Identifying Challenges To Improve The Investigation And Prosecution Of .

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Identifying Challenges to Improve theInvestigation and Prosecution of Stateand Local Human Trafficking CasesExecutive SummaryApril 2012SUBMITTED TO:National Institute of Justice810 Seventh Street N.W.Washington, D.C. 20531SUBMITTED BY:Amy Farrell, Ph.D.Colleen OwensJack McDevitt, Ph.D.Meredith Dank, Ph.D.Rebecca Pfeffer, M.A.William Adams, M.P.P.Stephanie Fahy, M.A.URBAN INSTITUTEJUSTICE POLICY CENTERNORTHEASTERN UNIVERSITYINSTITUTE ON RACE AND JUSTICESCHOOL OF CRIMINOLOGY ANDCRIMINAL JUSTICE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYOver the past two decades, the American public has become increasingly concerned about theproblem of human trafficking. In response, federal and state legislatures have passed laws topromote the identification of and assistance to victims, and to support the investigation andprosecution of human trafficking perpetrators. In 2000, the federal government passed theVictims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (TVPA). This law defined a new set ofcrimes related to human trafficking and enhanced penalties for existing offenses, such as slavery,peonage, and involuntary servitude. Since passage of the TVPA, 49 states have enactedlegislation criminalizing human trafficking.Despite the attention and resources directed at combating this crime, reports indicate that fewercases of human trafficking have been identified and prosecuted than would be expected based onestimates of the problem, causing speculation that the provisions of federal and state anti-humantrafficking laws are not being enforced by government officials and that law enforcementagencies are not working together to confront the problem. Still others suggest that the incidenceof human trafficking is grossly overestimated. Previous research has documented the challengesthat state and local law enforcement faces in identifying human trafficking cases,1 but we do notyet know which practices would improve the ability of local agencies to identify, investigate, andsuccessfully prosecute human trafficking cases. This study seeks to fill these gaps. Using amulti-method approach to examining the way local and state police, prosecutors, and courtsinvestigate and prosecute human trafficking cases, we discuss challenges to the identification andinvestigation of these difficult cases, and propose strategies for overcoming the barriers toinvestigation and prosecution of human trafficking cases in the U.S.Research Questions and MethodologyWe used multiple methodologies to answerfocal research questions and related subquestions. These methodologies, which aredescribed in more detail in Chapter Two ofthis report, include: Analysis of quantitative data from therecords of 140 closed federal and statehuman trafficking cases. Case recordswere collected and analyzed to help usidentify which characteristics ofhuman trafficking cases attract theattention of local law enforcement andwhich factors predict different typesof adjudicatory outcomes.Focal research questions1. What are the characteristics of localhuman trafficking investigations andprosecutions?2. Do certain types of human traffickingoffenses or features of the offensepredict prosecution under new humantrafficking laws or other criminaloffenses?3. What are the organizational, structural,or cultural factors that inhibit orfacilitate the prosecution of humantrafficking cases?1See “Where Are All the Victims? Understanding the Determinants of Official Identification of Human TraffickingIncidents,” by Amy Farrell, Jack McDevitt and Stephanie Fahy, 2010, Criminology and Public Policy, 9(2), 201233, and Finding Victims of Human Trafficking, by Phyllis Newton, Timothy Mulcahy, and Susan Martin, 2008,Bethesda, MD: National Opinion Research Center.1

