Annenberg Institute For School Reform Voices In Urban Education

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SU M M E R 2012Annenberg Institute for School Reform Voices in Urban EducationFree Minds, FreePeople: Education for a Just,Multiracial FutureKeith CatoneCountering the Master Narratives:The “Why?” of Education for LiberationCharles M. PayneEmpowering Young People to Be Critical Thinkers:The Mexican American Studies Program in TucsonCurtis Acosta and Asiya MirA Dialogue between Generations on Educationfor LiberationEducation is Under Attack! What Do We Do? StandUp! Fight Back! Teacher Activism in the OccupyWall Street MovementBree PicowerA World Where Youth Hold the PowerVincent Harding and Antonio Albizures withAdeola A. Oredola with members of Youth in ActionAdeolaA. OredolaIAnnenberg Institute for School Reform

This issue of Voices in Urban Education wasdeveloped in collaboration with the Education forLiberation Network (EdLib, www.edliberation.org), a national coalition of teachers, communityactivists, youth, researchers, and parents whobelieve a good education should teach people –particularly low-income youth and youth of color– to understand and challenge the injustices theircommunities face.EdLib hosts Free Minds, Free People (FMFP), anational gathering that brings these groups together every two years to build a movement to developand promote education as a tool for liberation.The network seeks to develop ways of teachingand learning both in and out of school that helpus to build a more just society. The conference isa space in which these groups can learn from andteach each other, sharing knowledge, experience,and strategies. It takes place every other year.The last FMFP, of which the Annenberg Institutefor School Reform was a co-sponsor, took placein Providence, Rhode Island, in 2011. The nextconference will take place in Salt Lake City, June27–30, 2013. Please visit www.fmfp.org for moreinformation.EdLib also co-publishes, in partnership with theNew York Collective of Radical Educators, aunique social justice lesson plan book for teachers called Planning to Change the World. Pleasevisit www.justiceplanbook.com to learn more andorder the 2012-2013 edition.Education for LiberationNumber 34, Summer 2012Executive EditorPhilip GloudemansGuest EditorKeith CatoneManaging EditorMargaret Balch-GonzalezAssistant EditorO’rya Hyde-KellerProduction and DistributionMary Arkins DecasseDesignBrown University Graphic ServicesIllustratorRobert BrinkerhoffVoices in Urban Education (ISSN 1553541x) is published quarterly at BrownUniversity, Providence, Rhode Island. Articles may be reproduced with appropriatecredit to the Annenberg Institute. Singlecopies are 12.50 each, including postageand handling. A discount is availableon bulk orders. Call 401 863-2018 forfurther information.The Annenberg Institute for SchoolReform was established in 1993 at BrownUniversity. Its mission is to develop, share,and act on knowledge that improves theconditions and outcomes of schooling inAmerica, especially in urban communitiesand in schools attended by traditionallyunderserved children. For program information, contact:Annenberg Institute for School ReformBrown University, Box 1985Providence, Rhode Island 02912Tel: 401 863-7990Fax: 401 863-1290Web: www.annenberginstitute.orgTwitter: @AnnenbergInst 2012 Annenberg Institute for SchoolReformIIAnnenberg Institute for School Reform

Education for LiberationFree Minds, Free People: Education for a Just, Multiracial Future3Keith CatoneCountering the Master Narratives: The “Why?” of Education for Liberation6Charles M. PayneEducation for liberation helps young people identify the biases of mainstreamnarratives, examine the social forces that impact their lives, and take collectiveaction for more just alternatives.Empowering Young People to Be Critical Thinkers: The Mexican American15Studies Program in TucsonCurtis Acosta and Asiya MirA teacher and a student in Tucson’s acclaimed Mexican American Studiesprogram, recently shut down by state and district officials, describe how theprogram has transformed the lives of its students and teachers.A Dialogue between Generations on Education for Liberation27Vincent Harding and Antonio Albizures with Adeola A. OredolaA seasoned civil rights activist and scholar and a young immigrant rightsorganizer dialogue about how their generations can work together to createa more democratic, multicultural, and just future.Education is Under Attack! What Do We Do? Stand Up! Fight Back!37Teacher Activism in the Occupy Wall Street MovementBree PicowerTeacher activists engaged in the Occupy the DOE movement in New YorkCity are working to end the oppression standing in the way of a more justsociety, both inside and outside the classroom.A World Where Youth Hold the PowerAdeola A. Oredola with members of Youth in ActionThe space cultivated by the youth leadership development organization Youth InAction puts young people, traditionally marginalized by adult decision-makers,at the center of change in the community.1Annenberg Institute for School Reform47

