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Towards a Theory of Democratic Global EconomicGovernance:Hybridization of Soft and Hard Law in the Case of Genderwithin the World Trade OrganizationbyJudit FabianB.Sc., B.A., M.A.A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairsin partial fulfillment of the requirements forthe degree of Doctor of PhilosophyinPolitical ScienceCarleton UniversityOttawa, Ontario, CanadaJanuary 2015Copyright Judit Fabian, 2015

iiNo endeavour that is worthwhile is simple in prospect;if it is right,it will be simple in retrospect.11Teller, Ede / Edward, Better a Shield Than a Sword: Perspectives on Defense Technology (NewYork: Free Press, 1987), 241. Another version of the quote reads as follows: “I believe that no endeavorthat is worthwhile is simple in prospect; if it is right, it will be simple in retrospect.” Quoted by JudithShoolery (2004) in Hargittai, István, The Martians of Science: Five Physicists Who Changed the TwentiethCentury (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 251.The quote signifies Teller’s firm belief that sustainable peace and security rest on people’s willingness tocontinue to observe treaties that they perceive to be instrumental to sustaining peace and security over alonger period of time and in changing circumstances. In his opinion, by necessity, such treaties would haveto be based on agreement, understanding, and legitimacy. What exactly these treaties might be will onlybecome clear in hindsight, when we might also realize that they were simple after all. But before we getthere, we tend to make things complicated – a difficult process that might also signify that, after all, if theprocess arrived at something simple, it was a worthwhile exercise. Teller (1908-2003) was a Hungarianborn American nuclear physicist, who was known, perhaps surprisingly after the foregoing, as “the fatherof the hydrogen bomb.”

iiiIn memoriamSzondi Béla István Jr.(Dec 2, 1974 – October 21, 2008)

ivAbstractThe study is about democracy. It asks whether global economic governance(GEG) can take a democratic turn by testing whether the representation of women andwomen’s interests can be accomplished within the World Trade Organization (WTO).The test answers the question because the representation of women and women’sinterests is a sine qua non of democracy in the 21st century, and because the WTO is thehardest case amongst institutions of GEG for the representation of women and women’sinterests. This produces two corollaries: if the WTO cannot incorporate a sine qua non ofdemocracy, then GEG cannot become democratic without significant institutionalrestructuring; if the representation of women and women’s interests can be accomplishedin the ‘hardest case,’ it should be possible within GEG generally.So proceeding, the study builds a framework for democratic GEG called InclusiveGlobal Institutionalism (IGI), comprising the principles inclusion, caution, simplicity,legitimacy and flexibility. IGI, balancing juridification, hybridization and pathdependency, is preferred over three ideas of democratic global governance: a globaldemocratic state, ‘multitude,’ and ‘a new world order of networks.’ The study validatesits test by showing that the representation of women and women’s interests can standproxy for democratization, while the WTO can stand proxy for GEG. The former isaccomplished by critiquing Pitkin’s ‘substantive representation’ and ‘potentiality,’advancing a more expansive concept of representation. The latter is accomplished bydeveloping seven ‘Moments of Juridification’ showing that the WTO represents the postWWII juridification of GEG, and nine ‘Reasons’ why the WTO is the ‘hardest case.’The study determines that the representation of women and women’s interests ismade possible by hybridizing soft and hard law in the Enhanced Integrated Frameworkand Aid-for-Trade, which require WTO interaction with other IOs, but are brought withinthe WTO’s Committee for Trade and Development in Aid-for-Trade session. This allowsthe conclusion that democratization of GEG is not impossible, and that representation ofwomen and women’s interests is possible within the WTO without fundamental structuralreform. The study finally concludes that to balance juridification, hybridization and pathdependency is necessary to any stable democracy or sustained democratization.

