PSYCHOLOGY AND LIFE, 17/E - Higher Education
PSYCHOLOGY AND LIFE, 17/E 2005Richard GerrigPhilip Zimbardo0-205-42373-6 Exam Copy ISBN(Please use above number to order your exam copy.)Visit www.ablongman.com/replocator to contact your local Allyn & Bacon/Longman representative.SAMPLE CHAPTERThe pages of this Sample Chapter may haveslight variations in final published form.Allyn & Bacon75 Arlington St., Suite 300Boston, MA 02116www.ablongman.com
C H A P T E R
Memory216 WHAT IS MEMORY?Ebbinghaus QuantifiesMemory Types of Memory An Overview of MemoryProcesses220 SENSORY MEMORYIconic Memory Echoic Memory223 SHORT-TERM MEMORYAND WORKING MEMORYThe Capacity Limitations ofSTM Accommodating to STMCapacity Working Memory228 LONG-TERM MEMORY:ENCODING AND RETRIEVALContext and Encoding Retrieval Cues The Processesof Encoding and Retrieval Improving Memory forUnstructured Information Metamemory238 PSYCHOLOGY IN YOUR LIFE:How Can Memory ResearchHelp You Prepare for Exams?239 STRUCTURES INLONG-TERM MEMORYMemory Structures Using Memory Structures Remembering as aReconstructive Process246 BIOLOGICAL ASPECTSOF MEMORYSearching for the Engram Amnesia Brain Imaging247 PSYCHOLOGY IN THE21ST CENTURY:UnderstandingAlzheimer’s Disease252 RECAPPING MAIN POINTSKey TermsAs you begin this chapter on memory processes,we’d like you to take a moment to recover yourown earliest memory. How long ago did thememory originate? How vivid a scene do yourecall? Has your memory been influenced byother people’s recollections of the same event?Now, a slightly different exercise. We’d like you toimagine what it would be like if you suddenly had nomemory of your past—of the people you have knownor of events that have happened to you. You wouldn’tremember your mother’s face, or your tenth birthday, oryour senior prom. Without such “time anchors,” howwould you maintain a sense of who you are—of yourself-identity? Or suppose you lost the ability to form anynew memories. What would happen to your mostrecent experiences? Could you follow a conversationor untangle the plot of a TV show?Everything would vanish, as if eventshad never existed, as if you hadnever had any thoughts inmind. Is there any activityyou can think of thatis not influenced bymemory?If you have nevergiven much thought toyour memory, it’s probably215
because it tends to do its job reasonably well—you takeit for granted, alongside other bodily processes, likedigestion or breathing. But as with stomachaches orallergies, the times you notice your memory are likelyto be the times when something goes wrong: You forget your car keys, an important date, lines in a play, orthe answer to an examination question that you knowyou “really knew.” There’s no reason you shouldn’t findthese occasions irritating, but you should also reflect fora moment on the estimate that the average human braincan store 100 trillion bits of information. The task ofmanaging such a vast array of information is a formidable one. Perhaps you shouldn’t be too surprised whenan answer is sometimes not available when you need it!Our goal in this chapter is to explain how you usually remember so much, and why you forget some ofwhat you have known. We will explore how you getyour everyday experiences into and out of memory.You will learn what psychology has discovered aboutdifferent types of memories and about how those memories work. We hope that in the course of learning themany facts of memory, you will gain an appreciation forhow wonderful memory is.One last thing: Because this is a chapter on memory, we’re going to put your memory immediately towork. We’d like you to remember the number 43. Dowhatever you need to do to remember 43. And yes,there will be a test!What Is Memory?To begin, we will define memory as the capacityto store and retrieve information. In this chapter,we will describe memory as a type ofinformation processing. The bulk of our attention, therefore, will be trained on the flow of informationin and out of your memory systems. Our examination ofthe processes that guide the acquisition and retrieval ofinformation will enable you to refine your sense of whatmemory means. Our discussion starts with the earliestformal body of research