10 · Greek Cartography In The Early Roman World
10 · Greek Cartography in the Early Roman WorldPREPARED BY THE EDITORS FROM MATERIALS SUPPLIEDBY GERMAINE AUJAeThe Roman republic offers a good case for continuingto treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separatestrand in the history of classical cartography. While therewas a considerable blending-and interdependence-ofGreek and Roman concepts and skills, the fundamentaldistinction between the often theoretical nature of theGreek contribution and the increasingly practical usesfor maps devised by the Romans forms a familiar butsatisfactory division for their respective cartographic influences. Certainly the political expansion of Rome,whose domination was rapidly extending over the Mediterranean, did not lead to an eclipse of Greek influence.It is true that after the death of Ptolemy III Euergetes in221 B.C. a decline in the cultural supremacy of Alexandria set in. Intellectual life moved to more energeticcenters such as Pergamum, Rhodes, and above all Rome,but this promoted the diffusion and development ofGreek knowledge about maps rather than its extinction.Indeed, we can see how the conditions of Roman expansion positively favored the growth and applicationsof cartography in both a theoretical and a practical sense.Not only had the known world been extended considerably through the Roman conquests-so that new empirical knowledge had to be adjusted to existing theoriesand maps-but Roman society offered a new educational market for the cartographic knowledge codifiedby the Greeks. Many influential Romans both in therepublic and in the early empire, from emperors downward, were enthusiastic Philhellenes and were patronsof Greek philosophers and scholars. In the middle of thesecond century B.C. the Scipionic circle, a group of prominent Philhellenes, promoted the study of all thingsGreek; and when in 146 B.C. military rivalry from Carthage and Greece was eliminated, Rome wielded thepolitical power, but Greece provided the chief intellectual output within, and often on behalf of, Roman dominions. Throughout the second and first centuries B.C.and beyond, it was thus men of Greek birth and education-such as Polybius, Crates of Mallos, Hipparchus,and Strabo-who continued to make fundamental contributions to the development of scientific mapping andwho provided a continuous link with these activities inthe Hellenistic world and their culmination in the latersyntheses of Claudius Ptolemy.CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THEORETICALCARTOGRAPHY: POLYBIUS, CRATES,AND HIPPARCHUSThe extent to which a new generation of scholars in thesecond century B.C. was familiar with the texts, maps,and globes of the Hellenistic period is a clear pointer toan uninterrupted continuity of cartographic knowledge.Such knowledge, relating to both terrestrial and celestialmapping, had been transmitted through a succession ofwell-defined master-pupil relationships, and the preservation of texts and three-dimensional models had beenaided by the growth of libraries. Yet this evidence shouldnot be interpreted to suggest that the Greek contributionto cartography in the early Roman world was merely apassive recital of the substance of earlier advances. Onthe contrary, a principal characteristic of the new agewas the extent to which it was openly critical of earlierattempts at mapping. The main texts, whether survivingor whether lost and known only through later writers,were strongly revisionist in their line of argument, sothat the historian of cartography has to isolate the substantial challenge to earlier theories and frequently theirreformulation in new maps.In relation to the geography of Europe, the cartographic material in the History of Polybius (ca. 200 topost 118 B.C.) provides a first illustration of this tendency. Born at Megalopolis in the Peloponnese, Polybiushad been active in the political and military life ofGreece. Taken to Rome as a hostage in 168 B.C., he alsodemonstrates by his career the importance of Romanpatronage in the continuation and spread of Greek cartography, for he attracted the attention of L. AemiliusPaullus and became a close friend of Scipio Aemilianus,who, besides giving him access to public records, tookPolybius with him on some of his campaigns to Spainand to North Africa.Polybius composed a History in forty books (of whichthe first five books are extant and the remainder areknown through Strabo and other sources) describing theprodigious rise of Rome in the fifty years between theSecond Punic War and the battle of Pydna (218-168161
