Self-Perceptions Of Black Americans: Self-Esteem And .
Hughes, Michael, and David H. Demo. (1989). Self-perceptions of Black Americans: Self-esteem and personal efficacy.American Journal of Sociology, 95, 132 159.Made available courtesy of University of Chicago Press: http://www.press.uchicago.edu***Reprinted with permission. No further reproduction is authorized without written permission from the University ofChicago Press.***Self-Perceptionsof Black Americans:Self-Esteemand Personal EfficacylMichael Hughes and David H. DemoVirginiaPolytechnicInstituteand State UniversityracialThis in a 1980nationalsampleofblackself-esteem,and personalefficacyAmericans.The findingsshow thatthe threedimensionsare interrelationswithfamilyrelatedand each is anchoredin interpersonaland friends.However,thethreedimensionsare producedbyfundais f-esteeminfluencedby microsocialrelationswithfamily,friends,and community,whilepersonalefficacyis generatedthroughexperiencesinsocial statusesembeddedin macrosocialsystemsof social inequality.We concludethatblack self-esteemis insulatedfromsystemsofis not,and acybutexplainswhy black Americanshave relativelyhighself-esteemratherlow personalefficacy.The beliefthatracial w achievementamongblacksis irrelevantto personalself-esteemand personalefficacy.In conis producedby a combinationof education,trast,racial self-esteeminterracialcontact,and ideologicalprocesses.Two major dimensionsof self-perceptionknown to be positivelycorrelated are self-esteemand personal efficacy.Somewhat surprisingly,black Americanshave relativelyhighself-esteembut relativelylow personal efficacy.There is no widelyaccepted,empiricallysupportedexplanation for this apparent inconsistency.Most studiesin this area have1An earlierversionofthispaperwas presentedat on,Atlanta,Georgia,August1988.We thankCliffordL. Broman,WalterR. Gove,BradleyR. Hertel,CarolynJ. Kroehler,KayOehler,JamesW.Michaels,TeranceD. Miethe,RichardD. Shingles,Dale W. Wimberley,MichaelR.AJSreviewersforcommentson previousdrafts.The datausedWood,and anonymousin sortiumforPoliticalandSocial Research.The data fortheNationalSurveyofBlack S. Jacksonand GeraldGurin.Neitherthecollectorsof the originaldata nor theconsortiumbears any responsibilityforthe reprintsshouldbe senttoMichaelHughesor David H. ituteand StateUniversity,Blacksburg,Virginia24061.? 1989byThe UniversityofChicago.All rightsreserved.0002-9602/90/9501-0004 01.50132AJS Volume 95 Number 1 (July 1989): 132-59
Black Americansfocusedon theissue ofracial differencesin self-esteem,payingparticularattentionto whyblack Americansdo notgenerallyhave lowerself-esteemthanwhiteAmericansin spiteofthefactthatblacksexperiencelow socialstatusand economicand social discriminationin Americansociety(seePorterand Washington[1979]and Wylie[1979]forreviewsofthisliterature). These studies have also generatedresearchquestionsabout theprocessesinvolvedin black self-conceptdevelopment.In thisarticle,weevaluate some ofthesequestionsby spondentsin a largenationalprobabilitysampleofblack adults in the UnitedStates.LITERATURE REVIEWIt is wo separatedimensions,one representingan individual'sbeliefin his or her ownvirtueor moralworth,and the otherindicatinga sense of competence,efficacy,or personal control(Franks and Marolla 1976; Gecas 1982;Gecas and Schwalbe 1983).2 Though conceptuallydistinct,these twodimensionsare stronglyrelated,so thatthosewithhighpersonalefficacyalso have high self-esteem(Franks and Marolla 1976; Gecas andSchwalbe 1983). Studiescomparingblacks withwhiteshave shownthatifwe use whitesas a standard,blackshave relativelyhighself-esteembutlow personalefficacy.Self-EsteemAlthoughstudiesof black self-esteemhave concentratedon the issue ofracial differences(black vs. white),interpretationsof thesestudieshaveyielded argumentsconcerningthe process of self-esteemdevelopmentamongblacks. Many empiricalstudiesshow thatblackshave self-esteemequal to or greaterthanthatofwhites3(see, e.g., Gordon1969; Simmons2 In thisarticle,we willrefertotheworthdimensionofself-esteemas self-esteem(oraspersonalself-esteemwhereitmustbe ficacydimensionof self-esteemas personalefficacy.The studiesof self-esteemcitedhereuse the Rosenbergself-esteemscale or somecomparablemeasureof selfworth,unlessotherwisenoted.As Gecas (1982) has pointedout, diesof race and self-esteemexhibita somewhatcontradictorypattern(Wylie1979;McCarthyand Yancey 1971;Rosenberg1979;Porterand ackis associatedwithpoorself-esteemand laterstudiessuggestingtheopposite(foran analysisand debateoverthemeaningofthesefindings,see Adam [1978]and thecommentariesby Simmons[1978]and Pettigrew[1978]).3133