This issue of Voices in Urban Education is dedicated to Matthew Bradley, an assistantprofessor for the Honors College at the University of Utah and a teacher of honors classesat AMES High School. A longtime teacher activist, he was instrumental in bringing the2013 Free Minds, Free People conference to Salt Lake City.Matthew Wade BradleyAugust 19, 1970 – March 20, 2012Déjenme decirles, a riesgo de parecer ridículo, que el revolucionarioverdadero está guiado por grandes sentimientos de amor.At the risk of seeming ridiculous, let me say that the true revolutionaryis guided by great feelings of love.– Che Guevara, letter to Carlos QuijanoThis was one of Matt Bradley’s favorite quotes, words he lived by as anactivist, teacher, scholar, friend, and community member. Matt believed inthe transformative power of education for liberation and worked to create access to education for all people, and in particular he struggled withothers to fight for undocumented students’ rights to education. Matt was apowerful life force in our community and universe, whose sense of purpose,commitment, and vision continues to inspire us all to be our best selves.Carrying him in our hearts and minds, we commit to live our lives with fulland wild abandon: to laugh, play, and imagine new ways to live together; toread poetry; to ride bikes; to grow gardens; to eat fresh tomatoes and chilis(any and everything spicy!); to be respectful of others; to create alternative creative spaces for dialogue, teaching and learning, organizing, criticalthinking, collective action, art, and social justice.– Mestizo Arts and Activism CollectiveFree Minds, Free People Salt Lake City TeamJune 20122Annenberg Institute for School Reform

Free Minds, Free People: Education for aJust, Multiracial FutureKeith CatoneAs the field of education follows myriad paths of reform, notenough of us are stopping to consider the essential question: Forwhat? We must close achievement gaps . . . for what? We mustmeasure and evaluate teacher effectiveness . . . for what? We must developand adhere to high quality standards . . . for what? We must race to thetop . . . for what? In other words, to what end are we engaged in educational experiences? Implicit – at times explicit – aims of the most popularmainstream education reform trends center around global competitionand economic prowess.1 Little seems focused on the core functions ofeducation as the necessary threads weaving the democratic fabric ofsociety. Even less focus is on the liberatory potential of education, on itsimportance in forming the most basic foundation of our individual andcollective humanness.The Free Minds, Free People (FMFP) conference and the Education forLiberation Network seek to understand, frame, and practice education forthe purpose of freedom – a true collective realization of liberty and justicefor all. In 2009, a group of young people and their adult allies from YouthIn Action traveled from Providence to Houston to attend the secondever FMFP. They experienced a space cultivated by the conference thatwas authentically intergenerational, supporting the voices and ideas ofyoung and old alike to coexist in dialogue. They experienced a conferencededicated to lifting up those most historically marginalized from powerand understood that such a space has the potential to empower people toimagine and then work to make real the change they want to see in theworld. They returned to Providence energized and poised to work to bringFMFP to their city. I was lucky enough to be part of the Youth In Actionfamily and served as one of the local conference organizers. The powerof working with educators and young people from across the country tomake FMFP a reality in Providence in July 2011 was awe-inspiring.The most amazing part of the FMFP experience is the way in which theconference builds the space for all participants to be seen and heard.Participants do not gain special attention for their titles and degrees, but1 S ee, for example, the recently released “U.S. Education Reform and NationalSecurity” report from the Council on Foreign Relations ional-security/p27618).Keith Catone is a senior research associate at the Annenberg Institute for School Reform.3Annenberg Institute for School Reform