Cartography in Ancient Europe and the Mediterranean162B.C.).1 Conscious of the importance of a close criticalknowledge of the countries in which historical eventstook place, Polybius devoted part of his work to a geographical description of Europe. Strabo tells us that"Polybius, in his account of the geography of Europe,says he passes over the ancient geographers but examinesthe men who criticise them, namely, Dicaearchus, andEratosthenes, who has written the most recent treatiseon Geography; and Pytheas, by whom many have beenmisled.,,2 Strabo then gives us an example of such criticism, citing Dicaearchus's distances along the diaphragma (p. 152 above), and Polybius's use ofgeometric arguments to prove them erroneous. Dicaearchus, according to Polybius, had estimated the distancebetween the Straits of Messina and the Straits of Gibraltar at 7,000 stades. This line can be considered thebase of an obtuse-angled triangle with Narbo (Narbonne) as its apex (fig. 10.1). Polybius argued that oneside of the obtuse angle, from the Straits of Messina toNarbo, measured more than 11,200 stades, the other alittle less than 8,000. Since the perpendicular droppedfrom Narbo to the base is 2,000 stades, "it is clear fromthe principles of elementary geometry that the length ofthe coast-line from the Strait [of Messina] to the Pillars[via Narbo; totals 19,200 stades] exceeds the length ofthe straight line through the open sea by very nearly fivehundred stadia.,,3 Thus the distance from the Straits ofMessina to the Straits of Gibraltar along the diaphragmais at least 18,700 stades instead of the 7,000 given byDicaearchus. 4 This brief example clearly shows the partgeometric reasoning played in Polybius's assessment ofthe map drawn by Dicaearchus.Narbo8,0&caesN-Straits ofGibraltar18,700 stadesStraits ofMessinaFIG. 10.1. POLYBIUS'S ESTIMATE OF THE LENGTH OFTHE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN. Whereas Dicaearchusstated a distance of 7,000 stades from the Straits of Gibraltarto the Straits of Messina, Polybius used basic geometry to showthat it was, in fact, at least 18,700 stades.As for Europe in general, Polybius likewise severelycriticized Eratosthenes' map, saying he was ignorant ofthe western parts of the world and quoting his ownexperience in Spain and North Africa. Above all, hecriticized him for having trusted Pytheas and having putthe boundary of the inhabited world as far north asThule. Polybius refused to believe that inhabited placescould exist at these high latitudes and therefore wouldnot extend the map of the inhabited world to the ArcticCircle. So he cut off the northern edge of Eratosthenes'map and put the northern limit of the inhabited worldat the parallel of Ierne (Ireland) (54 N), situated underthe arctic circle containing the stars always visible frommainland Greece and Rhodes (36 N).5These criticisms by Polybius show the impact ofEratosthenes' work and methods on the subsequent development of cartography and mapping. In particular,the rigorous application of geometry had come to beconsidered essential for drawing maps to scale. Polybiushad applied these principles to Eratosthenes' map andmeasurements when he undertook his description of Europe and, as a result, probably drew a new map, withreduced latitudinal extent.The continuing influence of Greek cartography, asreinterpreted by Greeks, within the new framework ofRoman society is also shown by references to the famousterrestrial globe of Crates of Mallos (fl. 150 B.C.), knownto us through Strabo. 6 Although born at Mallos in Cilicia, Crates spent most of his life in Pergamum, as headof the newly established library, one of the institutionsto challenge the supremacy of Alexandria. He was in1. Polybius also took up Eratosthenes' idea that the regions nearthe equator had a more temperate climate than the ones near thetropics. Writing a book called The Inhabited World below the Equator, known to us through Geminus, Introduction to Phenomena,Polybius applied the tenets of spherical geometry to this problem; seeGeminus, Introduction aux phenomenes, ed. and trans. Germaine Aujac (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1975), 16.32. The main argument in favorof Eratosthenes' hypothesis is that the sun, around the time of thesolstices, lingers for a long while over the tropics, burning the country,but at the equinoxes it passes quickly over the equator. The basis forthis interpretation is that in its annual apparent motion along theecliptic, the sun, though moving at constant speed, appears to us tobe almost motionless as it approaches and recedes from a tropic (thedays, longer than those at the equator, are almost the same length forforty days). These conclusions are likely to have been illustrated bydiagrams. For a general work on Polybius, see Frank William Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957-79).2. Strabo Geography 2.4.1; see The Geography of Strabo, 8 vols.,trans. Horace Leonard]ones, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, 1917-32). Alsosee Strabo, Geographie, ed. Fran ois Lasserre, Germaine Aujac, et al.(Paris: Belles Lettres, 1966-).3. Strabo Geography 2.4.2 (note 2). See also Walbank, Polybius,1:371 (note 1).4. The actual distance between the Straits of Messina and the Straitsof Gibraltar is about 1,200 miles (1,930 kilometers).5. The arctic circle for a given terrestrial latitude is the celestialparallel circle that includes all the ever-visible circumpolar stars forthat latitude. It is as distant from the celestial pole as the terrestrialparallel of latitude is from the equator.6. Although the globe is not extant, it can be reconstructed fromliterary sources. References to Crates in Strabo's Geography (note 2)include: 1.1.7; 1.2.24; 1.2.31; 2.5.10 (globe); 3.4.4; 13.55 (date);14.16 (birthplace). For fragments of Crates, see Hans Joachim Mette,Sphairopoiia: Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Krates von Pergamon (Munich: Beck, 1936), and the discussion in]. Oliver Thomson,History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1948; reprinted New York: BibJo and Tannen, 1965), 202.