on memory, published in 1885.We will then introduce you to distinctions among typesof memory, carved out by contemporary researchers.s EBBINGHAUS QUANTIFIES MEMORYfHow are actors and actresses able to remember allthe different aspects—movements, expressions, andwords—of their performances?216Chapter 7 MemorySee if this statement rings true: “Facts crammed at examination time soon vanish, if they were not sufficientlygrounded by other study and later subjected to a sufficientreview.” In other words, if you cram for a test, you’re notlikely to remember very much a few days later. This astute,and very contemporary, observation was made in 1885 bythe German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus, whooutlined a series of such phenomena to motivate his newscience of memory. Ebbinghaus’s observations added upto a convincing argument in favor of an empirical investigation of memory. What was needed was a methodology,and Ebbinghaus invented a brilliant one. Ebbinghaus usednonsense syllables—meaningless three-letter units consisting of a vowel between two consonants, such as CEG orDAX. He used nonsense syllables, rather than meaningfulwords, like DOG, because he hoped to obtain a “pure”measure of memory—one uncontaminated by previouslearning or associations that a person might bring to theexperimental memory task. Not only was Ebbinghaus theresearcher, he was also his own subject. He performed theresearch tasks himself and measured his own performance. The task he assigned himself was memorization oflists of varying length. Ebbinghaus chose to use rote learning, memorization by mechanical repetition, to performthe task.
Ebbinghaus started his studies by reading throughthe items one at a time until he finished the list. Thenhe read through the list again in the same order, andagain, until he could recite all the items in the correctorder—the criterion performance. Then he distractedhimself from rehearsing the original list by forcing himself to learn many other lists. After this interval,Ebbinghaus measured his memory by seeing how manytrials it took him to relearn the original list. If he neededfewer trials to relearn it than he had needed to learn itinitially, information had been saved from his originalstudy. (This concept should be familiar from Chapter 6.Recall that there is often a savings when animals relearna conditioned response.)CLASSICP U T T I N G I D E A S TO T H E T E STEbbinghaus’s Forgetting CurveFor example, if Ebbinghaus took 12 trials to learn a list and9 trials to relearn it several days later, his savings score forthat elapsed time would be 25 percent (12 trials – 9 trials 3trials; 3 trials 12 trials 0.25, or 25 percent). Using savingsas his measure, Ebbinghaus recorded the degree of memoryretained after different time intervals. The curve he obtained isshown in Figure 7.1. As you can see, he found a rapid initialloss of memory, followed by a gradually declining rate of loss.Ebbinghaus’s curve is typical of results from experiments onrote learning.Percent retained60504030201001 23451015202530DaysfFIGURE 7.1Ebbinghaus’s Forgetting CurveThe curve shows how many nonsense syllables are rememberedby individuals using the savings method when tested over a 30day period. The curve decreases rapidly and then reaches aplateau of little change.Following Ebbinghaus’s lead, psychologists studiedverbal learning for many decades by observing participants attempting to learn and recall nonsense syllables. Bystudying memory in as “pure” a form as possible, uncontaminated by meaning, researchers hoped to find basicprinciples that would shed light on more complex examples of remembering. Researchers still aspire to discoverthose basic principles, but they have also turned to thestudy of memory for meaningful material—the type ofinformation you commit to memory on a day-to-day basis.s TYPES OF MEMORYWhen you think about memory, what is most likely tocome to mind at first are situations in which you useyour memory to recall (or try to recall) specific eventsor information: your favorite movie, the dates of WorldWar II, or your student ID number. In fact, one of theimportant functions of memory is to allow you to