vAcknowledgementsAlthough the dissertation is one result of a strong curiosity sustained over alengthy period of time by a single person, there were many along the way who assisted itscompletion. Help and assistance came in professional and personal forms and in differentstages of the project. Some sustained their support throughout. I would like to thank themhere for their support and for the opportunities that I was lucky to have enjoyed.To begin, I would like to extend particular thanks and gratitude to the members ofmy dissertation committee, all of whom are from Carleton University: Randall D.Germain, Professor of Political Science (Supervisor); Jill M. Vickers, FRSC,Distinguished Research Professor and Emeritus Chancellor’s Professor of PoliticalScience; Laura Macdonald, Professor of Political Science and Director of the Institute ofPolitical Economy; and Paul Davidson, Professor Emeritus of Law and Legal Studies.This group of people, I believe, consists of the very best possible minds this project couldhave had as advisors. Their intellect, strength, determination, patience, and unmatchedability to focus on what is important in life have influenced me greatly. They wereinstrumental to the completion of this project and guided my intellectual curiosity anddevelopment. They also were instrumental in guiding me through my personaldevelopment along the way. Their holistic approach to teaching, research, and mentorshipis a great example for all.My two external examiners, I believe, are also the very best this project couldhave had. The interest showed by my external examiner, Jacqui True (Professor ofPolitics and International Relations of the School of Social Sciences, and Associate Deanof Research for the Faculty of Arts, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia), in thisproject had enormous academic value. Professor True’s very informative andknowledgeable report upon the dissertation provided very useful feedback, which willmost likely extend into many years to come. Her leading off the defence provided for theopening of a very fruitful discussion and made the defence surprisingly pleasant. RianneMahon (Professor and CIGI Chair in Comparative Social Policy, Balsillie School ofInternational Affairs and the Faculty of Social Work, Wilfrid Laurier University,Waterloo, Canada), also provided excellent feedback. Her searching mind andenthusiasm about the nuts and bolts of some of the foundations of the dissertation openedvery useful avenues for discussion. Finally, thanks goes to the Chair of the examinationboard, Michel Gaulin (Professor Emeritus of French, Carleton University), whose calmguidance of the defence process helped to put even the most nervous of us (me) at ease.A special thanks needs to be extended to Carleton University, and the Departmentof Political Science for ‘housing’ the research. Particular thanks goes to theadministrative staff current and past. They were very helpful and made me feel at home.Next, I would like to thank my closest family for their loving support: my parents,Julianna and Laszlo Fabian, and my sister Erika Fabian. They have had to endure myabsence from their lives for many years in order to finally see my efforts culminate in thisdissertation. Thank you for your loving support and patience.A very special thanks goes to my partner, Colin Borgal, who has seen me throughthis project and the PhD program with enormous patience and support. He hasaccompanied me on some of my research trips, served as a sounding board, and helpedme with quiet and gentle determination through the times when I wanted to throw all of