163Greek Cartography in the Early Roman WorldRome about 168 B.C. when Polybius was brought thereas a hostage. Crates was detained in Rome because hebroke his leg while inspecting a sewer (Cloaca Maxima),and during this stay he delivered a series of influentiallectures. A Stoic philosopher and a well-known scholar,he was much admired in Rome for his erudition andeloquence.0\AN1" \'t-FIG. 10.2. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GLOBE OFCRATES OF MALLOS, CA. 150 B.C. After Edward LutherStevenson, Terrestrial and Celestial Globes: Their History andConstruction, Including a Consideration of Their Value asAids in the Study of Geography and Astronomy, 2 vols., Publications of the Hispanic Society of America, no. 86 (NewHaven: Yale University Press, 1921; reprinted New York andLondon: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1971), vol. 1, fig. 5.His fame in the history of cartography rests largelyon his construction of a large terrestrial globe, at leastten feet in diameter,? to illustrate his own interpretationof Ulysses' wanderings. The motive for his cartographywas thus partly literary and historical rather than purelyscientific. As a Stoic, Crates proclaimed Homer the founder of geography, crediting him with belief in a sphericalearth and commenting on his poems accordingly. Toexplain Homer's line, "The Ethiopians who dwell sundered in twain, the farthermost of men,',8 Crates arguedthat on each side of an equatorial ocean there lived theEthiopians, divided by the ocean, one group in theNorthern Hemisphere, the other group in the Southern,without any interchange between them (fig. 10.2).Strabo thus reports:Crates, following the mere form of mathematicaldemonstration, says that the torrid zone is "occupied" by Oceanus, and that on both sides of this zoneare the temperate zones, the one being on our side,while the other is on the opposite side of it. Now,just as these Ethiopians on our side of Oceanus, whoface the south throughout the whole length of theinhabited world, are called the most remote of theone group of peoples, since they dwell on the shoresof Oceanus, so too, Crates thinks, we must conceivethat on the other side of Oceanus also there are Ethiopians, the most remote of the other group of peoplesin the temperate zone, since they dwell on the shoresof this same Oceanus. 9The scientific thinking behind the geography onCrates' globe was derived directly from the teaching ofEratosthenes about the relative size of the known world.By combining the geometric approach of his predecessorwith his own interpretation of Homer, he representedfour inhabited worlds on the surface of his terrestrialglobe. Two were in the Northern Hemisphere-the onewhere the Greeks lived, occupying far less than half ofthe Northern Hemisphere, and another symmetricallysituated in the other half. Two other inhabited worldsare found in the Southern Hemisphere, symmetrical withthe two north of the equator. These four worlds wereseparated by oceans along the equator (occupying thetorrid zone made uninhabitable by heat) and along ameridian. The inhabited areas were thus islands, withno communication between them.It is clear that this conception of four symmetricalland areas was a direct consequence of the geometry ofthe sphere and of the size Eratosthenes attributed to theinhabited world in relation to the total globe. Cratesdemonstrated this by drawing the four areas on the surface of his globe and suggesting that the three unknownlands could be similar to the known one. To give itCrates was supposed to have displayed this globe in Pergamum about150 B.C. See Edward Luther Stevenson, Terrestrial and CelestialGlobes: Their History and Construction, Including a Considerationof Their Value as Aids in the Study of Geography and Astronomy, 2vols., Publications of the Hispanic Society of America, no. 86 (NewHaven: Yale University Press, 1921; reprinted New York and London:Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1971), 1:7-8; Carl Wachsmuth, DeCrate Mal/ota (Leipzig, 1860); Hugo Berger, "Entwicklung der Geographie der Erdkugel bei den Hellenen," Die Grenzboten: Zeitschriftfur Politik, Literatur und Kunst 39.4 (1880): 403-17, esp. 408 ff.;Karl MiiIlenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, 5 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann, 1890-1920), 1:248.7. While Strabo, Geography 2.5.10 (note 2), clearly had Crates inmind when discussing the construction of a ten-foot globe, he doesnot claim that Crates' globe was this size. See Thomson, History ofAncient Geography, 202-3 (note 6).8. Homer Odyssey 1.23; see The Odyssey, 2 vols., trans. A. T.Murray, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress; London: William Heinemann, 1919-31).9. Strabo Geography 1.2.24 (note 2), translation adapted fromH. L. Jones edition.
