Two Centuries Of US Military Operations In Liberia .

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TWO CENTURIESOF US MILITARYOPERATIONS INLIBERIAChallenges of Resistance and ComplianceNiels Hahn

Two Centuries of US MilitaryOperations in LiberiaChallenges of Resistance andComplianceByDr. Niels Stephan Cato HahnAir University PressMaxwell Air Force Base, Alabama

Director, Air University PressLt Col Darin M. GreggManaging EditorDr. Christopher ReinProject EditorDr. Stephanie Havron RollinsJames HowardCopy EditorsSandi DavisCarolyn UnderwoodCover Art, Book Design, and IllustrationsDaniel ArmstrongL. Susan FairComposition and Prepress ProductionNedra LooneyDistributionDiane ClarkAir University Press600 Chennault Circle, Building 1405Maxwell AFB, AL /Facebook:https://www.facebook.com/AirUnivPress andTwitter: https://twitter.com/aupressLibrary of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication DataNames: Hahn, Niels, 1973– author. Curtis E. LeMay Center forDoctrine Development and Education, issuing body.Title: Two centuries of US military operations in Liberia: challenges of resistance and compliance / Niels Stephan CatoHahn. Other titles: Two centuries of U.S. military operationsin LiberiaDescription: Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama: Air UniversityPress; Curtis E. LeMay Center for Doctrine Development andEducation, [2020] “Published by Air University Press in July2019”—CIP galley, title page verso. Includes bibliographicalreferences and index. Summary: This book reviews the history of the United States-Liberia relations from the early1820s to 2015, with particular attention paid to the role of theUS armed forces. Contrary to most literature on the genesisand development of Liberia, this book demonstrates how USmilitary power has been the primary influence shaping Liberia’s history. This includes the role played by the US military inthe founding of Liberia, the protection of the country during theEuropean formal colonial era, multiple covert operations insecuring US-friendly administrations in Liberia, and directmilitary interventions when necessary to secure Americaninterests in the region”—Provided by publisher.Identifiers: LCCN 2019051142 (print) ISBN 9781585663040(paperback) ISBN 9781585663040 (Adobe PDF)Subjects: LCSH: Liberia—Politics and government. Liberia—History. Liberia—Foreign relations—United States. UnitedStates—Foreign relations—Liberia. Liberia—Military relations—United States. United States—Military relations—Liberia. Liberia—Foreign relations—China. China—Foreignrelations—Liberia.Classification: LCC DT631.5 .H36 2020 (print) LCC DT631.5(ebook) DDCPublished by Air University Press in March 2020DisclaimerAir University PressOpinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed orimplied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of Defense, theUnited States Air Force, the Air Education and Training Command,the Air University, or any other US government agency. Clearedfor public release: distribution unlimited.This book and other Air University Press publications are availableelectronically at the AU Press website: https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/AUPress.

ContentsForeword vAbout the Author viiAcknowledgment ixIntroduction xi1 The Early History of Liberia: Expansionism andSlavery in America Establishment of American Colonies in West Africa Liberian Independence Great Power Rivalry in West Africa 11218252 Liberia and the Pan- African Movement: EarlyPan- Africanism Firestone in Liberia The Liberian Labor Crisis Liberal Expansion Under President Tubman Countering Socialism and Pan- Africanism 33374149543 Tolbert and the New Policy Direction: MovingToward Socialism Revising the Open Door Policy The New Political and Economic Order US Responses to Tolbert’s Policies 778184924 Samuel K. Doe: From Friend to Foe: The People’sRedemption Council Internal Conflicts and External Relations The NPFL and the Internal Splits ECOMOG and the Interim Government Intervention and the Killing of Doe 1051091181261315 Intensification of the Armed Conflicts:Antagonistic Forces Toward the General Elections 1997 The NPP and Liberia’s Oil Resources Formation of LURD and UN Sanctions The Removal of Charles Taylor 143150159165175iii

CONTENTS6 The US- led UN Intervention: The Theoryand Policy behind UNMIL The UNMIL Experience Moving Toward China United States and China in Liberia 191203210220Conclusion 239Abbreviations 251Map of Liberia 257Appendix A 259Appendix B 261Appendix C 263Appendix D 265Appendix E 267Bibliography 283Index 345iv