rather for the value of their contributions to the field of education forliberation. When university professors speak as equals alongside youthactivists, and young people are treated as experts about their ownrealities, both groups are humanized. The conference aspires to haveparticipants bring their whole selves to the fore and to contribute theirfull humanness for others to see and understand.More broadly, our society is without an education for liberation,without free minds and free people. Instead, we live in a society with astark inability to recognize the humanity of all its members. Two recentevents illustrate our current society’s severe limitations with respect tohuman liberation. First, take Arizona’s attack on the Tucson UnifiedSchool District’s Mexican American Studies (MAS) program, declaringit illegal, and the district’s subsequent decision to cease the program. Inthis issue of VUE (page 12), Charles Payne writes: “Declaring MexicanAmerican Studies illegal is the moral equivalent of white supremacists in the South burning Black schoolhouses after the Civil War.” Inother words, to ignore the life experiences, histories, and perspectivesof communities of color in the United States is to ignore their humanrights to freedom and equality. In essence, this active ignorance paintspeople of color one-dimensionally by forcing their histories and narratives into the dominant white mainstream, thus rendering invisible thehuman complexity of people and communities of color.Related is the tragic murder of Trayvon Martin in Sanford, Florida.George Zimmerman, the man who pulled the trigger that ended Travyon’s life, didn’t see a young man standing in front of him. Instead,what he saw was a brown-skinned male in a hoodie, and quicklyassumed Trayvon was “up to no good” or “on drugs or something”in a call to a 911 dispatcher. A view that, in Zimmerman’s mind, wasgrounds for murder. Subsequent reports leaking information about pastschool suspensions attempted to call Trayvon’s character into questionand represent extended efforts to deny his humanity, serving to try tojustify his murder.Education for liberation combats the refusal to see humanness inothers, and in doing so allows us all to be fully human. Education forliberation makes necessary and central the full humanity of all peopleto exist and act upon their world. It assumes, as Charles Payne expresses (see page 13), that people need to be educated in a way that helpsthem understand and “think more critically about the social forces thatshape our lives and think more confidently about their ability to reactagainst those forces.”Ultimately, the social forces that prompted Zimmerman to see a youngman with a bag of candy as a threat and that feed the fear and distrustArizona politicians have of Mexican American youth who have foundtheir voice through a curriculum that honors who they are and wherethey come from, must be challenged. Payne paraphrases Charlie Cobb,one of the lead architects of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee’s Freedom School for the 1964 Freedom Summer Project(see page 13), as reflecting that students need “to challenge the myths4Annenberg Institute for School Reform

of our society, to perceive more clearly its realities, to find alternativesand ultimately new directions for action.” And as fellow civil rightsmovement leader Vincent Harding often points out, we are “citizens ofa country that does not yet exist.”2 Thus, it is our responsibility to workto create that country yet to be.This issue of VUE seeks to raise up various voices and perspectives onwhat it means to engage in education for liberation, and what it meansto free minds and free people. You’ll hear from movement historians,teachers and students, youth activists and organizers, and communitybased educators and academics: C harles Payne, an academic historian, discusses how education forliberation helps young people identify the biases of mainstream narratives, examine the social forces that impact their lives, and takecollective action for more just alternatives. C urtis Acosta and Asiya Mir describe their experiences as teacher andstudent in Tucson’s acclaimed Mexican American Studies program,recently shut down by state and district officials, and how the programhas transformed the lives of its students and teachers. V incent Harding, a seasoned civil rights activist and scholar, andAntonio Albizures, a young immigrant rights organizer, dialogue abouthow their generations can work together to create a more democratic,multicultural, and just future. B ree Picower, teacher educator and activist, shares the thoughts andideas of teachers engaged in the Occupy the DOE movement in NewYork City who work to end the oppression standing in the way of amore just society, both inside and outside the classroom. A deola Oredola and other youth and community leaders from YouthIn Action reflect on how the space cultivated by their organization putsyoung people, traditionally marginalized by adult decision-makers, atthe center of change in the community.As you read through the dialogue created by the voices on these pages, Ihope you’ll be challenged to consider where your own voice fits in. Takentogether, these short articles aim to help all of us better imagine the worldwe seek to create for ourselves and the important role that education – inits various forms, through its multiple venues, and with its many participants – plays in our collective construction of this world. And, if you areso inspired, I hope to see you in Salt Lake City, Utah, from June 27 to 30,2013, at the next Free Minds, Free People.For more information on the conference, see www.fmfp.org.2 I have heard Vincent Harding speak two different times – at the 2010 U.S. SocialForum in Detroit and during the keynote conversation with Antonio Albizures atFMFP in Providence (see excerpts from this conversation on pages 27–33) – andduring each one he has invoked this phrase, quoting an unnamed African poet heonce heard.5Annenberg Institute for School Reform

