The London School of Economics and Political ScienceAn Institutional Analysis of the Formation of Jobs in Software Work in theUnited States, 1945-2001Roohollah HonarvarA thesis submitted to the Department of Management of the London School ofEconomics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, April 20151
DeclarationI certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of theLondon School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work otherthan where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case theextent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearlyidentified in it).The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted,provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproducedwithout my prior written consent.I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rightsof any third party.I declare that my thesis consists of 95,307 words(including footnotes but excluding bibliography and appendices).2
AbstractInformation technology (IT) jobs are characterized by continuous change and increasingfragmentation, yet there is no explanation for why this has been the case. In this research,drawing on a historical institutional perspective, I study IT work as an instant of skilled workunder capitalism that is subject to interactions among different institutions over long periodsof time. In particular, I focus on the dynamics of the relationship between the institutionalarrangements of skill formation in IT work, competition in the IT industry and employmentrelationships in the IT labor market. The main actors involved in the shaping of theseinstitutional arrangements are the government, IT corporations and workers.Empirically, the research focuses on the history of software work in the U.S. IT industry(1945-2001). I draw on existing histories of the industry and corporations as well as a varietyof publications that shed light on the industry, individual corporations, training institutions orthe labor market. This includes newspapers and magazines, professional and trade journals,government and industry reports, company reports and archives, oral histories andbiographies of software workers or businessmen. I study four periods of the history of the ITindustry: the emergence of software work and the rise of IBM (1945-1954), IBM’sdominance before the unbundling decision (1955-1969), the dominance and decline of IBM(1969-1985), and finally, the rise of Microsoft until the burst of dotcom bubble (1985-2001).The central argument of this thesis is that, in the absence of a governmental interventionaimed at stabilizing the labor market, the strategic and tactical decisions of IT corporationsinvolved in the dynamics of IT product competition destabilized IT jobs and effectivelyprevented the formation of a solid occupational collectivity which is a precondition ofinstitutionalization of jobs.3
AcknowledgementsThis work would have not been possible without the constant support of my parents whopatiently watched over their son to pass through the various stages of academic life. There isno way I can thank them enough. I am forever grateful.My childhood sweetheart, love of life and dear wife, Samaneh, has been a constant source ofencouragement and support. She has been the true ‘programmer’ of our life, without whom Iwould have not been able to accomplish this work. She and our sweet daughter, Salva, madehome such a comfortable place that I did not need to go anywhere else to work on this thesis.I also thank my sister and brother, Dorri and Rooholamin, who in spite of the distancebetween us, were always there whenever I needed them.I have learned a lot from the intellectual environment of ISIG and I am grateful for theopportunity. In particular, I wish to thank Jannis Kallinikos, my second supervisor, for hisconstant support and invaluable advice. Carsten Sørensen and Will Venters also providedvaluable feedback at earlier stages of my research; I thank them both.My virtuoso friend, Cristina Alaimo introduced me to Canvases and Careers, a book thatshaped my approach in this study. Grazie! I have also enjoyed the conversations anddiscussions I have had with Anouk Mukherjee and Mahmood Zarger, my friends in this longjourney in the IS field. Thank you guys.Finally, I am indebted to my supervisor Prof. Chrisanthi Avgerou. She was my teacher beforeI came to LSE and will remain my mentor long after I leave. With her generosity, patienceand kind advice, she taught me lessons that I will not forget.4