Descriptive analysis of information from incidents that were not classified as humantrafficking but that may contain elements of human trafficking, in order to understandhow often local agencies misidentify potential cases of human trafficking. Analysis of qualitative data from interviews with 166 law enforcement officers,prosecutors, victim services representatives, and other criminal justice systemstakeholders. Stakeholder interviews were used to help understand the challenges andbarriers that local communities face in identifying, investigating, and prosecuting cases ofhuman trafficking.We collected data at twelve study sites. To select these sites, we utilized a multi-stage samplingapproach that identified states with particular characteristics and then conducted a targetedsampling of counties within each type of state. We divided the states into three categories: (1)states with basic anti-trafficking legislation (criminalization only), (2) states with comprehensiveanti-trafficking legislation (criminalization, training, and victim services), and (3) states withoutanti-trafficking legislation. Next, we divided the states into those that had a federally fundedhuman trafficking task force and those that did not. See Figure 2.2 in the main report for anillustration of this breakdown.We used multiple sources of data to identify counties that had investigated at least one case ofhuman trafficking in our six-state sampling strata. Next, we conducted preliminary screeninginterviews with the law enforcement personnel in those counties who were most knowledgeableabout trafficking. These interviews helped us assess the level of human trafficking training, theexistence of protocols or policies, the number and type of cases identified, and the arrest andadjudication status of identified suspects in each county. Based on data collected during theinterviews, we selected twelve counties that provided variation across the sampling strata,regional variation, and a sufficient number of cases to warrant investigation. We also conductedinterviews with stakeholders in three counties where law enforcement agencies had notinvestigated human trafficking cases, to better understand the challenges that agencies face inidentifying cases. To protect the confidentiality of the respondents at each study site, the namesof the counties have been replaced with a unique identifier that describes the county legislationand task force type as well as region.FindingsFindings from the analyses of multiple sources of data are divided into five main sections, whichwe describe in more detail below. We examine the characteristics of closed human traffickingcases, and describe the relationships between case characteristics and community andorganizational-level characteristics that may affect identification, investigation, and prosecution.We then examine the challenges of identifying, investigating, and prosecuting human traffickingcases in both state and federal courts based on our interviews with law enforcement, prosecutors,and victim service stakeholders.2

Human Trafficking and Non-Trafficking CaseReviewsWe analyzed data from 140 closed case filescollected from local law enforcement in thetwelve counties studied to understand thecharacteristics of cases investigated, as well asdifferences in key case characteristics acrosssites. The characteristics we examined included:type of exploitation, method of identification bylaw enforcement, location of the incident,indicator of trafficking, the level of collaborationwithin and among investigative agencies,demographic characteristics of victims andsuspects, length of investigation, evidencecollected, services provided to victims, andinformation about the arrest, indictment, andprosecution of trafficking suspects. We alsoconducted bivariate analyses to understand therelationships between various case characteristicsand such case-processing outcomes as arrest,prosecution, and conviction. Our sample is notrepresentative of human trafficking cases at thenational level.As a result, the findingsdescribed here are not reflective of nationaltrends and should not be used to drawconclusions about nationwide patterns ofhuman trafficking prosecutions.In addition to collecting information about thecharacteristics of the investigation, we reviewedeach case record to determine whether or notthere was evidence in the description of thecriminal incident supportive of humantrafficking, as outlined in the TVPA and itssubsequent reauthorizations.We identifiedeleven separate indicators representing elementsof human trafficking victimization, includingforce or threats of force, deceiving victims aboutconsequences, demoralization of victims, anddomination of victims. With few exceptions,multiple legal elements necessary to provehuman trafficking under federal law were presentin the incident files across all sample counties.In real terms, this means that indications of highrates of violence, sexual and emotional abuse,Characteristics of cases reviewedThe patterns described below should not begeneralized beyond the counties studied.The overwhelming majority of casesidentified by law enforcement were sextrafficking cases (85% of 140 cases). A muchsmaller percentage of all investigated cases ofhuman trafficking were labor trafficking(11%) or both labor and sex trafficking (4%). The most common way a case of humantrafficking came to the attention of lawenforcement was through a tip. Thirtynine percent (39%) of all human traffickingcases began as tips to police. The source ofthe tips varied widely. This reactiveapproach was more pronounced in cases oflabor trafficking, 64% of which began astips. Self-report by victims and victims’family members were infrequent sources ofinformation about cases, as were casesidentified through investigations or stings. Victims: Nearly all identified sextrafficking victims were female. There wasa more even distribution of labortrafficking victims, with 48% female and52% male. Nearly 80% of sex traffickingvictims were under 20 years of age.Despite their youth, approximately onethird (35%) of sex trafficking victims werearrested by local or federal lawenforcement. Labor trafficking victimswere generally older than sex traffickingvictims (36% of labor trafficking victimswere over the age of 40, compared to 7% ofsex trafficking victims). While in themajority of sex trafficking cases victimswere U.S. citizens, four out of five labortrafficking victims (81%) were non-U.S.citizens. Suspects: The majority of suspects in alltypes of human trafficking cases were male(70%), with relatively no difference bytype of trafficking. The average age ofsuspects in sex trafficking cases was 33.This was approximately 8 years youngerthan the average age (41) of suspects inlabor trafficking cases. On average, 81%of suspects in all types of humantrafficking cases in this sample werearrested; however, arrest rates drop to 69%for suspects in labor trafficking cases.3