AmericanJournalof Sociologyet al. 1978;Taylorand Walsh 1979;Rosenbergand Simmons1972). Suchfindingsappear to contradictthreeacceptedtheoreticalprinciplesof selfesteem:reflectedappraisals,social comparisons,and self-attribution.The principleof reflectedappraisals (Cooley 1902; Rosenberg1979),whichindicatesthata person'sself-esteemis a productofhow thatpersonbelieves otherssee him, suggeststhat personsbelongingto low-statusgroupswill internalizethe negativeevaluationof societyand as a consequence have low self-esteem.Accordingto thesocial comparisonsprinciple (Festinger1954),self-esteemis, in part,a hersand makingpositiveor negativeselfevaluations. If blacks experiencelow levels of social and economicachievementin Americansocietyand recognizetheirstatusin comparison withwhites,thisshouldlead to low self-esteem.The principleofselfattribution(Bem 1967) indicatesthat self-esteemresultsfrompersons'observingtheirown overt behaviorand characteristics,especiallysuccesses and failures.This principlesuggeststhat as blacks pursuegoalsvalued bytheaverageAmericanbut are deterredbydiscrimination,theirexperienceof themselvesas failuresproduceslow self-esteem.Rosenberg(1981, pp. 604-7; 1979, pp. 157-75), however,arguesthatlow selfthe straightforwardapplicationof theseprinciplesto predictingesteemfor black Americansinvolves the followingerroneousassumptions:(1) thereflectedappraisalsimportantto black self-esteemare thoseof the wider,largelywhitesocietyratherthan thoseof family,friends,teachers,and classmatesin theblack community;(2) blacksuse whitesasthe standardin social comparisons;and (3) blacks attributeindividualresponsibilityforthelow statusaccordedblack people in Americansocietyto themselvesinsteadof blamingsystematicracial discrimination.Reflectedappraisals,social comparisons,and blackself-esteem.-Fornegativeattitudesof whitestoward blacks to affectblack self-esteem,blacks must be aware of these attitudes,accept them,considerthemand believethemto be personallyrelevant.Rosenberg(1979,significant,pp. 157-70) suggeststhatin mostcases theseconditionsare notmetandthus black self-esteemis unaffectedby the attitudesof whites.Instead,is stronglyrelatedto theamong black and white riends,and teachers(Rosenbergand Simmons 1972), and these sources of self-esteemare more importantforblacks than forwhites(Hoelter 1982).4For similar reasons, comparisons with whites do not contribute4 whomtheyperceiveas hav-ingfavorableattitudestowardthem(Backmanand Secord1959,1962;Dittes1959),blackswho choosewhitefriendsare likelyto choosethosewho hold moreraciallytolerantattitudes,and thisshouldprotectself-esteem.134
Black Americanssignificantlyto black self-esteem.Rosenbergand Simmons(1972) arguethat because adolescentscomparethemselveswith othersin theirownimmediateinterpersonalenvironments,black highschoolstudents,whoare usually surroundedby otherblacks, not whites,tend to comparethemselveswithotherblacks. Krause's (1983) studysupportsthisconclusion, showingthat interracialcontactamong studentsis irrelevanttoblack self-esteem.Studies that supportthe principlesof reflectedappraisals and socialcomparisonshave used childrenand adolescentsas subjects. However,the social contextsin which reflectedappraisals and social comparisonsforchildrenthan theyare foradults. For example,occur are differentRosenbergand Pearlin (1978) demonstratethat duringthe adult yearssocial class has an importantinfluenceon self-esteembecause reflectedappraisals and social comparisonsare generatedin social relationsconditionedby institutionalinequality.5Althoughwhitesdominatein socialclass and socioeconomicrelations,black adults, particularlythosewhoparticipatein the labor force,may play roles in institutionalsettingswherereflectedappraisalsof thedominantwhitesocietyand social comparisonswithwhitesmay be importantforblack self-esteem.and black self-esteem.