Table of ContentsList of abbreviations8List of tablesList of figures1 Introduction .1.1. Background101112121.2. Statement of the problem151.3. Structure of the text18Part One: Literature, Theory and Methodology2 Literature Review . 212.1. Introduction212.2. Understanding occupations and occupational change212.3. Understanding occupational change in IT work232.4. Occupational change in the context of IS departments272.5. Summary and conclusion283 Definitions and Theoretical Framework .303.1. Introduction303.2. Occupations and skills in the age of organizational dominance323.3. Linking regimes of skill formation to competition in the IT industry3.4. Placing the theoretical framework within institutional theory36393.5. Conclusion434 Methodological Considerations and Notes on Historiography 454.1. Background454.2. Process tracing and colligation in historically-oriented social research474.3. Reflections on my research514.4. The ontological and epistemological foundations of my research544.5. Constructing the objects of study564.5.1. The object of study: software work564.5.2. The geographical boundaries604.5.3. The beginning, the end and turning points614.6. Notes on the sources62Part Two: Historical Narrative –Software Work in the American IT industry 1945-20085 The Rise of Software Work: 1945-1954 . 655.1. Introduction655.2. The Beginning: proto-software work in two early cases655.3. Analysis685
5.4. Into 1950s: Farewell Mathematics, Hello Automated Programming715.5. Analysis825.6. The origins and legacy of SAGE project915.7. Analysis5.7.1. Psychometric tests975.7.2. The software factory ideal and the organization of software development1025.8. Summary105976 The Rise of IBM in the Computer Industry: 1954-1969 . 1076.1. The shaping of competition in the computer industry1076.2. Analysis of the competition1216.3. The importance of vendor-provided training1256.4. Rapid expansion of the labor market1326.4.1. The socio-political environment of labor market1376.4.2. Associations of software workers1396.5. Employment policies1426.6. Implications for software work1467 An IBM World: 1969-1985 1507.1. Competition in the industry1507.2. Analysis of the competition1607.3. The role of dissemination of skills in the transformation of microcomputers1617.4. Varieties of Software Work1687.4.1. The Computer industry1697.4.2. Software companie7.4.3. Analysis1761787.5. Skills and the boundaries of labor market1817.5.1. Continual problematic of skills1817.5.1. Status of programmers according to the courts and government1817.5.2. SCDP and the Licensing of Data Professionals1847.6. Implications for software work1868 New competition, new workplace: 1985-2001 1888.1. The rise of Microsoft1888.2. Analysis of the competition1938.3. Employment Policies1958.3.1. Employment policies and decisions in IBM1968.3.2. Other computer companies2018.3.3. Software companies2028.3.4. Employment policies and decisions at Microsoft2046
8.4. A new institutional arrangement for vendor-provided training2088.5. Labor market2188.5.1 Worker associations and employee groups2198.5.2 The role of IT companies and business associations in shaping the IT labor market 2238.6. Implications for software work228Part Three: Discussion and Conclusion9. Discussion 2369.1. Summary of the narrative2369.2. Reconstructing the argument2439.3. Developments since 200124910 Conclusion 25310.1. Summary of the argument25310.2. Placing IT work in its social and historical context10.3. Learning lessons10.4. Thinking about the future10.5. Contributions10.6. Limitations and further research254256257260260Appendix: Event map of the narrative 262References 2677
List of AbbreviationsACMAssociation of Computing MachineryACPAAssociation of Computer Programmers and AnalystsACTAdvanced Computer TechniquesADAPSOAssociation of Data Processing Service OrganizationsADPAutomatic Data ProcessingADRApplied Data ResearchAMDAdvanced Micro DevicesAOLAmerica OnlineASKASK GroupBYUBrigham Young UniversityCASEComputer-Aided Software EngineeringCCPCertificate in Computer ProgrammingCDCControl Data CorporationCDPCertified Data ProfessionalC-E-I-RCouncil for Economic and Industrial ResearchCNECertified Netware EngineerCNPCertified Network ProfessionalCompTIAComputing Technology Industry AssociationCPACertified Public AccountantCSCComputer Sciences CorporationCUCComputer Usage CompanyDECDigital Equipment CorporationDPMAData Processing Management AssociationEDPElectronic Data ProcessingEDSElectronic Data ServicesEMCCEckert-Mauchly Computer CorporationERAEngineering Research AssociatesFLSAFair Labor Standards ActGEGeneral ElectricGEISCOGeneral Electric Information ServicesHPHewlett-PackardIBMInternational Business MachinesICCPInstitute for Certification of Computer ProfessionalsICDLInternational Computer Driving LicenseIDCInternational Data CorporationIEEEInstitute of Electrical and Electronics EngineersISPInternet Service ProviderITAAInformation Technology Association of America8