haveconscious access to the personal and collective past.But memory does much more for you than that. It alsoenables you to have effortless continuity of experiencefrom one day to the next. When you drive in a car, forexample, it is this second function of memory thatmakes the stores along the roadside seem familiar. Indefining types of memory, we will make plain to youhow hard your memory works to fulfill these functions,often outside of conscious awareness.IMPLICIT AND EXPLICIT MEMORYConsider Figure 7.2. What’s wrong with this picture? Itprobably strikes you as unusual that there’s a bunnyrabbit in the kitchen. But where does this feeling comefrom? You probably didn’t go through the objects in thepicture one by one and ask yourself, “Does the refrigerator belong?” “Do the cabinets belong?” Rather, therabbit jumps out at you as being out of place.This simple example allows you to understand thedifference between explicit and implicit uses of memory. Your discovery of the rabbit is implicit, becauseyour memory processes brought past knowledge ofkitchens to bear on your interpretation of the picturewithout any particular effort on your part. Suppose nowwe asked you, “What’s missing from the picture?” Toanswer this second question, you probably have to putexplicit memory to work. What appears in the typicalkitchen? What’s missing? (Did you think of the sink or thestove?) Thus, when it comes to using knowledge storedin memory, sometimes the use will be implicit—theinformation becomes available without any consciouseffort—and sometimes it will be explicit—you make aconscious effort to recover the information.We can make the same distinction when it comesto the initial acquisition of memories. How do youSensory Knowledge of the World217
fFIGURE 7.2What’s Wrong withThis Picture?Did you think right away,“What’s a bunny doing inthe kitchen?” If the bunnyimmediately jumped out atyou, it is because yourmemory processesperformed an analysis ofthe scene outside ofconsciousness and deliveredthe bunny as the oddelement.know what should appear in a kitchen? Did you evermemorize a list of what appears there and what theappropriate configuration should be? Probably not.Rather, it’s likely that you acquired most of this knowledge without conscious effort. By contrast, you probablylearned the names of many of the objects in the roomexplicitly. As we shall see in Chapter 10, to learn the association between words and experiences, your youngerself needed to engage in explicit memory processes. Youlearned the word refrigerator because someone calledyour explicit attention to the name of that object.The distinction between implicit and explicit memorygreatly expands the range of questions researchers mustaddress about memory processes (Bowers & Marsolek,2003; Buchner & Wippich, 2000). In the tradition established by Ebbinghaus, most research concerned theexplicit acquisition of information. Experimenters mostfrequently provided participants with new information toretain, and theories of memory were directed to explaining what participants could and could not rememberunder those circumstances. However, as you will see inthis chapter, researchers have now devised methods forstudying implicit memory as well. Thus, we can give youa more complete account of the variety of uses to whichyou put your memory. We can acknowledge that mostcircumstances in which you encode or retrieve information represent a mix of implicit and explicit uses of memory. Let’s turn now to a second dimension along whichmemories are distributed.DECLARATIVE AND PROCEDURAL MEMORYCan you whistle? Go ahead and try. Or if you can’t whistle, try snapping your fingers. What kind of memoryallows you to do these sorts of things? You probably218Chapter 7 Memoryremember having to learn these skills, but now theyseem effortless. The examples we gave before of bothimplicit and explicit memories all involved the recollection of facts and events, which is called declarativememory. Now we see that you also have memories forhow to do things, which is called procedural memory.Because the bulk of this chapter will be focused on howfWhy does pretending to dial a phone number help you toremember it?