vimy work into the garbage. He read drafts and edited at different points in the life of thethesis, which helped me express my sometimes too complex thoughts. The dissertationwould not have been completed without his continual support.A thank you should also be extended to Colin’s parents, George and ShirleyBorgal, who were sufficiently confident in, and perhaps even sufficiently impatienttoward, my pursuit of difficult questions and my inclination to try to answer them, thatthey gifted me a book entitled The Wayfinders.Further, I would like to thank my numerous good friends who helped ‘sustain’ methroughout the years. Some were part of my life for only a part of the PhD process, somewere with me throughout. They are in different countries and in many differentprofessions. You know who you are: thank you to all! I would, however, like to singleout one person, Brad Cook, who has been my very good friend for almost half mylifespan. The importance of his support in life’s thick and thin is immeasurable.No research can be done without financial support. This research was very luckyto be funded entirely from academic sources. The project was supported by a ResearchTravel Grant by the Centre for European Studies (CES) at Carleton University (the grantwas administered by CES, and provided jointly by CES and the European Commission);by a conference bursary from the Centre for the Study of Globalisation andRegionalisation (CSGR) at the University of Warwick; by a travel and conferencebursary from the Canada Project Symposium at the International University ofKagoshima; by a conference invitation and bursary from the Russia Trade andDevelopment Project at the Centre for Trade Policy and Law, Ottawa; by an OntarioGraduate Scholarship; by a Kalmen Kaplansky Scholarship in Economic and SocialRights; by a bursary from the Baha’i Community of Canada; and by scholarships andbursaries from the Department of Political Science and Faculty of Graduate Studies atCarleton University. I am thankful to all who facilitated my funding by supplying thefunds, administering them, awarding them, or supporting me in my pursuit of them.I would also like to thank all who agreed to participate in the confidentialinterviews and those who facilitated arranging the interviews. In identifying some of myfirst contacts, the Delegation of the European Commission to Canada in Ottawa, LucieLamarche (Professor of Law, University of Ottawa, Canada), and Catherine Hoskyns(Professor Emeritus of European Studies, Coventry University, UK) provided me withinvaluable help. I also thank the numerous people who so generously shared their timeand knowledge with me and so patiently answered my questions during confidentialinterviews at EU DG-Trade in Brussels, Belgium, the WTO Secretariat in Geneva,Switzerland, and various NGOs working on gender, human rights, environment, andpoverty vis-à-vis global trade, mostly based in Geneva, Switzerland.The project also benefited from invitations to conferences, symposia andworkshops, at which the research was shared as it developed. The research was generallycommunicated at these meetings by delivering an academic paper or a report on morespecific questions of policy. These experiences were helpful in the exploration andrefinement of the study, including in defining future directions the research might take;therefore, they deserve special thanks and are briefly discussed below.Academic presentations in Canada, the United Kingdom, and Japan, constitutedsome of the substantive chapters of the dissertation. More specifically, “Can GlobalEconomic Governance Take a Democratic Turn? Gender and the WTO” was presented as

viipart of the International Political Economy Network Seminar Series at the Centre forInternational Policy Studies, University of Ottawa, Canada (February 13, 2013). “TheLegitimacy of the Mulier Economicus: the Cases of APEC and the WTO” was presentedto Women-Friendly Democracy: Conference in Honour of Jill McCalla Vickers atCarleton University, Ottawa, Canada (November 9-10, 2007). “The Legitimacy ofMulier Economicus: the Cases of APEC, the WTO and the EU” was presented toPathways to Legitimacy? A conference organized by the Centre for the Study ofGlobalisation and Regionalisation (CSGR) and the Global Governance, Regionalisationand the Regulatory Framework (GARNET) at the University of Warwick, Coventry,United Kingdom (September 17-19, 2007). “Management of Differences:Conceptualizing the Relationship between the Global Trade Regime and Gender Regimesin the Canadian Context” was presented to the Canada Project Symposium at theInternational University of Kagoshima, Kagoshima, Japan (July 6, 2006). “MulierEconomicus: Gender and the World Trade Organization” was presented to the AnnualConference of the Canadian Political Science Association at York University, Toronto,Canada (June 1-3, 2006); and “Gender and Trade: Implications for Global EconomicGovernance” was presented to the symposium entitled Cultural Policies, TradeLiberalization, and Identity Politics: Testing the Limits of the State at the University ofWindsor, Windsor, Canada (May 12-14, 2006).The above experiences resulted in some very constructive discussions withacademics in the field. Some were short-lived, others were more sustained: they all lefttheir marks by encouragement or a helping hand. Thanks, in chronological order ofmeetings, to: Anna Lanoszka (Associate Professor in Political Science, University ofWindsor, Canada), Theodore Cohn (Professor Emeritus in Political Science, SimonFraser University, Canada), Christopher Maule (at time of contact, Professor Emeritusand Distinguished Research Professor in Economics and International Affairs and aresearch associate of the Centre for Trade Policy and Law, Carleton University, Canada),Donna Lee (Dean of the School of Social and International Studies, University ofBradford, UK; University Senior Tutor, University of Birmingham, UK), CatherineHoskyns (Professor Emerita of European Studies and Gender Politics, CoventryUniversity, UK), Brigitte Young (Professor Emeritus of International Political Economyat the Institute of Political Science, University of Münster, Germany), Ann Florini(Professor of Public Policy, Singapore Management University), Manfred Elsig(Associate Professor of International Relations and Deputy Managing Director of theWorld Trade Institute of the University of Bern, Switzerland), Elizabeth Smythe(Professor of Political Science, Concordia University, Canada), Isabella Bakker(Distinguished Research Professor in Political Science and Trudeau Fellow, YorkUniversity, Canada), Hans-Martin Jaeger (Associate Professor in Political Science,Carleton University, Canada), Elizabeth Friesen (Instructor, Carleton University,Canada), and Patrick Leblond (Associate Professor at the Graduate School of Public andInternational Affairs, University of Ottawa, Canada).Policy-oriented presentations took place in Canada and in Russia. “TheLegitimacy of Mulier Economicus” was presented to the symposium entitled TheFeminist Economics of Trade, organized by the Society for International Developmentand hosted by the North-South Institute in Ottawa, Canada (February 7, 2008). “Genderand Trade: Implications for Global Economic Governance” was presented to the