ForewordWhen I first arrived in Liberia during the war in 2002 to work forthe humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontièrs as a non medical coordinator, my prior knowledge of the country and theconflict in Liberia had been gained from reports published by established institutions and media outlets. From these sources, I gainedthe impression that this was a civil war that started around 1990. Thegeneral picture was clear. The people in the Liberian governmentheaded by Charles Taylor were the “bad guys.” The internationalcommunity was the “good guys,” seeking to help and protect the civilian population. The rebels, Liberians United for Reconciliation andDemocracy (LURD), fell somewhere in between.While living and working in Monrovia, I soon came to realize thatthe conflict was primarily between the Liberian government and theUnited States government. France was also involved, seeking to expand its sphere of influence from the neighboring Ivory Coast intoLiberia. To the west, in Sierra Leone, the Revolutionary United Fronthad challenged the balance of power, with external covert support.Several military interventions had taken place, including the deployment of a large UN peacekeeping force. In addition to this, Britainhad also deployed its soldiers to secure British interests. To the north,Guinea was hosting and training the LURD rebels near the border toLiberia. Most other countries in the region, such as Burkina Faso,Ghana, Libya, and Nigeria, were also involved in the war in Liberia,along with several other European and Asian countries.It was often difficult to know who supported whom, and alliancesshifted over time. It was clear, however, that the war in Liberia wasnot a “civil war,” as most commonly described. It was an internationalwar fought primarily on Liberian soil. Severe inequalities within Liberian society, combined with poverty, class divisions, and religiousand ethnic groupings, made the country vulnerable to destabilization—which provided an opportunity for local actors to work in close collaboration with foreign powers—and challenged US influence in Liberia.The struggle for power among foreign nations in the West African region is not new, and over the past two centuries, the UnitedStates has frequently sent its troops to Liberia to regain control ofthe country. Through diplomatic, economic, cultural, and militarymeans, the United States has set limits up on foreign powers in Liberia,v

FOREWORDdisciplined or removed Liberian governments, and enforced relative peace in the country.Liberia is the country in Africa where the United States has themost extended history of military engagement, and each interventionis layered on the experience of previous interventions. Over the years,the interventions have become more comprehensive and sophisticated, and Liberia can be considered an essential case for the generalstudy of US military interventions in Africa.Niels Hahnvi

About the AuthorNiels Hahn holds a PhD in Development Studies. Since 1995, hehas worked in the fields of development aid and humanitarian assistance and researched the root causes of poverty, neoliberalism, armedconflicts, and underdevelopment. Working in numerous countriesincluding Afghanistan, Britain, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, SierraLeone, Somalia, Sudan, and Tanzania, he has primarily focused hisresearch on US military intervention strategies concerning broaderaspects of international politics and economics. Because of the longhistory of US military, economic, and cultural interventions in Liberia,this country became Hahn’s primary case study for analyzing themodalities of US interventions in general.vii

viii

AcknowledgmentThis book would not have materialized without the contributions,support, and local knowledge of hundreds of Liberians. Some of thecontributions are from 167 formal interviews, including former presidents, heads of transitional governments, ministers, military officers,politicians, ex- combatants, academics, civil servants, leaders of rebelgroups, child soldiers, leaders of religious and ethnic groups, civil society leaders, and family members of government officials killed inthe war.Informal discussions with Liberians at small coffee shops and withjournalists, students, vendors, business owners, members of politicalparties, ordinary professionals, unemployed people, mercenaries—and many more—have also contributed significantly to this book.These people have shared their life experiences and knowledge. Thehardship and suffering experienced by most people in Liberia are almost unimaginable; their stories remind us that each must do what ispossible according to ability, to ensure that everyone can live in peaceand security. Special thanks to Professor Alfredo Saad- Filho for hisconsistent support for this research. Without his help, this studywould not have taken place. Professor Gilbert Achcar’s encouragement and intellectual assistance have also been invaluable. Also, colleagues, friends, family, and especially my wife have provided essentialsupport at all levels.The publication of my book is possible thanks to Rémy Mauduit,who contacted me after I had presented the key findings in 2013, atthe International Study Association conference in San Francisco. Heensured that my research results were published in 2014, under thetitle “US Covert and Overt Operations in Liberia, 1970s to 2003.”1Dr. Ernest Rockwell, former managing editor of the Air UniversityPress, ensured publication of the extended research in this currentbook format.I am grateful for the financial support provided by Danish taxpayerswho, through the Danish Ministry of Education, ensures that allDanish citizens have free access to higher education—includingmonthly, non- refundable financial support—which increases thelevel of independent research. I would also like to thank the followingDanish independent funds for supporting my research financially:Knud Højgaards Fond; Reinholdt W. Jorck og Hustrus Fond; Fabrikantix