you acquire and use facts, let’s take a moment now toconsider how you acquire the ability to do things.Procedural memory refers to the way you remember how things get done. It is used to acquire, retain,and employ perceptual, cognitive, and motor skills.Theories of procedural memory most often concernthemselves with the time course of learning (Anderson,1996; Anderson et al., 1999): How do you go from aconscious list of declarative facts about some activity tounconscious, automatic performance of that same activity? And why is it that after learning a skill, you oftenfind it difficult to go back and talk about the componentdeclarative facts?We can see these phenomena at work in even thevery simple activity of dialing a phone number that, overtime, has become highly familiar. At first, you probablyhad to think your way through each digit, one at a time.You had to work through a list of declarative facts:First, I must dial 2,Next, I must dial 0,Then I dial 7,and so on.However, when you began to dial the numberoften enough, you could start to produce it as oneunit—a swift sequence of actions on the touch-tonepad. The process at work is called knowledge compilation (Anderson, 1987). As a consequence of practice,you are able to carry out longer sequences of the activity without conscious intervention. But you also don’thave conscious access to the content of these compiledunits: Back at the telephone, it’s not uncommon to findsomeone who can’t actually remember the phone number without pretending to dial it. In general, knowledgecompilation makes it hard to share your proceduralknowledge with others. You may have noticed this ifyour parents tried to teach you to drive. Although theymay be good drivers themselves, they may not havebeen very good at communicating the content of compiled good-driving procedures.You may also have noticed that knowledge compilation can lead to errors. If you are a skilled typist, you’veprobably suffered from the the problem: As soon as youhit the t and the h keys, your finger may fly to the e, evenif you’re really trying to type throne or thistle. Once youhave sufficiently committed the execution of the to procedural memory, you can do little else but finish thesequence. Without procedural memory, life would beextremely laborious—you would be doomed to go stepby step through every activity. However, each time youmistakenly type the, you can reflect on the trade-offbetween efficiency and potential error. Let’s continuenow to an overview of the basic processes that apply toall these different types of memory.s AN OVERVIEW OF MEMORYPROCESSESNo matter what the category of memory, being able to useknowledge at some later time requires the operation ofthree mental processes: encoding, storage, and retrieval.Encoding is the initial processing of information thatleads to a representation in memory. Storage is theretention over time of encoded material. Retrieval isthe recovery at a later time of the stored information.Simply put, encoding gets information in, storage holdsit until you need it, and retrieval gets it out. Let’s nowexpand on these ideas.Encoding requires that you form mental representations of information from the external world. You canunderstand the idea of mental representations if wedraw an analogy to representations outside your head.Imagine we wanted to know something about the bestgift you got at your last birthday party. (Let’s supposeit’s not something you have with you.) What could youdo to inform us about the gift? You might describe theproperties of the object. Or you might draw us a picture. Or you might pretend that you’re using the object.In each case, these are representations of the originalobject. Although none of the representations is likely tobe quite as good as having the real thing present, theyshould allow us to acquire knowledge of the mostimportant aspects of the gift. Mental representationswork much the same way. They preserve important features of past experiences in a way that enables you tore-present those experiences to yourself.If information is properly encoded, it will beretained in storage over some period of time. Storagerequires both short- and long-term changes in the structures of your brain. At the end of the chapter, we willsee how researchers are attempting to locate the brainstructures that are responsible for storing new and oldmemories. We will also see what happens in cases ofextreme amnesia, where individuals become incapableof storing new memories.Retrieval is the payoff for all your earlier effort. Whenit works, it enables you to gain access—often in a splitsecond—to information you stored earlier. Can youremember what comes before storage: decoding orencoding? The answer is simple to retrieve now, but willyou still be able to retrieve the concept of encoding asswiftly and with as much confidence when you are testedon this chapter’s contents days or weeks from now?Discovering how you are able to retrieve one specific bitof information from the vast quantity of information inyour memory storehouse is a challenge facing psychologists who want to know how memory works and howit can be improved.Although it is easy to define encoding, storage, andretrieval as separate memory processes, the interactionSensory Knowledge of the World219