-In the late 1960s and earlySelf-attribution1970s sociologistsargued that black Americanswere keenlyaware thatdiscriminationand ilureof the average black personto enjoya lifecomparablewiththoseof typicalwhites(see, e.g., Gurin et al. 1969). Presumably,this beliefprotectedblack self-esteemby enabling blacks to attributeblame forfailureto the social systemratherthan to themselvesas individuals(McCarthyand Yancey 1971; Porterand Washington1979).However, thereis littleempiricalsupportforthismechanismof selfesteemenhancement.Taylor and Walsh (1979) foundthatwhile blacksblamed the systemmore than lationshipbetweenrace and self-esteem.More important,theyfoundthatsystem-blamewas not relatedto positiveself-esteemforeitherblacksor whitesand, in fact,was weaklyassociatedwithpoorselfesteem. However, samplinglimitationsmake it unclear how relevantthesefindingsare to an understandingof the experienceof mostblacks.Religion and black self-esteem.-Religion has not been mentionedinthe literatureas an importantinstitutionalsource of self-esteem;mostdiscussionsfocuson family,friendship,school,and work.However,because the black churchis a centralinstitutionin a communitythat is5 Wylie(1979)has suggestedthatsocialclasshas a weakand cause race is a suppressorvariablein the class/selfesteemrelationship(Rosenbergand Pearlin1978,p. 55), class mayappear to be aweak predictorofself-esteemunlessraceis controlled.135
AmericanJournalof Sociologyisolated fromthe larger society(Nelsen and Nelson 1975; Blackwell1985),the social relationshipsemanatingfromthechurchand associatedjust aswith religionmay be an importantsource of black self-esteem,andtheyare a source of 1983).Mays and Nicholson's([1933]1971)empiricalstudyofthein generatingreflectedblack churchillustratesthe roleof thisinstitutionthatenhanceblackappraisals, social comparisons,and self-attributionsself-esteem.and to beThe opportunityfoundin theNegrochurchto be recognized,theself-respectof"somebody,"has stimulatedthe prideand veryonewantstoreceiverecognitionthisneed.A truckdriverheis appreciated.TheNegroChurchhassuppliedof averageor morethanordinaryofthequalitiesbecomesthechairmanof thedeaconboard.A hotelmanof someabilityis thesuperintendentchurch.A womanwhowouldSundaychurchschoolofa ratherimportantbe hardlynoticed,sociallyor otherwise,becomesa leadingwomanin themissionarysociety. [Maysand Nicholson1971,p. 289]Summary:Self-esteem.-In sum, the literaturesuggeststhe followingshould be trueforblack adults: (1) qualityof relationshipswithfamilyand friendsis positivelyrelated to self-esteem,(2) social contactwithand (3) religiousinvolvewhitesis generallyunimportantto self-esteem,It is unclearhow social classmentis an importantsourceof self-esteem.and system-blameare relatedto self-esteem.Racial Self-EsteemAnotherfactorprominentlymentionedin the literatureas beingimportantin black self-esteemis ethnicpride,or what Porterand WashingtonWhile studiesdone before1970, most in(1979) call racial atblacks generallyhad low racial self-esteem,studiesdone in thepast twodecades reportan increasingtendencyforblack childrento prefertheirown racial group(Hraba andGrant 1970; Katz and Zalk 1974). This trendsuggestsa subculturalexmovementplanationforracial ack childrenand youngadultsintoacceptingnew normsandwithvalues (Porterand Washington1979) and identifyingmorestronglytheirgroup(Krystallet al. 1970; Toomer 1975).This trendis also 1964, 1967). Accordingto this view, when the risingexpectationsofblacks in the 1950s and 1960s were not fulfilled,feelingsof fraternaldeprivationled to militancyand an associated ideologyinvolvinghighracial self-esteem(Porterand Washington1979). Empiricalstudiesreport136
