Southeast Asia waged wars against each other numerous times. Thiswarfare was very important to the growth and development of both kingdoms andto other mainland Southeast Asian polities as well.1This article is a revision of the presentations in the 18th IAHA Conference, Academia Sinica(December 2004, Taipei) and The Golden Jubilee International Conference (January 2005, Yangon).A great debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond, Professor John Okell, Sarah Rooney,Dr. Michael W. Charney, Saya U Myint Thein, Dr. Dhiravat na Pombejra and Professor MichaelSmithies.Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100696/8/05, 16:0869
PAMAREE SURAKIAT70The wars with Burma are one of the most haunting historical episodes inthe minds of many Thais. Various works have helped to embed Thai-Burmesewarfare deep in the Thai consciousness. Innumerable Thai heroes and heroineshave been resurrected and reinvented from past conflicts with Burma.Nationalist ideology is a fundamental concept of mainstream historicalwriting on the subject. Battles between Thai and Burmese armies, particularly theroles of Thai kings and leaders struggling for and preserving the independence ofThailand from Burma, the enemy of their country, have been copiously narrated.They have inevitably created misunderstanding and fostered negative attitudestowards the Burmese people (cf. Sunait 1990, 1992).Moreover, most of the mainstream historical writings are analyzed within aThai-centric historical framework, using centralist historical ideology as a standardin interpreting the warfare. Only the Thai historical background of Ayutthaya,Thonburi and Rattanakosin reigns are emphasized. Yet there were various othersignificant kingdoms, independent states and principalities, such as the Mon andLan Na, participating as crucial players in the warfare, as well as the most activeone, Burma. Thai mainstream historical writings have hardly thrown light on thesefactors.Consequently, Thai-Burmese warfare depicted in Thai historical writingsis rather static and has created a stereotypical image of the Burmese as forever anenemy of the Thai.There are generally three kinds of military history (Griess 1988, 27). Thefirst is known as “pure” history, recounting every event during a battle down to thehourly locations of small units in painstaking detail. The second uses a campaignor battle to study the didactic principles of waging war. Finally, the third is militaryhistory viewed as social history, the interaction of warfare and society–what haslately come to be called “new” military history (Cook 1990, 14). Almost all writingand research on warfare studies by Thai military historians is conducted within theapproaches of the first and second types. In their works, wars and military operationsin the battlefields are removed from their historical contexts and socio-politicalbackgrounds in order to be analyzed separately, with a focus on tactics and strategiesonly.While the first two approaches are important, more attention needs to bepaid to the new area of “war and society”. Past warfare between Thailand andBurma also needs to be studied in light of the “new” military history approach,since an understanding of state warfare requires a look at the nature and formationof states.Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100706/8/05, 16:08
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century71Post-Pagan to pre-Toungoo warfare: rivalries of city-states2During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, most Burmese militaryoperations occurred along the north-south line of the Irrawaddy River. These limitedarea wars were directly related to political conditions within the Burmese region.During the post-Pagan period and before the rise of Toungoo, between c.1300 and 1530, there was no great state as during the heyday of Pagan. The regionwas politically fragmented and split into many city-states. Indigenous historicalevidence, such as inscriptions (Than Tun 1959, Tin Hla Thaw 1959), and thechronicle of U Kala Mahayazawingyi (Kala Vol.I, 1959) support Lieberman’sstatement that the region remained divided into four more or less distinctgeopolitical-ethnic zones, which ignored, brutalized, and allied with one another ina bewildering fashion. At the same time, each zone remained internally fragmented.The four main zones were the Shan realm, upper Burma, Arakan, and lower Burma(Lieberman 2003b, 123–131).Wars from the post-Pagan to the pre-Toungoo period were essentiallyrivalries among city-states. During the first half of the fourteenth century, theBurmese rulers of Pinya and Sagaing competitively gained control over a nuclearzone, such as Prome, Toungoo, Toungdwin, Yamethin, Hlaingteik, Kyaukpadaung,Mindon, Sagu, Salin, Salay, Pagan, Talup, Kuhkangyi etc. (Fig.1). (Kala Vol. I1959, 