among the three processes is quite complex. For example, to be able to encode the information that you haveseen a tiger, you must first retrieve from memory information about the concept tiger. Similarly, to commit tomemory the meaning of a sentence such as “He’s ashonest as Benedict Arnold,” you must retrieve themeanings of each individual word, retrieve the rules ofgrammar that specify how word meanings should becombined in English, and retrieve cultural informationthat specifies exactly how honest Benedict Arnold—afamous Revolutionary War traitor—was.We are now ready to look in more detail at theencoding, storage, and retrieval of information. Our discussion will start with short-lived types of memories,beginning with sensory memory, and then move to themore permanent forms of long-term memory (seeFigure 7.3). We will give you an account of how youremember and why you forget. Our plan is to make youforever self-conscious about all the ways in which youuse your capacity for memory. We hope this will evenallow you to improve some aspects of your memoryskills.P U T YO U R S E L F TO T H E T E ST„ What important contributions did Ebbinghaus make to memoryresearch?„ What makes uses of memory explicit versus implicit?„ What types of memories are declarative versus procedural?„ What are the relationships among encoding, storage, andretrieval?SensorymemoryWorking memory(includes short-term memory)Sensory MemoryLet’s begin with a demonstration of the impermanence of some memories. In Figure 7.4 wehave provided you with a reasonably busyvisual scene. We’d like you to take a quick lookat it—about 10 seconds—and then cover it up. Supposewe now ask you a series of questions about the scene:1. What tool is the little boy at the bottom holding?2. What is the middle man at the top doing?3. In the lower right-hand corner, does the woman’sumbrella handle hook to the left or to the right?To answer these questions, wouldn’t you be morecomfortable if you could go back and have an extrapeek at the picture?Fortunately, the opportunity to have an “extra peek”at the sensory world is built into your memory processesthrough the operation of sensory memory systems:Each sensory memory preserves accurate representations of the physical features of sensory stimuli for a fewseconds or less. These memories extend the availabilityof information acquired from the environment. To makethis idea more concrete for you, we will describeresearch on sensory memory for vision and hearing.s ICONIC MEMORYResearchers have labeled sensory memory in the visualdomain iconic memory (Neisser, 1967). Iconic memory allows very large amounts of information to bestored for very brief durations. A visual memory, oricon, lasts about half a second. Iconic memory was firstrevealed in experiments that required participants toretrieve information from visual displays that wereexposed for only one-twentieth of a second.Long-termmemoryfFIGURE 7.3The Flow of Information In and Out of Long-Term MemoryMemory theories describe the flow of information to and from long-term memory.The theories address initial encodings of information in sensory and working memory,the transfer of information into long-term memory for storage, and the transfer ofinformation from long-term memory to working memory for retrieval.220Chapter 7 Memory
fFIGURE 7.4How Much Can You Rememberfrom This Scene?After viewing this scene for about 10 seconds,cover it up and try to answer the questions inthe text. Under ordinary circumstances, iconicmemory preserves a glimpse of the visualworld for a brief time after the scene hasbeen removed.CLASSICP U T T I N G I D E A S TO T H E T E STIconic MemoryGeorge Sperling (1960, 1963) presented participants witharrays of three rows of letters and numbers.7 1 V FX L 5 3B 4 W 7Participants were asked to perform two different tasks. In awhole-report procedure, they tried to recall as many of the itemsin the display as possible. Typically, they could report only aboutfour items. Other participants underwent a partial-report procedure, which required them to report only one row rather thanthe whole pattern. A signal of a high, medium, or low tone wassounded immediately after the presentation to indicate which rowthe participants were to report. Sperling found that regardless ofwhich row he asked for, the participants’ recall was quite high.Because participants could accurately report any ofthe three rows in response to a tone, Sperling concluded that all of the information in the display musthave gotten into iconic memory. That is evidence for itslarge capacity. At the same time, the difference betweenthe whole- and partial-report procedures suggests thatthe information fades rapidly: The participants in thewhole-report procedure were unable to recall all theinformation present in the icon. This second point wasreinforced by experiments in which the identificationsignal was slightly delayed. Figure 7.5 shows that asthe delay interval increases from zero seconds to onesecond, the number of items accurately reporteddeclines steadily. Researchers have measured quiteaccurately the time course with which information mustbe transferred from the fading icon (Becher et al., 2000;Gegenfurtner & Sperling, 1993). To take advantage ofthe “extra peek” at the visual world, your memoryprocesses must very quickly transfer information tomore durable stores.Note that iconic memory is not the same as the“photographic memory” that some people claim toSensory Knowledge of the World221