exploitation, threats, and trafficker financial gain were found in the investigative files of thesehuman trafficking cases across all sites, regardless of whether cases were ultimately classified astrafficking and moved forward to prosecution. Below are highlights from the review ofindicators of human trafficking across cases. It is important to remember that our sampleincluded only cases that had come to the attention of law enforcement; the sample thus cannot begeneralized to all human trafficking incidents. The most common legal elements of trafficking we found were the presence of apimp/trafficker, the sex trafficking of minors, and evidence of a trafficker’s financial gainthrough sex trafficking, which occurred in one-half to almost two-thirds of all case recordsreviewed across sites. Most cases contained more than oneindicator of trafficking in the case record.On average, each case reviewed for thisstudy contained 5 indicators of humantrafficking. Sex trafficking cases onaverage had 5 indicators, labor traffickingcases had 4 indicators, and sex and labortrafficking cases had 6 indicators. In cases where there was an arrest, therewere, on average, 6 indicators present,compared to only 3 indicators in thosecases where there was no arrest.Similarly, cases that went forward toeither state or federal prosecution hadmore trafficking indicators (6) on averagethan cases that were not prosecuted (3).Finally, we examined how closed humantrafficking cases had been processed throughthe criminal justice system, and explored thefactors that were associated with prosecution. 69% of all cases in our sample wentforward to prosecution on any type ofcriminal charge. Cases disproportionatelyinvolved sex trafficking, but prosecutionwas more common in the small number oflabor trafficking cases (80%) than sextrafficking cases (68%).Predictors of arrest,charging, and adjudicationWe found the following relationshipsbetween case, victim, and suspectcharacteristics and state or federalprosecutions: Suspects in cases where there was aminor victim were more likely to bearrested and prosecuted than weresuspects in cases without minorvictims. Suspects were more likely to bearrested and prosecuted in cases wherethere was evidence that the suspectknowingly benefitted financially fromhuman trafficking. Labor trafficking suspects were lesslikely to be arrested than were sextrafficking suspects. This conclusionmust be viewed cautiously due to thesmall number of labor traffickingcases studied. Labor trafficking suspects were lesslikely to be found guilty than eithersex trafficking suspects or suspects incases of both sex and labor trafficking.Despite the existence of evidence of human trafficking in the majority of cases wereviewed, few of the suspects in these cases were actually charged with either state orfederal human trafficking offenses. Seven percent (7%) of the reviewed cases resulted ina sex trafficking charge, 9% in a sex trafficking of a minor charge and 2% labor trafficking4