324) Most of these cities were concentrated along the Irrawaddy River in theareas known today as the Mandalay, Sagaing and Magway divisions.When King Thadominbya (r.1364–1368) built a new city at Ava in 1364,only Sagaing and Pinya were under his control. Toungoo, Toungdwingyi, Nganwe-gon Pyinmana and Sagu rebelled against him. Pyinmana raided the five wellirrigated areas of Ava’s heartland: Yamethin, Petpaing, Pya-gaung, Toung-nyo, andTamyinhsan. During his entire reign, Thadominbya successfully suppressed onlyPyinmana, Toundwingyi and Sagu. Toungoo remained autonomous and supportedPegu against Ava.It was King Mingyiswasawke of Ava (r. 1368–1401) who was able to obtainprovisional power over other central Burmese polities. Mingyiswasawke appointedhis relatives and officers as rulers of the principal Burmese cities.2We are not covering here ancient Burmese warfare in the early period of the Pagan empire (tenthto thirteenth centuries) because the history of Pagan has its own complicated controversies. Thoughthere were cultural and traditional links between Pagan and the later periods, there was no strongconnection between its political structure and that of the sixteenth century. Differences and similarities are noted here between sixteenth century warfare with the preceding period, namely thefourteenth and fifteenth centuries.Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100716/8/05, 16:08
PAMAREE SURAKIAT72Figure 1 The location of some city-states in central Burmese region mentioned in the text.Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100726/8/05, 16:08
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century73.When he (Mingyiswasawke) was on the throne, he orderedRazathinkyan-nga-mauk to marry his sister, Saw-umma and togovern Toung-pyan-gyi-wa-yin-tut. He ordered Thiwali to governYamethin, his brother-Sawyannaung to govern Pyi (Prome),Pyanchigyi to govern Toungoo, Thihapate to govern Toungdwingyi,Sithu to govern Pagan, Razathuza to govern Talop, Thinhkathuzato govern Sagu, Bayakyawthuza to govern Nyangyan, Tarapya togovern Pahkangyi, Sithuthambawa to govern four parts of the fivewell-irrigated areas, Sawhnaung to govern Makhkaya, Razathinkyanto govern Sagaing, Minpale to govern Paunkmyaing, Thinhkaya togovern Waddy, Theikshei-kyawhtin to govern Myeidu, Nganaukhsan to govern Tagaung, and Thinhkathu to govern Tapeyin orDipeyin. (ibid., 343–50) (Fig.1)In addition, Mingyiswasawke expanded his influence over a number ofShan cities by interfering in the Kale-Mohnyin conflicts. Kale and Mohnyin eachasked Ava for support. Finally, Ava launched troops to seize them both. Moreover,Mingyiswasawke replaced the rulers of Mohnyin and Kale with Ava officialsand appointed the former Mohnyin ruler to govern Tagaung (ibid., 362–3). (Fig.2)During the reign of Mingyiswasawke, Ava’s armies were strong and large,and were able to sustain the series of wars with King Razadirit of Pegu(r.1385–1423). With help from the Myaungmya ruler, who invited Ava to marchagainst Pegu, Ava easily invaded the area of lower Burma. The early battlefieldswere concentrated on cities in the Irrawaddy delta, i.e. Hlaing, Hmawbie, and Dagon(ibid., 365–7, 372; Nai Pan Hla 1977, 188-190, 192–4). The main armies of Avawere from central Burmese cities, with a few from Shan cities. In the first twoattacks, the Ava military consisted of armies from Toungoo, Toungdwingyi,Yaminthein, Pinle, Myingsaing, Kale, Pinya, Nyaungyan, Amyint, Prome, Myeihte,Sagu, Salin, Talop, Pahkangyi, Sagaing, Pagan and two Shan cities (Kala Vol. I.1959, 365, 370–1). Ava also used this army to defend itself when the Shan invadedAva’s key northern cities from Myeidu to Sagaing in 1392 (ibid., 382–3).Ava’s authority over those polities did not last long. As its temporary networkof alliances was directly related to the Ava king in person, whenever there was achange of king on the Ava throne, almost all old vassal city-states rose up againstthe new king. After Mohnyin Mintaya3 (r. 1426–1440) was crowned king of Ava in3Mohnyin Mintaya was a member of the Ava royal family. He governed Mohnyin before ascending the throne at Ava. Though his name was Mohnyin, he was not Shan by origin (Kala Vol. II1960, 55).Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100736/8/05, 16:08
PAMAREE SURAKIAT74Figure 2 The location of some city-states in northern Burmese region mentioned in the text.Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100746/8/05, 16:08