f10Recall by the Partial-Report MethodThe solid line shows the average number of items recalledusing the partial-report method, both immediately afterpresentation and at four later times. For comparison, thedotted line shows the number of items recalled by thewhole-report method. (Adapted from Sperling, 1960.)Number of items recalledFIGURE 7.58Partial-reportrecall level64Whole-reportrecall level00.150.30.51Delay of signal (seconds)have. The technical term for “photographic memory” iseidetic imagery: People who experience eidetic imageryare able to recall the details of a picture, for periods oftime considerably longer than iconic memory, as if theywere still looking at a photograph. “People” in this casereally means children: Researchers have estimated thatroughly 8 percent of preadolescent children are eidetickers, but virtually no adults (Neath, 1998). No satisfactory theory has been proposed for why eideticimagery fades over time (Crowder, 1992). However, ifyou are reading this book as a high school or collegestudent, you almost certainly have iconic memory butnot eidetic images.s ECHOIC MEMORYSensory memory for sounds is called echoic memory.Just like iconic memory, echoic memory briefly preserves more information than participants can reportbefore it fades away (Crowder & Morton, 1969; Darwinet al., 1972). Echoic memories, however, last longerthan iconic memories, perhaps for as long as 5 to 10seconds. The longer duration of echoic memories maybe related to the way in which sounds unfold over time.For example, when you are trying to understand a spoken sentence, increments of sound arrive at your earone after the other. Echoic memory may help you togather those increments into coherent wholes.Research on echoic memory has illustrated anotherimportant property of sensory memories: They are easily displaced by new information. If someone reads alist of words to you, each new word will displace theformer word in echoic memory. Researchers originallybelieved that the physical similarity of sounds determined whether one stimulus would displace another inechoic memory (Crowder, 1976). However, we knownow that the way a listener categorizes an auditory222Chapter 7 Memorystimulus also matters (Ayres et al., 1979). As you listento the world, you divide the stream of information arriving at your ears into units—you determine whichsounds go together to form a whole. Echoic memorydepends on how you group auditory experiences(LeCompte & Watkins, 1995).P U T T I N G I D E A S TO T H E T E STCategorization Influences Echoic MemoryStudents participated in a memory experiment in which listsof letters were followed by a suffix. The suffix was alwaysthe same physical stimulus—it sounded like a sheep’s baa.However, in one case, participants were led to believe that itwas genuinely an animal sound, while in another case, participants believed that it was a baa produced by a human trying tosound like a sheep (as it really was). The suffix served to displace information in echoic memory only when the participantsbelieved it to be produced by a human (Neath et al., 1993).Remember that the actual physical sound was thesame in both cases. But only when the participants categorized the list (letters read by a human) and the baa(a noise produced by the human) in the same way wasechoic memory disrupted. Thus, even at the earlieststages of the encoding and storage of memories, yourinterpretation of the world becomes important.You might wonder why sensory memories have thetwo basic properties of being short-lived and easily displaced. The answer is that these properties fit the factsof your interactions with the environment. You are constantly experiencing new visual and auditory stimula-