Black Americansthat the most militantattitudesand highestethnicpride are foundingroupsthatcombinehighexpectationsand awarenessof discrimination:the young,male, and middle class (Kronus 1971; Sampson and Milam1975).Though racial self-esteemis clearlyimportantin its own right,mostinvestigatorspredictthat as racial self-esteemincreases,personalselfesteem increases (Porterand Washington1979, pp. 67-68), althoughestimatesof the strengthof this relationshipvary(Rosenbergand Simmons1972; Porter1971; Gurinand Epps 1975).The mostcomprehensivestudyis Rosenberg's(1979, pp. 177-90) analysisof childrenand adolescentsshowingthat groupidentificationand pridehave littlebearingonpersonal self-esteemfor racial or religious groups in contemporaryAmerica.This occurslargelybecause racial or religiousidentityis notasimportantas otheridentities.Unfortunately,thecorrelatesof racial selfesteemhave not been systematicallyexaminedamongblack adults.Summary:Racial self-esteem.-In sum, the relativelysmall body ofresearchon racial self-esteemsuggeststhatthe followingshouldbe trueare inverselyrelated,among black adults: (1) age and racial self-esteemis relatedto beingmale and beingmiddleclass, and(2) racial self-esteemwithpersonalself-esteem.(3) racial self-esteemhas a positiverelationshipPersonalEfficacyStudies of race differencesin personalefficacyfindthat blacks tend toscore lower than whites(Coleman et al. 1966; Gordon 1969; Hunt andHunt 1977). Evidence fromsurveysconductedin variousyearsfrom1958to 1976 indicates that there was no change in the race differenceinover this fficacymovementand improvementin the social status of black Americans(Converseet al. 1980, pp. 7-19). As noted above, given that personalare positivelycorrelated,and giventhat blacksefficacyand self-esteemhave relativelyhighself-esteem,the factthatblacks have relativelylowis somethingof an anomaly.Two possibleexplanationspersonalefficacyhave been prominentlymentioned.First, personalefficacyand self-esteemmay be uncorrelatedor onlyweaklyrelatedamongblacks (Hulbary1975,p. 113; Crain and Weisman1972,p. 81). If thisweretrue,it would suggestthatamongblacks globalself-esteemlacks an efficacycomponentand is largelya functionof selfworth.Second,low personalefficacy(i.e., highexternalcontrol)amongblacksmaybe a psychologicalreflectionoflow statusresourcesand a xternalcontrolmaythusrepresentnot a passive beliefin chance or fate but insteadsystem-blame,137
AmericanJournalof Sociologywhichindicatesa healthysensitivityto therealworld"(Porterand Washington1979, p. 65; see also Hulbary 1975, p. 113). Researchershaveargued that blamingthe system,a reflectionof externalcontrol,mayto rterand Washington1979), thusexplainingwhyblacks have bothrelativelyhighselfesteemand relativelylow personalefficacy.A seriousproblemwiththisis distinguishablefrom,and unrelatedargumentis thatpersonalefficacyto, system-blame(Gurinet al. 1969, pp. 36-41; Hulbary 1975, p. 113),whichis, in turn,unrelatedto self-esteem(Taylorand Walsh 1979).Nonetheless,personal efficacyamong blacks could be a productofsocial and economic inequality,quite independentof system-blame.Gecas and Schwalbe (1983; Gecas 1982; Schwalbe 1985) persuasivelyis themostimportantarguethatthe experienceof effectiveperformancefactorin the developmentof a sense of personalefficacy.Because thesocial contextsthat are particularlyconduciveto efficaciousactivityarein nature-part alofan individual'slocationin thatmacrostructure(specifically,socialclassand work)should be strongpredictorsof personalefficacy.-The literaturesuggeststhatthefollowSummary:Personal efficacy.ing should be true among black adults: (1) personalefficacyand selfesteemare positivelyrelated,and (2) social class is a strongpredictorofpersonalefficacy.THE PROBLEMThe literatureon self-conceptamong black Americansoffersno unambut lowbiguous answer to why blacks have relativelyhighself-esteempersonalefficacy.A seriousproblemwith previousstudiesis that theirdata are largelyfromsamples of childrenand adolescentsor restrictedof blacksamplesof adults. Because thesesamplesare notrepresentativeadultsand because some importantvariables(e.g., workand social classvariables)maynothave mucheffectuntiladulthood,it is unclearhowthederivedfromthesesamplesapplyto theadultblack popugeneralizationslationof the UnitedStates.Our purposesin thisstudyare to evaluatethegeneralizationspresentedin the summarysectionsabove, usinga nationalsampleof black Ameriblackabouthow social processesinfluencecans, and to applyourfindingstoward understandingself-perceptionswhy black Americanshave relabut low personalefficacy.tivelyhighself-esteemis largelya productof interperWe hypothesizethatblack self-esteemsonal relationsin the familyand communityand is notstronglyaffectedby dimensionsof institutionalinequality.This would explainwhyblack138