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century751426, the descendants of the Ava kings were no longer able to exercise control overthe Burmese city-states. In 1427, Toungoo and Thayawaddy sided with BinnyaRan of Pegu against Mohnyin Mintaya by supporting Binnya Ran’s invasion ofProme (Kala Vol. II 1960, 63).Besides being at war with some Shan cities and with the Chinese fromYunnan throughout the fifteenth century, Ava usually had to wage wars to suppressBurmese city-states such as Toungdwingyi, Prome and Toungoo. Members of theroyal family and officials who governed these city-states always rebelled againstAva every time they had an opportunity. These city-states also frequently attackedeach other. In 1480 King Dutiyabayin Minhkaung of Ava (r. 1480–1502) wasdisheartened by saying: “.At the present there are huge Shan armies next to Myeidu,my brothers, Thadodhammayaza and Minyekyawswa are in rebellion and my uncle,Pyi Min (governor of Prome), has raided peripheral villages.” (ibid., 105).In sum, prior to the rise of the first Toungoo empire in the mid-sixteenthcentury, it was hardly possible for Burmese polities to start trans-regional warfareagainst other polities beyond the Shan plateau and the Salween River. In this period,warfare was still confined to rivalries among Burmese polities, which weresometimes allied with the Mon, Shan and Arakan states.The rise of ToungooThe first Toungoo dynasty (1485–1599) comprised four kings: Mingyinyo,also known as Mahathirizeiyathura (r.1485–1531); his son Tabinshwehti, also knownas Mintayashwehti (r.1531–1550); Bayinnaung, brother-in-law of Tabinshwehti,also known as Thiritribawanaditara Pandita Thudhammayaza (r.1551–1581); andNandabayin, Bayinnaung’s son, also known as Ngasudayaka (r.1581–1599).Toungoo is the name of a city situated in the middle course of the Paunglaungor Sittang River, the basin of which lies between the Irrawaddy and Salweenrivers (Phayre 1998, 90). The Toungoo Yazawin, or the chronicle of Toungoo(‘Introduction’ in Pwa 1924, 10–12), records that Toungoo was first established in1279 by the kings Thawungyi and Thawungne, who were both descended froma Pagan prince (ibid, 3–4; Kala Vol. I 1959, 262–3, Vol. II 1960, 151; Tun Nyo1998, 1–2; Myint Than 1992, 160). Toungoo prior to the reign of Mingyinyo, founderof the first Toungoo dynasty, was merely a nominal Burmese city-state and a vassalcity under the Ava kings. Most of Toungoo’s rulers were appointed by Ava. Thoughthere is no evidence confirming that Toungoo paid tribute to Ava, the U KalaMahayazawingyi states many times that Toungoo rulers had to send their armies tohelp Ava in numerous wars. However, the Toungoo rulers often rebelled againstAva, and were sometimes allied with Pegu (Kala Vol. I 1959, 249–50, 361–2, 368,382, 428–9; also Pwa 1924, 14–19). There was no continuity, for although theJournal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100756/8/05, 16:08
PAMAREE SURAKIAT76rulers sometimes intermarried with Ava, Pegu and Prome, no one family maintaineditself for long (Harvey 1967, 124).Toungoo rose to power at the end of the fifteenth century in the reign ofMingyinyo. The rise of Toungoo in his reign related directly to the series of Shaninvasions into Ava and upper Burma in the early part of the sixteenth century, whenShan rulers from Mohnyin and Hsipaw dominated the north (Lieberman 2003b,125). Mingyinyo took advantage of the disturbances in Ava to consolidate his holdon Toungoo.In 1485, Mingyinyo murdered his uncle who was the former ruler ofToungoo, and then crowned himself king of Toungoo with the titleMahathirizeiyathura and established the new city of Myawaddy (Kala Vol. II1960, 153; Pwa 1924, 43). As soon as Dutiyabayin Minkhaung, king of Ava, heardthis news, he tried to keep Mingyinyo as Ava’s ally by accepting Minginyo asruler of Toungoo and rewarding him with two full-grown male elephants andother presents (Kala Vol. II 1960, 107, 151).There were many signs that Mingyinyo was plotting against Ava, such ashis expansion of Toungoo territory, increasing manpower by catching captives,and establishing new cities, while Ava was counter-attacking the Shan areas alongits northern border. In the early years, Mingyinyo seized the well-irrigated city ofPyinmana and continued further eastward to raid Kyeikthasa town, which wasinhabited by Kayin (Karen) people. Mingyinyo’s prowess was so well known andfrightening that many neighboring states in the Mon and Zinme (Chiang Mai) regionssent Mingyinyo a white umbrella, the five royal regalia, war elephants, war horses,jewels and even their daughters (ibid., 153; Pwa 1924, 43–4).In 1491/2 when King Dhammazedi of Pegu died and the new king, BinnyaRan (r. 1492–1526) was enthroned, Mingyinyo took the opportunity to raidperipheral villages in the Mon region. Mingyinyo captured many prisoners of war,war elephants and war horses; he kept them and did not pay tribute to the Ava kingas was the tradition. Moreover, Mingyinyo established a new city, calledDwarawaddy, in the same year. These signs made Ava’s high-ranking officials afraidthat Mingyinyo might rebel very soon. The Ava king concurred.When Mon armies marched to besiege Mingyinyo at Dwarawaddy,Mingyinyo went out on his elephant with his army to fight the Mon armies, andfinally won. Mingyinyo’s victory over the Mon armies made him even morepowerful. Ava’s king, no doubt alarmed, still chose to keep Mingyinyo as an allyby accrediting Mingyinyo as a sovereign king with a white umbrella and the fiveroyal regalia. Mingyinyo went on to raid Yamethin, from where he took manycaptives to Toungoo (Kala Vol. II 1960, 108, 153–4; Pwa 1924, 44–5).When Ava enthroned a new king, Shwenankyawshin Narapati (r.1502–1527), the kingdom was in a critical condition. A Shan ruler of MohnyinJournal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100766/8/05, 16:08