IWAInternational Webmasters AssociationMCPMicrosoft Certified ProfessionalMSAManagement Science AmericaMSDNMicrosoft Developer NetworkNCRNational Cash RegisterNMAANational Machine Accountants AssociationNPANetwork Professionals AssociationNRCNational Research CouncilNWCETNational Workforce Center for Emerging TechnologiesPATProgrammer Aptitude TestPATCOProfessional Air Traffic Controllers’ OrganizationRANDRAND CorporationRCARadio Corporation of AmericaSBCService Bureau CorporationSCDPSociety of Certified Data ProcessorsSDCSystem Development CorporationSDDSystem Development Division, RAND Corp.SDKSoftware Development KitTRWThompson, Ramo and Wooldridge Inc.UCCUniversity Computing CompanyWashTechWashington Alliance of Technology Workers9
List of TablesTable 3-1: Work structures (adapted from Kalleberg and Berg, 1987) . 31Table 3-2. Three types of employment systems (adapted from Fligstein, 2001). 33Table 3-3. Varieties of Institutionalism . 42Table 3.4. Elements of the theoretical explanation .44Table 4-1: Elements of the explanatory narrative . .52Table 5-1: Estimates of the different kinds of workers required in a 1954 study . 78Table 6-1: Sectors of the software and services industry . 115Table 7-1 Share of each sector of the computer industry of the market . 160Table 7-2 Pioneering software PC entrepreneurs . . 165Table 7-3 Worldwide number of IBM employees, 1964-1972 . 170Table 8-1: Number of IBM U.S. employees, 1986-2001. . 199Table 8-2: Layoffs at Apple, 1980-2001 .202Table 8-3: Number of Novell employees between 1993 and 2001 .203Table 8-5: Level of cap and number of H1-B visas issued between 1992 and 2003 . 228Table 8.6: Fragmentation of software work in the 1990s 234Table 9-1: Number of Microsoft employees, 2006-2012 . . 25110
List of FiguresFigure 2-1: The ‘static picture’ of changes in computer systems development(Friedman and Cornfield, 1989)Figure 3-1: The role of skills in the relationships between various social groups whohave an interest in taking over a task area2732Figure 3-2: Relationships in the theoretical model.43Figure 5-1: IBM programmer ad, 195272Figure 5-2: IBM advertisement for Business Analysts, 195677Figure 5-3: Honeywell’s ad for ‘Computer method analysts’, 1959.79Figure 5-4: IBM’s programmer ad, 195681Figure 5-5: General Electric’s ad for programmers. 195984Figure 5-6: Sperry Univac ad for new computer, New Yorker, 2 Oct. 197890Figure 5-7: Rand’s programmer ad, 1954.92Figure 5-8: SDC’s programming ad, 195794Figure 6-1: Univac’s ad. 1955109Figure 6-2: IBM’s Service Bureau Corporation’s ad, 1957.112Figure 6-3: RCA’s ad for programmers, analysts and sales representative. 1959124Figure 6-4: IBM’s ad for attracting programmer trainees, 1959126Figure 6-5: IBM’s ad for ‘Applied Science Representatives’, 1954128Figure 6-6: IBM’s ad for programmers, 1954.129Figure 6-7: CDC advertisement for programmer trainees, 1968.131Figure 6-8: IBM’s ad for college graduates, 1961133Figure 6-9: Two sample ads from EDP schools, 1967135Figure 6-10: IBM’s programmer ad in Ebony magazine, 1968138Figure 6-11: IBM’s programmer ad in Ebony magazine, 1968145Figure 8-1: Microsoft University ad, 1988212Figure 8-2: Employment in U.S. IT industries, 1990, 200322911
1 Introduction"To be ‘redundant’ means to be supernumerary, unneeded, of no use - whatever theneeds and uses are that set the standard of usefulness and indispensability. Theothers do not need you; they can do as well, and better, without you. There is noself-evident reason for your being around and no obvious justiﬁcation for your claimto the right to stay around. To be declared redundant means to have been disposedof because of being disposable [ ]." (Bauman, 2004, emphasis in the original)1.1. BackgroundIn the morning of March 12th, 2008, Bill Gates appeared before the US Congress’Committee on Science and Technology to tell them about “the shortfall of scientists andengineers with expertise to develop the next generation of breakthroughs”:“MR. ROHRABACHER: There are a lot of other people in the society rather thanjust the top people.MR. GATES: That's right.MR. ROHRABACHER: It's the B and C students that fight for our country andkept it free so that people like yourself would have