Black Americansself-esteemis relativelyhigh in spite of the factthat blacks experienceand low social and economicstatus. An alternativehydiscriminationis dependentmostlyon racialself-esteempothesisis thatblack self-esteemor on blamingthe systemforlow socioeconomicachievement.We also hypothesizethatpersonalefficacyamongblacks is dependentrelatedtoon theexperienceofefficaciousactivityand is thereforestronglydimensionsof institutionalinequalitysuch as occupationalprestige,eduagainstblacks,cation,and income. Given the historyof discriminationThethiswould explainwhyblacks have relativelylow personalefficacy.is dependenton thedegreecompetinghypothesisis thatpersonalefficacyin perceptionsof discrimination(i.e., sysof externalcontrolas reflectedtem-blame).DATA AND METHODSThe SampleData forthisstudycome fromthe National Surveyof Black Americans(NSBA) (Jacksonand Gurin 1987). Jacksonand Gurin(1987, p. i) pro"The NSBA is a nationalprobavide veyof 2,107 black Americans,18 yearsof age andolder,conductedin 1979 and 1980. The 2,107 faceto facehouseholdinterviewswere conductedby an all black, male and femaleprofessionalinterviewingstaff,trainedand supervisedby the SurveyResearchCenter, Institutefor Social Research, The Universityof Michigan." The69%. The sample containsa "disparityresponserate was approximatelyin theproportionof womento men and a slighttendencyto underrepreolder women"sent youngerpeople of both sexes and to overrepresent(Jacksonand Gurin 1987, p. iv). Otherdetails concerningthe data setand samplingproceduremaybe foundinJacksonand Gurin(1987,pp. inotedheredo notaffectthepatternvii). The smallsamplingirregularitiesof our findings.Analysesrunwithinage and gendercategoriesand thoseproducedwitha weightingschemedesignedto correctforsamplingerrorsregardingage and genderare substantivelyidenticalwith the analysespresentedbelow.occuroverformationBecause theprocessesresponsibleforself-conceptdata. Unfortunately,time,theoptimaldesignwould involvelongitudinaltheNSBA is a cross-sectionalstudy,and theresultsofouranalysisshouldthereforebe viewed with some caution. However, readersshould ureon self-concepttionis based on cross-sectionalstudies(Demo 1984)and thatthereare nodatalarge national samples of black adults fromwhich self-perceptionhave been collectedat differentpointsin time.139
AmericanJournalof SociologyVariablesscaleDependentvariables.-(a) Self-esteem:Our six-itemself-esteemscale: "I feelthatincludestwo itemsfromRosenberg's(1979) self-esteemI'm a personof worth,"and "I feelI do not have muchto be proudof."Two items are fromthe self-esteemscale used in the MonitoringtheFuture Project (Bachman and Johnston1978): "I feel that I can't doanythingright,"and "I feelthatmy lifeis not veryuseful."Two additionalitemswereincludedto forma scale measuringtheworthdimension"I am a usefulpersonto have around,"and "As aofpersonalself-esteem:personI do a goodjob thesedays." Four responsecategoriesrangingfrom"almostalwaystrue"to "nevertrue"wereprovidedforeach statement.Ina factoranalysisof all six items,two factorsemerge,one of positivelywordeditemsand theotherofnegativelywordeditems.This is typicalofself-esteemscales thathave bothpositivelyand negativelywordeditemsresponsestylesto such(Carminesand Zeller 1979,pp. 62-70) and reflectsitems.Beforesummingthe scale, we recodedthe negativeitemsso thatforall itemswere in the positivedirection.The cxreliabilitycoefficientthisscale is .66.(b) Personal efficacy:The NSBA asked fourquestionsmeasuringreand confidencein managingtheirownspondents'feelingsof self-controllives. These are themosthighlycorrelateditems(Wright1976,p. 107) ina commonlyused scale of personalefficacy(see Robinsonand Shaver[1969, pp. 102-5] fora briefdiscussionof the scale and its historyandvalidity).This scale has fouritems,each withtwo responses:(1) "Do youthinkit'sbetterto plan yourlifea good waysahead, or wouldyou say lifeis too mucha matterof luck to plan ahead veryfar?"(2) "Whenyou domake plans ahead, do you usually get to carryout thingsthe way youexpected,or do thingsusuallycomeup to makeyou changeyourplans?"(3) "Have you usuallyfeltprettysure yourlifewould workout the wayyou want it to, or have therebeen timesyou haven'tbeensureaboutit?"