Cartography in Ancient Europe and the Mediterranean164further credibility, he also drew in the main parallelcircles, emphasizing those defining the zones: these werethe tropics (at 24 distance from the equator), betweenwhich flowed the Ocean as envisaged by Homer, andthe two polar circles (at 66 distance from the equator).Crates' globe was thus a product of theoretical mathematical cartography, communicating an image of theworld that was very far from reality. Our understandingof its physical characteristics is meager, and there is noevidence to suggest how or of what material it was made,but its influence on the history of cartographic thoughthas been considerable. It was widely admired, and theprobability of the four inhabited worlds was generallyadmitted. As we shall see in a later chapter, the conceptof the equatorial ocean was transmitted to medieval Europe through Macrobius's commentary on Cicero'sDream of Scipio. Scholars of later times also vied eagerlyto give adequate names to these unknown worlds, buton the whole they did not doubt their existence. toEveryone, at least in the educated class, was used to theidea that the Antipodes flourished in the other temperatezone. Later on, coins were struck in Rome representingthe quadripartite globe crossed by two perpendicularbars as an imperial symbol, as shown in figure 10.3. 11to reform it through rigorous scientific observation anddeduction. To Ptolemy, Hipparchus was "that enthusiastic worker and lover of truth."n Modern historiansof science have recognized his major contributions tothe development of astronomy, resulting in his catalogof star positions, his writings on mathematical geography establishing the division of the circumference into360 degrees (the basis also for his instruments), and hisuse of tables of astronomically observed latitudes to determine positions on the terrestrial globe. 13Hipparchus was born in Nicaea (Iznik) in Bithynia,but he spent most of his life in Rhodes, where he isknown to have made astronomical observations from161 to 126 B.C. As an astronomer, Hipparchus wasparticularly interested in celestial cartography, and it isto this subject that his only surviving work, the Commentary on Eudoxus's and Aratus's Phaenomena,14 relates. It dealt with the celestial sphere, which had beencarefully described by Eudoxus and then popularizedthrough Aratus's poem (see above, pp. 141-42). Hipparchus aimed to correct errors committed by Eudoxus,repeated by Aratus, and thereafter commonly adoptedby educated people. His revision was designed to preventstudents of astronomy from being led astray by the magicof poetry. So Hipparchus went through the whole poemsystematically correcting mistakes and thus revising theglobe it represented.First of all, he criticized Eudoxus for having locatedthe celestial pole at the wrong place, marked by a star,10. See Stevenson, Terrestrial and Celestial Globes, 1:13 n. 26 (note6).FIG. 10.3. COIN OF LUCIUS AEMILIUS BUCA, 44 B.C. Theobverse design on this coin minted by a Roman patrician isderived from the globe of Crates, the crossed lines representingthe oceans.Diameter of the original: 3.7 em. Photograph from the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (A 12355).The writings of Polybius and Crates, even though theformer is known to us largely and the latter wholly atsecond hand, can thus be used to monitor a process ofchange by which Greek cartography under the patronageof Rome had been challenged and its Hellenistic foundations modified. In the second century B.C., however,it is the work of their contemporary Hipparchus (ca.190 to post 126 B.C.) that most clearly demonstratesboth an indebtedness to the earlier legacy and an ability11. L. Buca's coin (44 B.C.), showing a globe divided into four partsby crossed oceans, similar to Crates' globe.12. Ptolemy Almagest 3.1, 9.2; see Ptolemy's Almagest, trans.G. J. Toomer (London: Duckworth, 1984). "Lover of truth" wasPtolemy's most frequent epithet for Hipparchus; G. J. Toomer, "Hipparchus," in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, 16 vols., ed. CharlesCoulston Gillispie (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1970-80),15:220.13. Only Hipparchus's commentary on Aratus survives. Nevertheless, Hipparchus's work is known to have exerted a profound influencein the history of astronomy: Toomer, "Hipparchus," 220 (note 12),concludes that Hipparchus's "main contributions were to developmathematical methods enabling one to use the geometrical models forpractical prediction, and to assign numerical parameters to themodels." This is seen in Hipparchus's discovery of the precession ofthe equinoxes, his star catalog, his theor
10 · Greek Cartography in the Early Roman World PREPARED BY THE EDITORS FROM MATERIALS SUPPLIED BY GERMAINE AUJAe The Roman republic offers a good case for continuing to treat the Greek contribution to mapping as a separate strandin the historyofclassical cartography. Whil
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