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century77called Mohnyin Salon had forcefully raided Ava’s northern boundary, and seizedMyeidu—in northern Burma (Fig. 2). Other Burmese rulers, such as those ofProme and Toungoo, seemed more powerful and dangerous to Ava. In 1502,Shwenankyawshin tried to gain loyalty from Mingyinyo by marrying him intoAva’s royal family and bestowing on him five well-irrigated areas of Yamethin,together with many other towns. However, Mingyinyo opposed Ava and remainedautonomous. Ava then sent armies to suppress Toungoo, but lost the war. Moreover,in 1504, Mingyinyo made an alliance with Hsinbyu Thadominsaw, king of Prome,to raid the southern territories of Ava such as Sale, Singu and Pagan. In 1510,Mingyinyo enlarged Toungoo by building a new city named Ketumati, just northwestof Dwarawaddy (Kala Vol. II 1960, 113–4, 155–7, 161; Pwa 1924, 46–9).Ava was at its weakest in 1524 because the Shan Mohnyin Salon alliedwith Prome attacked Ava in strength. At that time, the Burmese rulers of Amyint,Nyaungyan, Yamethin, Wati, Pinle, and Pinya, together with over 10,000 commonerswith their horses and elephants, came under the protection of Mingyinyo. Due tomigration, Toungoo had become a populous city. People were said to have swarmedto it like bees, according to U Kala Mahayazawingyi. Shwenankyawshin of Avawith his ally, Onbaung Sawbwa, sent troops to suppress Toungoo, but failed. In anycase, by 1526/7, Ava had entirely fallen to Shan Mohnyin Salon. To defend againsta Shan invasion, Mingyinyo rebuilt the city wall and moats. Moreover, hestrengthened his manpower and war supplies by sacking the peripheral Mon villagesin order to obtain more captives, elephants and horses. In addition, he destroyed allthe towns and water supplies on the route from southern Ava to Toungoo. ShanMohnyin’s son attacked Toungoo many times but could not capture the city.Mingyinyo died in 1531. His son, Tabinshwehti, succeeded him (Kala Vol. II 1960,161–2; Pwa 1924, 50–3).In sum, the rise of Toungoo during the reign of Mingyinyo was closelyrelated to the Shan invasions and the decline of Ava in the early sixteenth century.The first Toungoo empire originally emerged from the status of a city-state, whichrose to power within one generation. The first Toungoo kings can be regarded ascompetent Burmese military chieftains from one of the strongest city-states, whichenabled them to make a great leap forward and expand their small state into a vastempire. However, they had no experience or any effective fundamentaladministrative structure to control and maintain their gigantic empire. Notsurprisingly, the first Toungoo empire was very short-lived and lasted only threegenerations.Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005JSS 2005-P069-100776/8/05, 16:08
PAMAREE SURAKIAT78Significant features of sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare“.Sion (Siam) was the Imperiall seat, and a great Citie, butin the yeere of our Lord God 1567, it was taken by the King ofPegu, which King made a voyage or came by land foure monethsjourney with an Armie of men through his land, and the numberof his Armie was a million and foure hundredth thousand men ofWarre: when he came to the Citie, hee gave assault to it, and besiegedit one and twentie moneths before he could winne it, with greatlosse of his people, this I knew, for that I was in Pegu sixe monethsafter his departure.”Cæsar Frederike, merchant of Venice, visiting Pegu during the reignof King Bayinnaung. (Frederike in Purchas 1905, 110–1)From about the middle of the sixteenth to the first decade of the seventeenthcentury, the Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya and the Burmese kingdom of Pegu were atwar. The wars between the two kingdom
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century 71 Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 93 2005 Post-Pagan to pre-Toungoo warfare: rivalries of city-states2 During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, most Burmese military operations occurred along the north-south line of the Irrawaddy River. These limited-
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