the opportunity that you've had.Those people, whether or not they get displaced by the top people from anothercountry is not our goal. Our goal isn't to replace the job of the B student with Astudents from India.MR. GATES: That's right. And -MR. ROHRABACHER: And the B students deserve to have good jobs and highpaying jobs.MR. GATES: That's right. And what I've said here is that when we bring in theseworld-class engineers, we create jobs around them.MR. ROHRABACHER: Okay.MR. GATES: And if we don't -- so the B and C students are the ones who get thosejobs around these top engineers. And if these top engineers are forced to work, sayin India, we will hire the B and C students from India to work around them.MR. ROHRABACHER: Okay. But, according to “BusinessWeek”, there arealmost 150,000 programmers [who] have lost their job in this country since the year2000. Now my reading of all of this is that there are plenty of people out there tohire, but people want to have the top-quality people from India and China and12
elsewhere, and they're willing to let these 150,000 American computer programmersjust go unemployed.MR. GATES: Actually, “BusinessWeek” doesn't do surveys. I think you'rereferring to a quote in “BusinessWeek” from an Urban Institute study -MR. ROHRABACHER: That's what I said, according to “BusinessWeek”, yeah.MR. GATES: Well, they quote -- it's not according to “Business Week”.MR. ROHRABACHER: Okay.MR. GATES: There was a study that a group at Urban Institute did that was deeplyflawed in terms of how it defined what an engineer is. When we say that these jobsare going begging, we're in business every day.MR. ROHRABACHER: Mm-hmm.MR. GATES: We're not kidding about it. These jobs are going begging, and theresult is that in a competitive economy -MR. ROHRABACHER: You'd have to raise wages.MR. GATES: No, no -MR. ROHRABACHER: -- if the job is going begging, you raise wages, now in -MR. GATES: No.MR. ROHRABACHER: Okay.MR. GATES: It's not an issue of raising wages. These jobs are very, very, veryhigh-paying jobs.MR. ROHRABACHER: Okay -MR. GATES: And we are hiring as many of these people as we can.MR. ROHRABACHER: Let me give you one example -CHAIRMAN GORDON: Mr. Rohrabacher, if you don't mind, we'll finish this onthe second round.MR. ROHRABACHER: You know, I am one of the guys that helped Kosovobecome independent, and I'm on the Foreign Relations -- hearing there. Maybe atthe reception tonight, which you're going to be at, maybe we can continue thisdiscussion.CHAIRMAN GORDON: I’m sure [Mr. Gates] will be excited to know you’ll dothat.(Laughter)” (Microsoft, 2008) 11Microsoft (2008) ‘Bill Gates: Testimony before the Committee on Science and Technology, U.S.House of Representatives’, ogy-u-s-house-of-representatives/ published 12 Mar 2008,accessed 30 Jun 2011.13
As Mr. Gates would admit, contrary to the popular images of ‘computer geeks’ and a historyfull of genius inventors and entrepreneurs, “there are a lot of other people” involved in theso-called information technology (IT) revolution. Unlike “the top people”, however, weknow very little about the jobs and working lives of those who carried out much of theactual work; i.e. those who have designed, developed, operated and maintained informationand communication technologies across the new “information society” (Blok and Downey,2003; Webster, 2006;). This brief exchange, by far the most heated part of the day, isillustrative of their situation in the society: they are everywhere but nowhere to be seen.They work with information, but there is very little information about them. One cannot besure about what happened to those “150,000 programmers”; unlike Bill Gates, they are onlyrepresented in abstract and debatable figures.At the heart of the matter, as Gate’s skillful twist on the issue shows, is how to define whatan engineer (or any other IT job) is. Recent research suggests that it is by no means clearwhat constitutes an IT job and who the IT workers are (Kaarst-Brown and Guzman, 2005).This is perhaps most evident in the huge differences that exist between various estimates ofthe number of IT workers: between just under 2 million to over 5 million in the year 2000(see National Research Council (NRC), 2001: Appendix B). Nor it has been possible toclassify IT jobs within any stable system of occupational classification. According to theU.S. NRC Committee on Workforce Needs in Information Technology:‘Definitions of data categories (e.g. the definitions for items such as “computerscientist” or “systems analyst”) which are necessarily relatively stable over time, donot necessarily reflect the IT job titles of today because new types of jobs emergequickly in the IT sector. In particular, data categories are too coarse and do notreflect important distinctions between IT jobs.’ (NRC, 2001: xvi)Even certain terms like ‘programmer’ or ‘systems analyst’, which have been continuouslyused for the past 60 years, now refer to very different jobs with a diverse range of roles andresponsibilities, requiring different sets of skills and forming part of different career paths(NWCET, 2003).Closely related is how one should differentiate between the so-called “world-classengineers” around whom jobs are supposedly created and the normal (‘B or C class’)programmers. This is not simply a matter of job evaluation and wage differentials. It ratherconcerns, more fundamentally, how the constitution of skills, their formation in individuals14
(training) and the allocation of responsibilities and rewards that go with them are decided. 2Jobs emerge when an activity is acknowledged as a form of work that can be assigned toindividuals and is worthy of remuneration. Occupations arise when these localacknowledgements become more widespread and new institutional arrangements emerge tostructure their work and shape their relationships with employers, etc. (Nelsen and Barley,1997). Often at the center of various forms of institutional support is the provision oftraining and protection of individuals’ skills (licensure in the case of professions, retrainingrights in union contracts). But in the absence of stabilized IT jobs, one can hardly expect tofind occupationally defined skills and skill levels. This raises the question why are IT jobscontinuously changing and differentiating. How is IT work related to the wider institutions,especially those concerned with formation, recognition and utilization of skills’ in workers.Is there something special about IT work, or are other jobs and the way working life isorganized undergoing a more fundamental change? And is there a link between the two?The conversation above also shows that the supply of IT workers is a cause of concern forpolicy makers. IT workers play an increasingly vital role in the economy (Freeman andSoete, 1994) and governments have recognized the need for devising policies that helpbuilding an IT workforce (e.g. The Twenty-First Century Workforce Commission Act inU.S.). Much of these efforts have been driven by a perceived shortage of IT workers as wellas a belief in the potential of IT for job creation and economic growth. Governments want toknow what skills to invest in, and how best to train and retain IT workers. Lack ofunderstanding of how and why IT jobs change has made their plans for training IT workersproblematic (NRC, 2001).1.2. Statement of the problemIn this study, my primary question is why IT jobs are not institutionalized in the way manyother occupations have been? The first answer that springs to mind is “because of constanttechnological change”. But it seems too simplistic to assume that technological change is theprimary cause of differentiation and fragmentation of IT jobs. There are other occupationsthat have been subject to technological change but show no indication of significant change(see Gallie, 1991). Moreover, it is people in IT jobs who often bring about technologicalchange in IT. The question then, would be why (and how) people do this to their jobs. At thevery least, a satisfactory explanation must unpack this relationship and place it within itssocial context. More fundamentally, one could argue that taking technology as the primarycause reduces jobs to their material aspects whereas jobs are social constructions that change2By skill I mean the capacity to accomplish a task (cf. Freidosn, 2001: 25). It may be gained throughexperience or education and usually has productive value (see Green, 2013: Ch. 2).15