charge, suggesting that despite new state laws on human trafficking, state and federalprosecutors continue to charge human trafficking offenders with other types of crimes. The most common state charges were compelling or promoting prostitution, and the mostcommon federal charge was the transport of persons for the purposes of prostitution. With respect to the charge, sites with comprehensive legislation were most likely to indictsuspects on some type of state criminal charge (35%), compared to those sites with basiclegislation (22%) or no legislation (30%). As might be expected, a slightly largerproportion of cases in states with no legislation were charged at the federal level (54%),compared to states with comprehensive legislation (51%) or basic legislation (47%).In addition to reviewing closed human trafficking cases, we examined incident reports of asample of cases that were not identified as humantrafficking but which may have containedConclusions aboutindicators of human trafficking crimes (referred tomisclassification of humanin the report as the “non-trafficking case review”)trafficking casesto see how often police agencies misclassifyincidents that come to their attention.WeWhile all sites in our study appear toreviewed offenses that were similar to humanhave misclassified some incidenttrafficking and thus liable to be misclassified.reports that had elements of humanProstitution offenses were selected to gauge undertrafficking victimization as other typesof crimes, misclassification of humanidentification of sex trafficking, and extortion andtrafficking cases was generallyharboring offenses were selected to gauge underuncommon.identification of labor trafficking. Across the studysites, we reviewed 530 incident reports, 396 ofFrom our review of incident reports, itwhich involved prostitution offenses, and 134 ofappears that the relatively low numberswhich involved extortion, harboring, or otherof identified human trafficking cases inoffenses. Ninety-one percent (91%) of the incidentour study sites was not mainlyreports we reviewed contained no evidence ofattributable to misclassification ofhuman trafficking, 6% of the incident reports notknown crimes.classified as human trafficking contained clearevidence of human trafficking elements, andanother 3% contained some evidence of human trafficking, but it was less clear. It is importantto note that the level of misclassification identified at our study sites is likely conservative,since our review only included the information available in incident reports. These reportsmay not have included important indicators of human trafficking if officers were not trainedto look for them. There were more elements of human trafficking found in prostitution incidentreports than in extortion and harboring incident reports. Nearly 10% of the prostitution incidentreports contained some evidence of human trafficking elements compared to 4% of the extortionand harboring incident reports.In addition to reviewing case records, we conducted in-depth interviews with 166 respondentsfrom local, state, and federal law enforcement, state and federal prosecution, victim serviceproviders, and other court stakeholders. In the following sections we review challenges and5

propose recommendations associated with the identification, investigation, and prosecution ofhuman trafficking cases at our twelve study sites.Identifying Human Trafficking CasesThe identification of human trafficking suspects and victims is one of the most significantchallenges facing U.S. law enforcement agencies. By identification, we are referring to the wayhuman trafficking cases come to the attention of law enforcement officers and are classified ascrimes of human trafficking, rather than as other crimes with similar elements, such asprostitution or extortion.Interviewees commonly asserted that a major challenge inherent in human trafficking cases isthat human trafficking involves hiding and moving victims. Although in most criminal cases,police are alerted to the existence of the crime by either victims or witnesses affected by thecrime, this type of reactive identification practice is much less effective in cases of humantrafficking cases. Victims are hidden by their exploiters and by others who come into contactwith them and benefit from their exploitation. Additionally, victims of human trafficking oftendo not self-identify as victims, because they know that an activity they have engaged in, such asprostitution or illegal entry into the United States, is against the law. In these cases, humantrafficking victims are unlikely to report their victimization to the police or seek help fromservice providers who could notify law enforcement. Another challenge associated withidentification is that some victims rely on or have an intimate connection with their exploiter,who has perhaps threatened them or their family. Victims may also be afraid to identifythemselves as victims due to prior interactions with the police. Moreover, in the rare caseswhere victims do self-identify to law enforcement, they are frequently treated as offenders andarrested.A second set of factors that inhibit identification of human trafficking cases are cultural andorganizational characteristics of police agencies. These factors include a general failure of localcommunities to prioritize the problem of human trafficking and the subsequent low prioritizationof such crimes by law enforcement agencies. Additionally, law enforcement agencies lackresources to devote to training, staffing, and investigating human trafficking cases that can beresource-intensive. Training of patrol officers and other first responders most likely to encountersituations of human trafficking was especially needed. Lack of trauma-informed interviewingtechniques and foreign language capacity also impede the identification of these cases.Investigating Human Trafficking CasesOvercoming challenges that may prevent the identification of human trafficking cases is just thefirst step in the process of moving trafficking cases forward to prosecution. There are also anumber of challenges, unique to the crime of human trafficking, that can impede efforts toprosecute trafficking cases.6