Countering the Master Narratives:The “Why?” of Education for LiberationCharles M. PayneEducation for liberation helps young people identify the biases of mainstream narratives, examinethe social forces that impact their lives, and takecollective action for more just alternatives.Note: This article is excerpted from materialthat will appear in a forthcoming book tobe published by Beacon Press.Too many young people have beenseparated from both their past andtheir future leaving a vast and achingvoid, often to be filled with nothing more than the most destructivevalues of society.– Vincent Harding, Hope and HistoryNot everything that is faced can bechanged, but nothing can be changeduntil it is faced.– James Baldwin, “As Much Truth asAfew years ago, some of us inChicago started a programthat was very much in dialoguewith Theresa Perry’s work. Fundamental to her argument in Young,Gifted and Black: Promoting HighAchievement among African-AmericanStudents is the proposition that thetask of intellectual achievement forBlack children is different because ofthe constant recycling of notions ofBlack moral, cultural, and intellectualinferiority (Perry, Steele & Hilliard2003). Intellectual development forBlack children, then, is ordinarilydevelopment under hostile conditions.What does it mean to teach to this context, to teach counter-hegemonically?Over our first year or so, two incidentsseemed to best epitomize the problem. One February, as a Black HistoryMonth activity, we sponsored a playOne Can Bear”Charles M. Payne is the Frank P. Hixon Distinguished Service Professor in the School of Social ServiceAdministration at the University of Chicago, where he is also an affiliate of the Urban Education Institute.6Annenberg Institute for School Reform

on Harriet Tubman for about 1,200high school students from Chicago’sSouth Side high schools, schools withessentially all–Black student bodies.1There was considerable anxiety aboutwhether it was safe to have that manystudents from different schools sittingin the dark, but that part went off without a hitch. What was interesting washow the students reacted to the contentof the play.The play opens with a flashback involving an actress changing from smart,modern garb to the tattered, dirty clothing of a slave. At the sight of the slave,the audience started giggling and laughing. (And, if they were anything like theboys I grew up with, they were pokingone another and whispering, “That’syour Momma . . . ”) The actress, whoexpected that reaction, stopped theplay, stepped out of character and didthe Sistuh thing – hands on her hips –“What’s so funny?” She challenged theaudience to give her an honest explanation. That huge auditorium just shutdown. No one gave a clear answer,and students seemed embarrassed thatshe had called them out. The actress’sinterpretation was that Black youthhave been taught to be ashamed ofthe African American past, slavery inparticular, and laughter is a way todistance themselves from the shameful.What we should hear in that laughter is“Niggers ain’t shit – but I’m OK.”The other defining incident came duringa professional development day thatwe held for teachers on the history ofEmmett Till.2 We shouldn’t let Till’sstory be lost anywhere, but certainly1 F or more about this production, seewww.karenjonesmeadows.com/about theproduction.php.2 Emmett Till was a fourteen-year-oldboy from Chicago who was brutallytortured and murdered in 1955 by whitesupremacists while visiting relatives inMississippi, after he was accused of flirtingwith a white woman.7not in his hometown. Because we werein Chicago, we could actually do it atthe school that Emmett Till attended,which just a few years prior had beenrenamed in his honor. We talked to theteachers there about their attempts toteach that history in that neighborhood.They told us that when they first tried,they met resistance from both studentsand parents. Their students didn’t seewhy the history was important, didn’tsee why it should matter to them, andfrequently thought Till’s murder washis own fault for doing something heshould have known not to do; Till’suncle should have stood up to thosewhite men. If they had been there, theywouldn’t have let white people treatthem like that. Not surprisingly, therewere residents who opposed renamingthe school at all. “What did he do thatwas so special?” – another version of“Niggers ain’t shit.”Even before these experiences, Chicagoschools used to frequently invite meto do Black History Month presentations, and an easy way to do that wasto show some footage about the civilrights movement from the PBS television series Eyes on the Prize and usethat as the basis of a conversation.When middle school and junior highstudents watched demonstrations withdogs being sicced on people and peoplebeing firehosed and clubbed by police,a very common reaction, perhaps thedominant one, was to decide the demonstrators were at fault for taking it. Itwas easier for some students to identifywith the police doing the whipping thanwith the demonstrators being whipped.The demonstrators had to be punks:“If I were back there then . . .” Youngpeople in whose names the movementwas waged could not identify with it.Annenberg Institute for School Reform