meaning and significance as a result of changes in the social environment (see Barley,1988). Therefore one must look for alternative and more complicated explanations beyond asimple technological one.The unstabilized status of IT jobs is interesting for other reasons as well. Historical andsociological studies of professions have shown that when a group of workers have skills thatare highly valued (or in high demand), they create a monopoly of skill and raise barriers tothe entry of ‘others’ (e.g. Larson, 1977; Perkin, 1989). Given the persistent shortage of ITworkers, which started very early in the history of the field, one could hypothesize that theycould, in principle, create such a monopoly and control the emerging labor market in orderto establish their positions and privileges in the society and across organizations. But thisnever happened: IT workers seemed powerless (if not care-free) in exerting any influenceover their labor market or even changes in their jobs. Instead, IT became an enabler for everexpanding businesses that, in the process of globalization, crossed all borders in search ofcheap labor or valuable skills. As Mr. Gates pointed out “in a competitive economy”, “ifthese top engineers are forced to work, say in India, we [in the industry] will hire the B andC students from India to work around them.”To be sure, professionalization of IT work has been high on the agenda of IT workers andacademicians for a long time (e.g. Orden 1967; Denning, 2001, Ensmenger, 2001a). Theyhave produced an extensive knowledge-base, established professional bodies and developedelaborate higher education programs. Some groups have also made extensive efforts toestablish a scientific ‘objective’ basis for the profession under such banners as ‘ComputerScience’, ‘Software Engineering’ or even the Capability Maturity Model (CMM). Others,not being content with a purely technical education, have emphasized the social and ethicalaspects of IT workers’ role (e.g. Myers, Hall and Pitt, 1996; Walsham, 1996; Dahlbom &Mathiassen, 1997; Kling, 2003). Yet all these efforts seem to have had little effect on therapidly changing world of IT work: professional bodies suffer from very low membershiprates while educational programs witness widening of the gap between theory and practice(Abbott, 2005; Iivari, Hirschheim and Klein, 2008).The academic Information Systems (IS) departments and programs are probably the epitomeof the effects of the continuously changing mix of jobs and skills. On the one hand, ISscholars have asked themselves (over and over) whether or not IS is a discipline and has acore, and if so, what is it? (See, among others, Banville and Landry, 1989; Paul, 2002; Kingand Lyytinen, 2006; Somers, 2010). The answers to these questions have often been(implicitly or explicitly) related to what IS scholars should teach (e.g. Markus, 1999; King16
and Lyytinen, 2004). On the other hand, cyclic fluctuations in the enrolment figures of ISprograms have sparked discussions about the credibility of IS programs and relevance of itsteachings to practitioners ‘real’ concerns and needs (e.g. Trauth and Hafner, 2000; Glass,2007; Looney and Akbulut, 2007; Panko, 2008; Bullen et al., 2009, Riemenschneider et al.,2009; Davidson, 2011; Firth et al., 2011; Looney et al., 2014). But despite all their efforts tobe academically respectable and practically relevant, IS departments seem to be losingground in both areas. 3All these issues point to the necessity of understanding why IT jobs have been continuouslychanging and fragmenting. It must be noted that, as indicated above, IT jobs havenevertheless been shaped by the institutional context within which they emerged andevolved. It is my contention that the specific context of emergence of IT work in the USplayed a significant role in setting the trajectory of IT jobs. More precisely, I argue that, inthe absence of governmental intervention aimed at stabilizing the labor market, decisionsmade and policies adopted by IT corporations involved in the dynamics of product market(s)have led to destabilization of IT workers and effectively prevented the formation of a solidoccupational collectivity. In the absence of lineages (organizational and occupational careersand connections that bond workers together), jobs became transitory in an essential sense:their practices, their role and responsibilities, all became subject to rapid and seeminglyuncontrollable change with deteriorating effects for their claims to authority and legitimacy.How did this happen? It was surely not an automatic outcome of changes in thetechnological component of jobs. As I seek to demonstrate in this research, for a period oftime, despite rapid technological change, jobs and careers seemed to be stabilizing, largelythanks to favorable corporate HR policies that sought to retain valuable skills in individuals.However, with the decline of IBM and transformation of competition in the IT market, thesituation changed: Not only new skills came to be valued but also the new dominantcompanies felt no responsibility towards training individuals or keeping skilled individuals.The new norms of employment relationship that emerged in the wider economy