ACKNOWLEDGMENTVilhelm Pedersen og Hustrus Legat; Christian og Ottilia BrorsonsRejselegat; Anglo- Danish Society; Oticon Fonden/William DemantFoundation: William & Hugo Evers Fond; Scherffenberg MøllersFond; Jørgen Esmers Mindelegat, Understøttelsesforeningen forNæstved Præstø Møn; and Fabriksejer, Ingeniør Valdemar SelmerTrane og Hustru, Elisa Tranes Fond.Notes1. Niels Hahn. “US Covert and Overt Operations in Liberia, 1970sto 2003,” Air & Space Power Journal–Africa and Francophonie 5, no. 3(Fall 2014):19–47, https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/.x

IntroductionThis book reviews the history of United States–Liberia relationsfrom around the 1820s to 2015, with particular attention paid to therole of the US armed forces. Contrary to most literature on the genesisand development of Liberia, this book demonstrates how US militarypower has been the primary influence shaping the Liberian state.This includes the role played by the US military in the founding ofLiberia, the protection of the country during the European formalcolonial era, multiple covert operations in securing US- friendly administrations in Liberia, and direct military interventions whennecessary to secure American interests in the region.The book is predominantly based on primary sources, or documentsand interviews that are as close to the primary source as possible. Basedon these sources, it is shown that Liberia was the most crucial American foothold in Africa for more than a century. The frequent visits bythe US Navy in combination with a comprehensive military strategyfor the country provided the fundamental security structure necessaryfor the development of important economic activities. For example, in1926, Firestone Rubber Company established one of the world’s mostextensive rubber plantations in Liberia in order to break the Britishrubber monopoly, thus securing reliable supplies of rubber to the USarmed forces and industries. Equally important, in 1948, former USSecretary of State Edward Stettinius Jr. established the Liberian Registry,which became one of the largest off- shore ship registries in the world,allowing sensitive goods to be shipped discreetly across the world whileproviding economic advantages to shipping companies.During World War II and the Cold War, the US government (USG)established many critical military facilities in Liberia. This included asignificant air base, Robertsfield; a deep seaport; several trainingcamps and centers for military and intelligence personnel; the USdiplomatic and intelligence communications relay station for US embassies in Africa and West Asia; two powerful Voice of America radiotransmitters to cover the African continent; and one of the six antennas for the OMEGA global navigation system (later made redundantby and replaced by the Global Positioning System).The USG gradually lost access to these strategic facilities as notionsof socialist- oriented Pan- Africanism influenced Liberian intellectualsand politicians in the 1960s. These early notions of Pan- Africanismxi

INTRODUCTIONoriginated in the United States around the mid- eighteenth centuryand developed in Liberia and Sierra Leone throughout the nineteenthcentury. In the latter half of the twentieth century, Pan- Africanismdeveloped into a significant social force that was an essential component of the African independence movements. The interests of theindependence and Pan- African movements converged with the interests of the USG regarding breaking up the formal European colonial structures in Africa. However, Pan- Africanism turned againstUS interests in Liberia in the 1970s when the Liberian governmentimposed restrictions on US business activities and access to militaryfacilities while also establishing relations with the USSR and the People’sRepublic of China.These restrictions on US businesses and military bases and closerrelations with the USSR and China resulted in several US covert andovert military operations in Liberia that removed three governmentsfrom power between 1980 and 2003. During this period, the USG didnot succeed in securing a long- term, stable, US- friendly governmentin Liberia. From 1990 to 2003, the country experienced full- scale warinvolving more than 15 nation states, most significantly Britain,Burkina Faso, France, Guinea, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Libya, Nigeria,Sierra Leone, and the United States.The war in Liberia created opportunities for other states, particularly France, to challenge US interests in Liberia, and the UnitedStates in return challenged French interests in the Ivory Coast. During the 1990s, numerous civil society groups were organized, armed,and trained for unconventional warfare, and national armies fromneighboring countries were sent to Liberia directly or indirectly underUS command. As wars erupted in Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast,the conflict environment became increasingly complicated. Aroundthe end of the 1990s, UN military forces were gradually increased inthe regions (UN Charter, chapt VII).In the latter half of 2003, UN military intervention took place inLiberia under US military command followed by a comprehensivereconstruction program. By mid-2004, Liberia was under de facto USadministration. The armed forces of Liberia were dismantled and rebuilt under the supervision of the US Department of Defense (DOD).Foreign experts indirectly approved by the USG were deployed in keycontrol points of Liberian government administration with the powerto sign off on important decisions.xii