tion. This new information must also be processed.Sensory memories are durable enough to give you asense of the continuity of your world but not sufficiently strong to interfere with new sensory impressions. We now turn to the types of memory processesthat enable you to form more durable memories.P U T YO U R S E L F TO T H E T E ST„ What is the major purpose of sensory memories?„ What have researchers learned about the capacity and duration„of iconic memory?Why are most echoic memories so easily displaced?Short-Term Memoryand Working MemoryBefore you began to read this chapter, you maynot have been aware that you had iconic orechoic memory. It is very likely, however, thatyou were aware that there are some memoriesthat you possess only for the short term. Consider thecommon occurrence of consulting a telephone book tofind a friend’s number and then remembering the number just long enough to dial it. If the number turns upbusy, you often have to go right back to the phonebook. When you consider this experience, it’s easy tounderstand why researchers have hypothesized a special type of memory called short-term memory (STM).You shouldn’t think of short-term memory as a particular place that memories go to, but rather as a built-inmechanism for focusing cognitive resources on somesmall set of mental representations (Cowan, 1993; Shiffrin,1993). But the resources of STM are fickle. As even yourexperience with phone numbers shows, you have to takesome special care to ensure that memories becomeencoded into more permanent forms. We will largelyfocus on the types of short-term memory resources thatlead to the acquisition of explicit memories. This focus isnecessary because researchers have only just begun tostudy short-term representations for implicit memories(McKone & Trynes, 1999). Preliminary findings suggestthat implicit memories may also pass through a state inwhich they draw extra short-term resources before passing into more long-term forms of memory.In this section, we also consider a broader conceptof the types of memory processes that provide a foundation for the moment-by-moment fluidity of thoughtand action: working memory. As we shall see, working memory is the memory resource that you use toaccomplish tasks such as reasoning and language comprehension. Suppose you are trying to remember aphone number while you search for a pencil and pad,to write it down. Whereas your short-term memoryprocesses allow you to keep the number in mind, yourmore general working memory resource allows you toexecute the mental operations to accomplish an efficient search. Let’s begin with short-term memory.s THE CAPACITY LIMITATIONS OF STMThe major features of short-term memories are animmediate consequence of the vast amount of information you could potentially make the focus of consciousness. There is always a
Ebbinghaus’s Forgetting Curve For example, if Ebbinghaus took 12 trials to learn a list and 9 trials to relearn it several days later, his savings score for that elapsed time would be 25 percent (12 trials – 9 trials 3 trials; 3 trials 12 trials 0.25, or 25 percent). Using savings as his measure,
Prologue: The Story of Psychology 3 Prologue: The Story of Psychology Psychology’s Roots Prescientific Psychology Psychological Science is Born Psychological Science Develops. 2 4 Prologue: The Story of Psychology Contemporary Psychology Psychology’s Big Debate .
Roots in Spanish Psychology dated back to Huarte de San Juan (1575). From this period to nowadays, Psychology has notably developed, branching in different areas such as psychology and sports and physical exercise, clinical and health psychology, educational psychology, psychology of social inte
Using Film to Teach Psychology. Films for Psychology Students. Resources for Teaching Research and Statistics in Psychology. TEACHING MATERIALS AND OTHER RESOURCES FOR PSYCHOLOGY 12.11.15 Compiled by Alida Quick, PhD Psychology 5 Developmental Psychology Teaching Resources .
As Chair of the Department of Clinical and School Psychology, it is my pleasure to welcome you to our programs for the 2020-2021 academic year. We are part of the College of Psychology that offers bachelor's degrees in psychology and behavioral neuroscience and graduate programs in clinical psychology, school psychology, counseling,
1999-2005 Assistant Professor of Psychology Berry College Responsible for teaching several undergraduate courses including Introduction to Women’s Studies, Introduction to Psychology, Abnormal Psychology, Advanced Abnormal Psychology, Psychology of Women, Orientation to Psychology, Health Psychology, and Women’s Studies Seminar. Other
psychology recognizes the dynamic interaction between persons and environments without detracting from an awareness of individual intrapsychic issues. The Doctor of Psychology in Clinical Psychology: Family Psychology program incorporates elements from several disciplines (e.g., clinical psychology, developmental psychology, personality theory,
PROLOGUE The Story of Psychology WHAT IS PSYCHOLOGY? Psychology's Roots Psychological Science Develops CONTEMPORARY PSYCHOLOGY Psychology's iggest . Psychology's Roots ONCE UPON A TIME, ON A PLANET IN this neighborhood of the universe, there came to be people. Soon thereafter, these creatures became intensely interested in
Compared to other sciences psychology is a young discipline but it is growing at a faster rate. These days, directly or indirectly, psychology contributes something to all aspects of human life. Explain the following relationships: Psychology and politics. Psychology and economics. Psychology and health. 1.3 Branches of psychology