H O W DO M I NANT NAR R ATI VESS H A PE USIn The Fire Next Time, James Baldwin(1993) gives his characterization of theBlack past:This past, the Negro’s past, of rope,fire, torture, castration, infanticide,rape; death and humiliation; fear byday and night, fear as deep as themarrow of the bones; doubt that hewas worthy of life, since everyonearound him denied it; sorrow forhis women, for his kinfolk, for hischildren, who needed his protection,and whom he could not protect;rage, hatred, and murder, hatredfor white men so deep that it oftenturned against him and his own,and made all love, all trust, all joyimpossible. (p. 98)That is bad history and poor sociology.It’s bad history because, to paraphrasethe historian Herbert Gutman, it focuses on what was done to Black people,not on what they did with what wasdone to them. Had Baldwin looked atthe latter, he would have found a history of resistance in forms both smalland dramatic. And it’s poor sociology,because it assumes that white peopletook so much from Black people thatBlack people had nothing left to giveone another.But this quote reflects a vision of thepast too common in Baldwin’s Harlemor today’s Chicago. Even the mostinsightful among us have been shapedby the dominant narratives. Historyconfronts children of color as an accusation – they were slaves or peasants orthe militarily defeated or the colonized;Sambo or Dumb Pancho; they werethe least intelligent, the wetbacks andthe illegals, the poorest, the worsteducated, or perhaps, most damningly,they just weren’t there; they don’t comeinto the picture. (And “contributionist” history – “Look what minoritieshave contributed!” – is probably notthe way to answer this.)8Annenberg Institute for School ReformAt the same time, as much as anyoneelse, youth from stigmatized groupscan see the “evidence” of collectiveunderachievement all about them – thepoverty, the troubled neighborhoods,the absent fathers, the academic failure, their own constant exposure toviolence, real and symbolic. Nothingabout being in a subordinate groupautomatically gives them deep insightinto the contemporary forces reproducing inequality. Like many majoritygroup members, they may not havesufficient historical or sociologicalunderstanding to explain those failuresin any way other than some kind ofcollective deficiency – or to just notthink about them.Both the past as imagined and thepresent as experienced suggest, indirectly, as if whispered, that there maybe something wrong with Blacks andLatinos. On top of that, often irrespective of their class background, childrenof color have to negotiate their waythrough institutional contexts thatare anything but welcoming – thestores and malls where it looks likeyou’re being followed, the hasslingfrom police, the harsh and punitivenature of many schools. Data fromthe U.S. Department of Education, forexample, shows that Black studentsare three and a half times more likelyto be suspended than white students(Adams, Robelen & Shah 2012). Previous studies have shown that Blackand Hispanic students receive harsherpunishments for the same offenses(Gregory, Skiba & Noguera 2010)and that this differential treatment isnoticed by students and teachers andattributed to racism, althoughwhite students and teachers perceived racial disparity in disciplineas unintentional or unconscious,[while] students of color saw it asconscious and deliberate, arguingthat teachers often apply classroomrules and guidelines arbitrarily to