Law enforcement officers across all study siteChallenges police face intypes (i.e., agencies that are in sites with differenttypes of legislation both with and without taskthe investigation of cases offorces) reported that victim statements are thehuman traffickingmost important element of a human traffickinginvestigation, even when they have additional Securing evidence from victims andcorroborating evidence. Trafficking victims arecorroborating that evidence.often reluctant to cooperate in a criminal Investigating cases in which theinvestigation, due to fear of retaliation by thecredibility of victims is in question.trafficker, distrust of law enforcement, or a lack ofviable alternatives to their trafficking situation. Overcoming institutional resistanceEven in cases where the victim is cooperating withwhen human trafficking investigationsauthorities, prosecutors may be reluctant to takedo not result in prosecutions.the case if they think the victim lacks credibility.Reluctance on the part of prosecutors to taketrafficking cases in turn led to an institutional resistance from law enforcement to investigatecases of human trafficking that they felt would never result in a prosecution.Human trafficking victims often suffer from trauma-related symptoms and require a wide rangeof services to address a variety of needs before they are in a condition to cooperate withauthorities. Many of the sites included in this study reported a lack of specialized services forhuman trafficking victims: particularly secure housing. Consequently, law enforcement oftenresorted to tactics normally reserved for suspects such as arresting victims. This tactic may failto have the desired effect, since victims who are treated like suspects, even for their ownprotection, may feel as though they are being re-victimized, which only results in further distrustof law enforcement and an increased reluctance to cooperate in an investigation. Lawenforcement agents indicated that victims who believed they had no viable alternative to theirtrafficking situation were less willing to cooperate with authorities. Many law enforcementofficials and service providers reported that having a long-range plan in place for victimswhose only means of survival was with their trafficker can impact the likelihood of victimcooperation in an investigation. Finally, investigators trained in investigating cases of humantrafficking and interviewing trafficking victims reported that they had more success buildingcases and moving cases forward to prosecution.State Prosecution of Human Trafficking CasesState law enforcement and prosecutors repeatedly cited a lack of precedent and case law onhuman trafficking as a major deterrent to prosecuting a case using state human traffickingstatutes. Often the prosecutors we spoke with were the first in their state to prosecute a caseusing state anti-trafficking laws; and in a number of locations, we encountered several localprosecutors who were unaware that their state had a human trafficking statute, or were unawareof the specific elements of the statute.7

Many state and local prosecutors were operating on their own with little or no legal guidanceconcerning such things as prosecutorial techniques,how to handle common defense tactics, or sampleReliance on federaljury instructions. At every study site, whenprosecution for laborprosecutors who had taken human trafficking casestrafficking casesto trial using state anti-trafficking laws were askedwhere they went for guidance on jury instructions,A majority of the labor traffickingthey said they created them themselves and hadcases we reviewed were prosecuted atwished they had a resource or fellow statethe federal level.No stateprosecutor to consult.Even if state prosecutors accepted humantrafficking cases for prosecution, they were morelikely to prosecute cases using existing laws thatthey (and judges and juries) were more familiarwith, such as rape, kidnapping, pandering, orpromoting prostitution. In some states, prosecutorsmay have felt comfortable or willing to go withstate anti-trafficking charges, but decided against itif other non-trafficking charges carried higherpenalties than state anti-trafficking charges. Manyprosecutors cited the fear of losing high-profilecases and the resulting damage to their reputation asreasons for their decision to prosecute humantrafficking cases with non-human traffickingcharges.prosecutors we spoke with hadprosecuted a case of labor traffickingusing state anti-trafficking laws.Prosecutors suggested that labortrafficking cases were better handledat the federal level due to theimmigration issues facing victims andsuspects. This was the case even ifthe state had a law specifying a crimeof labor trafficking. State prosecutorscommonly suggested that they did notknow who within their agency wouldhandle labor trafficking cases.Interviews with state and local prosecutors revealed that the background characteristics andpersonal circumstances of human trafficking victims often influenced the prosecution of humantrafficking cases at the state level. In some instances, a victim’s background (e.g., whether avictim came from an unstable home without supportive parents or guardians) caused prosecutorsto dismiss or overlook human trafficking cases. In instances where prosecutors accepted humantrafficking cases for prosecution, a victim’s background also affected whether a case wasprosecuted or amended to lesser, non-trafficking charges. These challenges were moreprominent in cases where prosecutors felt their agencies lacked the resources to support victimsadequately, or when there was a lack of support from their agency for the time and resourcesnecessary to bring such cases forward to trial.Prosecutors in all jurisdictions overwhelmingly described victim reluctance to testify or lack ofcooperation as the biggest challenge they faced prosecuting human trafficking cases. Oftenprosecutors reported that without a cooperating victim or, ideally, multiple cooperating victims,they would not proceed with a prosecution. The challenge of securing victim testimony is notunlike challenges faced when prosecuting domestic violence cases. In domestic violence cases,some prosecutors have been able to proceed with prosecutions even when victims were unwillingto cooperate, by using corroborating evidence, such as victim statements and 911 calls.However, some prosecutors interviewed for this study reported that the 2004 Supreme Court8