viiiconference Socio-Economic Impacts of International Economic Policy. The conferencewas part of the Russia Trade and Development Project: 2004–2007 administered by theCentre for Trade Policy and Law, which facilitated Russia's WTO accession andincreased integration into the global economy. The conference took place in Moscow,Russia (November 14-15, 2006).2These experiences also resulted in helpful discussions in the field, both withpractitioners and with academics. I would like to thank a few people whom I felt left theirmark on my ideas during the course of our discussions. Again in order of meeting, theyinclude: Heather Gibb (at time of contact, Research Associate, The North-SouthInstitute), Sarah Geddes (at the time of contact, Associate at the Centre for Trade Policyand Law, Carleton University, Canada), Gurushri Swamy (Independent Researcher, exSenior Economist, World Bank, USA), and Barbara J. Orser (Deloitte Professor in theManagement of Growth Enterprises at the Telfer School of Management, University ofOttawa, Canada).Being shortlisted for academic prizes of excellence in my field encouraged me tocontinue with the project. These include the Jill Vickers Prize established by theCanadian Political Science Association, and the Stein Rokkan Award established by theInternational Political Science Association. Both stand for areas of study that are ofcrucial importance for this research.Finally, I thank my students, particularly those in my seminar courses onTransitions to Democracy (PSCI 4505) (2008 – 2011) at the Political Science Departmentat Carleton University, in which, on multiple occasions and in a very multiculturalenvironment, we explored questions concerning the 4th wave of democratization,including ideas of democratic global governance. The discussions were excellent andpaved the way to many new thoughts.In sum, many thanks to the people who believed in the project and in me, and allwho developed or sustained an interest in what I thought was interesting and worthwhileto research.2A list of both academic and policy contributions associated with the research can be found in theAppendix.

ixTable of ContentsAbstract . ivAcknowledgements . vTable of Contents . ixList of Figures . xivList of Tables . xivList of Appendices . xivList of Acronyms . xviPreface. xxiChapter 1 – Introduction . 1Contributions to Scholarship . 8Data Used . 13Chapter Outline . 16Chapter 2 – A Framework for Democratic Global Economic Governance: FormulatingInclusive Global Institutionalism (IGI) by Means of Hybridization of Hard and Soft Lawwithin Institutions. 27Thinking It Through: Four Ideas of Democratic Global Governance . 28The Idea of a Global Democratic State . 30The Idea of ‘Multitude’ and the Role of Global Civil Society . 38The Idea of ‘A New World Order of Networks’ and the Danger of ‘Empire’ . 47Democratic Global Governance - Inclusive Global Institutionalism (IGI) . 58Inclusion . 62Caution . 65Simplicity . 67Legitimacy . 68Flexibility . 70Understanding the Movement between Hard Law and Soft Law . 71Understanding ‘Juridification’ . 79Hybridization of Hard Law and Soft Law within International Organizations of GEG. 107Conclusion. 110