(4) "Some people feeltheycan run theirlives prettymuchthe way theywant to, othersfeeltheproblemsoflifeare sometimestoo big forthem."The a reliabilitycoefficientforthisscale is .57. Wright(1976) has shownthat this measureis itical trust. Our own analysis (not shown) using the same factoranalyticstrategyemployedby Wright(1976, pp. 105-9) indicatesthatthismeasureof personalefficacyis empiricallydistinctfromour measureof personalself-esteem.is notofracialself-esteemThe operationalization(c) Racial self-esteem:forblacksas thebeliefstandardized.We operationalizeracial self-esteemand do notpossessthatmostblack people possesspositivecharacteristicsThe measurementamountsto an overallevaluanegativecharacteristics.140
Black Americanstionofblack people as a group.The questionwas worded:"How truedo?" The questionwas comyou thinkit is thatmostblack peoplepleted with the followingcharacteristics:(a) keep trying,(b) love theirfamilies,(c) are ashamed, (d) are lazy, (e) neglecttheirfamilies,(f) arelyingand trifling,(g) are hardworking,(h) do forothers,(i) giveup easily,(j) are weak, (k) are proudofthemselves,(1) are honest,(m)are selfish,(n)are strong.Responseswere coded (1) true,(2) somewhattrue,(3) a littletrue,and (4) nottrueat all. Responseswererecodedso thatall itemswerein thepositivedirection.The otreliabilitycoefficientforthisscale is .80.Social class and workvariables.-(a) Socioeconomicstatus:As indicators of the respondent'slocation in the macrostructureof Americansociety,we use years of education,personalincome,and occupationalprestige.The NSBA providesthe 1970 census's three-digitoccupationcode. We assignedto each case the NORC and Duncan igitoccupationcodes(fordetails,see Featherman,Sobel, and Dickens 1975). We thencalculatedz-scoresforboth measuresof occupationalprestigeand used each respondent'saverage score as his occupationalprestigescore. Analysesinclude thisvariable onlyforpersonsemployedat the timeof the interview.(b) Job characteristics:Job security,expectedmobility,self-perceptionof work quality, and job satisfactionalso may have an effecton selfperception(Kohn and Schooler 1983; Mortimerand Lorence 1979). Foremployedrespondents,we include indicatorsof the respondent'sperceived chances of losinghis job, perceivedchances of being promoted,and self-ratedjob satisfaction.We also includean itemmeasuringselfratedjob performancethatwas asked of all respondents.itselfmay contributeto positiveself(c) Employment:As employmentthosewho have aevaluation,we includea dummyvariableto distinguishcurrentjob fromall others(1 not employed).Family,friendships,and religion.-Research indicatesthat,as is thecase for children,the quality of familyrelationsis importantto selfesteemamong adults (Demo, Small, and Savin-Williams1987). Becauseadultsspendconsiderableamountsoftimein extrafamilialcontexts,however, it is also importantto examine the nature and quality of theirinformalrelationshipswithfriends.The four-itemfactor-weightedscalecontainstwo itemsassessingtheclosenessofand satisfactionwithfamilyrelationsand two items assessingthe quality of familyand friendshiproles.6Factor analysis extracteda single factorwith an eigenvalueof6 An anonymousreviewerofa s"Beinga goodfriend"and "Takingcare of yourfamily'swantsand needs"in the qualityof familyandfriendshiprelationsscale. First,althoughtheitemsconcerningclosenessand satisfac141
AmericanJournalof Sociology1.57, accountingfor39.5% of the variance in the fouritems.Four responsecategorieswere providedforeach question(factorloadingsare inparentheses):(1) "Would you say yourfamilymembersare veryclose intheirfeelingsto each other,fairlyclose,nottoo close,or notclose at all?"(.530); (2) "How satisfiedare you withyourfamilylife,thatis, the timeyou spend and the thingsyou do withmembersof yourfamily?"(.695);(3) "Given the chancesyou have had, how well have you done in takingcare ofyourfamily'swantsand needs?"(.685); (4) "Giventhechancesyouhave had, how well have you done at beinga good friend?"(.587).To measurereligiousinvolvement,we combinedthreeitemsintoonescale using factoranalysisto weighteach item. The factoranalysisextracteda singlefactorwithan eigenvalueof 1.90, accountingfor63.3%of the variancein the threeitems.The itemsand thefactorloadingsforeach itemare as follows:(1) "How oftendo you usuallyattendreligiousservices?"