ruling in Crawford v. Washington limited the introduction of statements by non-testifyingvictims and increased reliance on victim testimony.In addition to these individual-level challenges, aseries of institutional challenges to state-levelprosecutions also inhibited cases from goingforward. One of these involved the fact that moststate and local prosecution agencies lacked aninstitutional infrastructure, such as a special unitdedicated to human trafficking. This was true atboth task force and non-task force sites and for bothlabor and sex trafficking. Trained and dedicatedprosecutors assigned to handle sex trafficking caseswere more likely to handle child sex crimes cases,or to be situated within a sexual assault unit. Whilethese prosecutors may have more training in sexualcrimes cases than the average prosecutor, they alsodescribed problems with victim cooperation in sextrafficking cases that they had not encountered inthe other sexual crimes cases they had prosecuted.Promising StateProsecution PracticesAcross study sites, we found anumberofhighlydedicatedprosecutors and law enforcementofficers who rose to the challengescited here to help restore victims andbring traffickers to justice. Theselocal champions found ways toovercome these challenges thoughperseverance and resourcefulness, aswell as through existing personalrelationships with victim serviceproviders and other stakeholders inthe criminal justice system. Some ofthe techniques they reported to beinstrumental in securing successfulprosecutions included:Given the cross-jurisdictional nature of many awareness-raising training forhuman trafficking cases (particularly sex traffickingtheir colleagues and otherscases), the need to travel to other jurisdictions wasdealing with the issue in theircited as an additional challenge for statejurisdiction;prosecutors. State and local prosecutors and law use of corroborating evidence toenforcement, particularly in non-task forcebuttress the testimony of victimsjurisdictions, reported that many cases of sexand witnesses;trafficking fell apart when, due to a lack ofresources or institutional buy-in, they were unable use of expert witness testimony toto travel to other states to collect evidence orhelp juries understand theinterview witnesses.Gaining the cooperationvictim’s experience; andnecessary to support case prosecution from lawenforcement, prosecutors, or service providers in understanding the crucial role ofother jurisdictions was described as “hit-or-miss.”victim services, especially inAs a result, many stakeholders believed that sincefinding safe housing for humansex trafficking often involves the crossing of statetrafficking victims.lines, federal authorities had the resources andjurisdiction to investigate and prosecute these casesmore effectively. However, even in task force jurisdictions, federal prosecutors were not alwayswilling to take human trafficking cases (e.g., they may not take cases that involve a low numberof victims or suspects) and, as a result, cases may fall through the cracks.Some state prosecutors felt that the amount of time and resources necessary to investigate andprosecute both labor and sex trafficking cases was more suited to federal prosecution. Stateprosecutors overwhelmingly felt that labor trafficking cases should be prosecuted at the9

federal level, given the international nexus that might be involved in certain cases and thepossibility that victims might have unauthorized status. More often than not, potential case

suspects, length of investigation, evidence collected, services provided to victims, and information about the arrest, indictment, and prosecution of trafficking suspects. We also conducted bivariate analyses to understand the relationships between various case characteristics and such case-processing outcomes as arrest, prosecution, and .

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