INTRODUCTIONThis form of intervention has in the short term been effective, butin the long term, it may result in new armed conflicts and regionalterrorism. The intervention stopped the war, disarmed the belligerentforces, and restored the infrastructure for economic development.However, the recent US control of the Liberian military and economic structures is just the latest in a series of similar US interventions throughout the history of Liberia—which were fiercely resistedby local and regional actors for various reasons—as is examined inthis book.From a historical and realist theoretical perspective, it is not likelythat the US intervention that started in 2003 will lead to a long- lastingpeace in Liberia that will secure US interests. It is more likely thatLiberian intellectuals and politicians will establish stronger bilateralrelations with China that will conflict with US interests. Such conflicts of interests are not limited to Liberia but reflects a general tendency across the African continent. The deepening of China-Africarelations is gradually changing the balance of power on the Africancontinent, and this will contribute to changes in the global balance ofpower. As the last part of this book demonstrates, China- Liberia relations have grown stronger since 2003, and Liberia is particularly vitalto the Chinese government due to the complicated history of China- Liberia relations.The history of Liberia is perhaps the best case study of UnitedStates–Africa relations as an example that can be applied to otherAfrican countries and cases outside of Africa, because of the long andcomplicated experience. The past 40 years of experience is, in particular, useful for contemporary analyses of US- Africa- China relations, which is likely to develop into a new form of a cold war in Africa,where renewed forms of Pan- Africanism are aligning with China.Chapter one shows, in contrast to the mainstream literature, thatLiberia was not established by slaves freed by slave holders in theUnited States with support from the philanthropic American Colonization Society (ACS), but instead by white American slave owners inclose collaboration with the USG. They feared the increasing numberof slave rebellions in the Americas and the growing black populationwithin the United States, which was seen as a threat to US nationalsecurity. This concern was interconnected to the risk that externalpowers could instigate slave rebellions inside the United States bypromising freedom to the slaves after their military victory. As theuse of slave labor had become increasingly dangerous, Liberia wasxiii

INTRODUCTIONfounded as a place where “problematic” black people could be sent“back to Africa.” The racial struggle continued in the Liberian colonybetween the white colonial administrators of the ACS, the black settlers,and the indigenous population, which was intertwined with inter imperial rivalries between Britain, France, and the United States. Because of the internal struggles and external pressure from Britain,which wished to turn Liberia into a British protectorate, the USG andthe ACS had the Liberian constitution written at Howard University,and a flag inspired by the US flag became the national symbol. Themost trusted black settlers became the official representatives of theRepublic of Liberia, which declared independence in 1847 and wasrecognized by Britain and France in 1848. From that point and untilthe USG recognized the Liberian Republic in 1862, the Liberian governance system transmuted from direct colonial administration toindirect administration, later considered as a neocolonial system bythe leftist Pan- African movement since the 1960s.1The continuation of internal struggles (in combination with resistance against US dominance based on Black Nationalism) andinter- imperial rivalries between Britain, France,

span class "news_dt" Mar 31, 2020 /span  · United States Air Force, the Air Education and Training Command, the Air University, or any other US government agency. Cleared for public release: distribution unlimited. This book and other Air University Press publications are available . electronically at the AU Press website: https://www.airuniversity .af.edu/AUPress. Air University Press

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