exercise control, or to remove students whom they do not like. (Skibaet al. 2000, p. 17)It shouldn’t be surprising, then, ifBlack and Latino youth start off witha sense of being behind, of havingsomething to prove that others don’t.They respond as young people will, bycreating, from the cultural materialsaround them, their own counter-narratives of worth, among them narrativesthat center on personal style, toughness, and aggressive masculinity andthat create symbolic distance betweenthemselves and previous generations.Without guidance and support, youthwill create some counter-narrativesthat are useful, but also some thatundermine their own development, thatdiscourage them from taking advantageof such opportunities as they do have.This should help us appreciate whatwe know about race and trust. Anational survey from Pew CharitableTrust, for example, found Blacks andHispanics substantially less trustingthan whites. Only 32 percent of whiteswere in the lowest trust categories,against 53 percent of Hispanics and61 percent of Blacks (Taylor, Funk &Clark 2007, p. 1).Educators do not pay nearly enoughattention to the implications of thesefigures. They suggest a profoundly defensive orientation to life; they suggestpeople who are not sure they fit intoor are accepted by the larger community. Much of the national discourseis simply in denial about the difficultdevelopmental terrain facing too manyyoungsters from socially marginalizedcommunities. The way we continueto scratch our heads about achievement gaps is itself one form of denial;the presumption in many such discussions is that we’re giving children whatthey need to succeed and they are stillfailing for some mysterious reason.A corollary denial is the idea that allwould be well if we could just raise test9scores. Of course, that is important,but children may be wrestling withissues that are much more fundamental. And when they get help with that,there is reason to believe that some ofthe narrowly academic issues wither.TEACH IN G T RU T H T O P OWERI have been teaching courses on the civil rights movement since 1979. WhenI’ve spoken with students about whatthey get out of the course, the answershaven’t changed much over the years.Students of all backgrounds say theybecome more reflective about theirown values; they find models for howthey want to live their lives (Ella Bakerand Fannie Lou Hamer probably topthe list). Students of all backgroundssay they think more confidently aboutchallenging the barriers in their lives.More, they wonder how they can beagents of change; the idea that ordinary people can be historical actorsseems less far-fetched.Intellectually, by far the strongest effectis that when they understand that mostof what they have been taught aboutthe civil rights movement is a fairy tale,they begin wondering what else theyhave been lied to about. When theylearn that some of the most importantshapers of the movement are peoplethey have never heard of, when theylearn that the movement began wellbefore Montgomery, when they learnthat Rosa Parks was an experiencedand determined activist, not some nicewoman who stumbled into history,they begin thinking about whose viewpoints are systematically built into orleft out of other social narratives.Black students, though, say something more. They say they respecttheir grandparents in a different wayand they frequently refer to it in justthat highly personalized way – “mygrandparents.” Even though they mayuse the word “respect,” I’ve becomeAnnenberg Institute for School Reform

““less convinced that it conveys thecomplexity of their feelings. Maybe“disregarded” is closer to how theyfelt previously; they hadn’t thoughtmuch about what kinds of people theywere descended from because theydidn’t see a reason to think about it.They “knew” they were descendedfrom slaves and people who werealways dominated by white people.What is striking is the number ofdifferent ways students are underminedby discrimination.Reconnecting them to a more complexhistory restores their ancestors to themas being as complicated and as capableand as troubled as anyone else.Much talk about multicultural curriculum and diversity notwithstanding,youngsters are not likely to encountermuch critical teaching before college(except youngsters from privilegedbackgrounds). Christine Sleeter’s(2011) review finds that the recentchanges in textbooks have beenpretty weak tea. Content has beenadded about African Americans,Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans, but the narratives andinterpretations continue to reflect aEuro-American centrality:Whites continue to receive the mostattention and appear in the widestvariety of roles, dominating storylines and lists of accomplishments.African Americans, the next mostrepresented racial group, appearin a more limited range of roles10Annenberg Institute for School Reformand usually receive only a sketchyaccount historically, being featuredmainly in relationship to slavery.Asian Americans and Latinosappear mainly as figures on thelandscape with virtually no historyor contemporary ethnic experience.Native Americans appear mainlyin the past, but also occasionallyin contemporary stories in readingbooks. Immigration is representedas a distinct historical period thathappened mainly in the Northeast,rather than as an ongoing phenomenon. . . . Texts say little to nothingabout contemporary race relations,racism, or racial issues, usuallysanitizing greatly what they mention. (p. 2)Strong ethnic studies programs arefounded on a very different set of principles, which Sleeter sees as: e xplicit identification of the point ofview from which knowledge emanates and the relationship betweensocial location and perspective; e xamination of U.S. colonialismhistorically, as well as how relationsof colonialism continue to play out; e xamination of the

I Annenberg Institute for School Reform SUMMER 2012 Annenberg Institute for School Reform Voices in Urban Education. Free Minds, Free . People: Education for a Just, Multiracial Future. Keith Catone. Countering the Master Narratives: The "Why?" of Education for Liberation. Charles M. Payne. Empowering Young People to Be Critical Thinkers:

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