allowedcorporations to feel free from any obligation to provide employment security (or eventraining) and therefore, skills became the responsibility and liability of individuals.Throughout both periods, the effectiveness of corporate decisions (in setting the terms ofemployment and dealing with workers) was largely due to government policies that lentsupport to corporations rather than workers.3A study of recent college graduates after the financial crisis had found that 14.7 percent of IS majorswere unemployed. The average unemployment rate of the group of graduates studied was 7.9%. SeeKirkwood, L (2013) ‘Art majors jump ahead of tech grads in landing jobs’, USA Today, 30 Jul, 2013.17
Moreover, IT workers became the harbingers of the new forms of work and IT jobs wereconsidered a ‘model’ for future white-collar jobs (e.g. Kanter, 1995). In the new world ofwork, corporations can (are allowed and powerful enough) to set the standards of ’skillrequirement’ without having any commitment to provide those skills or to retain and retrainskilled employees. In the new employment relationship, the onus is on the (isolated)individual to show his/her continued worth. Thus, according to Castells (2001: 93), the new‘informational society’ demands ‘self-programmable labor’, that is, “anyone with thecapacity to develop skills as required by a changing market” and will pay well for those‘talents’ (see also Castells, 2010: xxiii). But, whether this reflects arbitrarily set skill‘requirements’ or fluctuations in the market, the new political economy of skills has madeeven the best jobs transitory. Once those skills are expired, lives spent learning the “wrong”skills are considered a form of ‘human waste’ that must be discarded. Unless they engage in‘life-long learning’, those deemed redundant by “the market” will find themselves n
The London School of Economics and Political Science . An Institutional Analysis of the Formation of Jobs in Software Work in the United States, 1945-2001. Roohollah Honarvar . A thesis submitted to the Department of Management of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, April 2015 . 1
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UNESCO in consultation with thé National Commission for UNESCO as well as b non- overnmental or anizations NGOs in officiai artnershi with UNESCO. Nominations must focus on a s ecific ESD ro'ect or ro ramme. Each Member State or NGO can make u to three nominations for an édition of thé Pri
1.2. Chương Trình 0% Lãi Suất Ưu Đãi Mua Sắm không áp dụng cho Chủ thẻ Tín Dụng Thương Mại. The Installment Plan With 0% Interest is not applicable for HSBC Business Credit Card. 1.3. Loại tiền tệ được sử dụng trong Chương Trình 0% L
For centuries, Baccarat has been privileged to create masterpieces for royal households throughout the world. Honoring that legacy we have imagined a tea service as it might have been enacted in palaces from St. Petersburg to Bangalore. Pairing our menus with world-renowned Mariage Frères teas to evoke distant lands we have
HƯỚNG DẪN LỰA CHỌN DÂY & CÁP HẠ THẾ DÂY & CÁP HẠ THẾ A/ LỰA CHỌN DÂY & CÁP : Khi chọn cáp, khách hàng cần xem xét những yếu tố sau: - Dòng điện định mức - Độ sụt áp - Dòng điện ngắn mạch - Cách lắp đặt - Nhiệt độ môi trường hoặc nhiệt độ đất
continued use of, Institutional Controls. The primary goal of a management review is to ensure that the Institutional Controls continue to be used and continue to be effective for their intended purpose. The management review process allows senior managers to (1) assess the existing Institutional
Institutional Marketing Plan _ Table of Contents Page(s) Executive Summary 3 Situational Analysis (Market, Consumer, Competition, Internal) 4 - 5 Institutional SWOT Analysis 6 Marketing Messages 7 Marketing Channels and Strategies 8 Annual Spending Allocation Breakdown 9 - 10 Lead Generation vs. Brand Awareness 11
Institutional Plan for Fall 2020 Restart – Revised Submission Addendum #2 August 13th, 2020 The following revisions and additions have been made to Stockton’s original Institutional Plan, initially submitted to the Office of the Secretary of Higher Education on July 6, 2020. Revised language regarding in-person and remote work protocols
Early Census Institutional Population Reports (1 850- 1890), 1 Census Institutional Population Reports of 1904- 1933 (Separate Reports), 2 Census Institutional Population Reports of 1940- 1980 (Combined Reports), 3 Prisoners in State and Federal Prisons and Reformatories Series: 1926-1946, 4 Judicial Criminal Statistics, 4