xChapter 3 – A Proxy for Democratization: The Representation of Women and Women’sInterests . 115A Sine Qua Non of Democracy in the 21st Century: The Representation of Women andWomen’s Interests . 116Understanding Representation at the Global Level: ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ as anAvenue for the Representation of Women and Women’s Interests . 121Chapter 4 – A Proxy for GEG I: General Trends and Specific ‘Moments of Juridification’of the WTO . 150The General Trend of Juridification of Global Economic Governance . 153The Juridification of the WTO in Seven Moments . 161Moment 1: From the ITO to the GATT and then to the WTO – ConstitutiveJuridification . 163The Ministerial Conference . 172The TPRB . 173Moment 2: The Continual Increase of Parties to the GATT and WTO . 176Moment 3: Dispute Settlement (from Articles XXII and XXIII to the DSB) . 181Articles XXII and XXIII under the GATT . 181The DSB . 199Moment 4: Development: from GATT Part IV through the Doha DevelopmentAgenda . 203The Doha Development Agenda . 211Moment 5: Extra-GATT Agreements and Subordinate Councils to the WTO (Tradein Goods, GATS, TRIPS and TRIMS) . 218The Anti-Dumping Codes and Article VI . 218Extra-GATT Agreements Administered by the WTO . 220Moment 6: Increasing Consultation and Cooperation with NGOs. 225Moment 7: The Proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) . 237Conclusion. 252Chapter 5 – A Proxy for GEG II: Why the WTO is the ‘Hardest Case’ amongst theInstitutions of GEG . 258Reason 1: The Traditional Gender Blindness of International Relations andInternational Political Economy . 260Reason 2: The Traditional Gender Blindness of Economic Thought and the Need toConstruct an Understanding of Mulier Economicus . 266Towards a Feminist Economics of Trade? . 270Reason 3: It Was Not Possible for Women to ‘Get In On The Ground Floor’ . 280

xiReason 4: The Antagonism of Gender and Trade Activism toward NeoliberalEconomics and Institutions Perceived as Neoliberal . 285Reason 5: The WTO was Relatively Closed to Civil Society Involvement for Longerthan Most Other Institutions of Regional and Global Economic Governance . 300Reason 6: The Requirement for Consensus and the Single Undertaking . 325Reason 7: The Locus of Power Rests with the Members – The Importance of MemberProposals . 328Reason 8: The Limited Ability of the Secretariat to Improve the Representation ofWomen and Women’s Interests . 334Reason 9: The Question of Women’s Rights as Human Rights and the WTO DisputeSettlement System as Lex Specialis . 342Conclusion. 364Chapter 6 – Meeting of the Proxies I: Possibilities in WTO Hard Law via the DSB . 366How Disputes are Settled . 369Indirect Approaches through Exceptions in WTO Agreements. 373Analogous Disputes? . 374Article XX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade . 379Agreement on Agriculture (AoA). 392Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures . 394Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures . 397General Agreement on Trade in Services . 398Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights . 405The Indirect Approach – Conclusions . 409The Direct Approach . 412A ‘Violation Complaint’ Under SCM . 415A ‘Non-Violation Complaint’ – GATT Article XXIII:1(b) . 420Conclusion. 426Chapter 7 – Meeting of the Proxies II: The Trojan Horse of Aid for Trade, or theHybridization of Soft and Hard Law within the WTO . 429Soft and Hard Law, Legitimacy, and Gender Analysis: What can be Learned fromAPEC and EU DG-Trade? . 435Soft Law and Legitimacy - APEC . 437Hard Law and Legitimacy - WTO . 443

xiiThe Legitimacy of ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ within APEC and the WTO. 449The Correlations Revisited and the Suggestion of Hybridization . 456Objections . 458A Renewed WTO? The IF, the EIF, and Aid for Trade . 460Conclusion. 480Chapter 8 – Conclusion . 485The Study and Its Literature . 497Juridification and Hybridization . 498Representation, Women and IOs . 501The Five Principles of IGI . 504Inclusion . 504Caution . 505Simplicity .

board, Michel Gaulin (Professor Emeritus of French, Carleton University), whose calm guidance of the defence process helped to put even the most nervous of us (me) at ease. A special thanks needs to be extended to Carleton University, and the Department of Political Science for 'housing' the research. Particular thanks goes to the

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