(.804); (2) "How religiouswould you say you are?" (.781);(3) "How oftendo you read religiousbooks or otherreligiousmaterials?"(.800).Ethnicityand racial ideologyvariables.-(a) System-blameand interis an additivescale of tworacial contact:Our measureof system-blameitems. Respondentswere asked to respondto two questionswith twopossiblechoices:(1) "In theUnitedStates,ifblack peopledon'tdo well intionwithfamilylifemaybe hetworoleitemsmaynotbe and thereforemaynotbelongin thescale. Second,thetworoleitemsmaybe measuringthesamethingas someitemsintheself-esteemscale(e.g.,"I am a usefulpersonto havearound"),and thusanyrelationshipfoundbetweenselfesteemand qualityoffamilyand friendshipmaybe an artifactofmeasurement.Wearguethatthetwoitemsin aisaland socialcomparisonprocesses.Empirically,we findthatwhenitemsfrombothscalesareincludedin milyand friendshipscaleload on a singlefactor,fromtheselfdistinctesteemscale items.We believethattheanalysesherethatuse thefour-itemqualityofand ossiblewiththesedata oftheeffectsofcloseinterpersonalrelationson self-esteem.We orthetheoreticalimplicationsofthepresentstudyareon includingdependentthetworole-qualityitems,as we e foundthefollowing:thequalityof(1) whenwe enteredfamilyand friendshipitemsin a setofregressionsas separatevariablesand h contributedindependentlyto vedto be ) when we reducedthe qualityof familyand friendshipscale to two itemsbytheitemsaboutbeinga goodfriendand gressionsanalogousto thosebelow, we foundthe same ngsignificantofthereduced(P .001)effectstwo-itemscale.142
Black Americanslifeit is because: one, theydon'tworkhardto getahead, or two,theyarekeptback because of theirrace"; and (2) "In thiscountry,ifblack peopledo notgeta good educationorjob, it is because:one, theyhaven'thad thesame chancesas whitesin thiscountry,or two,theyhave no one to blamebut themselves."The correlationbetweenthe two itemsis .370. A high(or the system)is blamed.scoreindicatesthatdiscriminationThe measureof
Self-Esteem and Personal Efficacyl Michael Hughes and David H. Demo Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University This study examines the determinants of personal self-esteem, racial self-esteem, and personal efficacy in a 1980 national sample of black American
compound identities—African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, Irish Americans, Italian Americans, Native Americans—that jointly indicate the communities from which they come and the nation they now sh
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A Qualitative Study of Retired Olympic Athletes Michelle Pannor Silver Self-perceptions about aging have implications for health and well-being; however, less is known about how these perceptions influence adaptation to major life transitions.The goal of this study was to examine how high-performance athletes' perceptions
kills more African Americans than any other type of cancer.22 In 2019, it is estimated that 25,390 African Americans will be diagnosed with lung cancer and 16,550 23African Americans will die from it. The relative five year survival rate for lung cancer is lower among African Americans than among whites (16% compared to 19%).24
Asian Americans, but were significantly more favorable than the adjectives associated with stereotypes about African Americans. Stereotypes about Native Americans, Asian Americans and African Americans were also compared along the dimensions of the stereotype content model (S
self-respect, self-acceptance, self-control, self-doubt, self-deception, self-confidence, self-trust, bargaining with oneself, being one's own worst enemy, and self-denial, for example, are thought to be deeply human possibilities, yet there is no clear agreement about who or what forms the terms between which these relations hold.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL ILLUSTRATION 8 IMAGE GALLERY - SCRAN images to draw IMAGE GALLERY - illustrations from the 19 th century to the present day IMAGE GALLERY - illustrations from 19th century to the present day STONE WORK Stones with incised crosses, St N inian’s Cave, Wigtownshire. Illustration from Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland (1884-85), Figs. 2 and 3, p84 .
