MARRIAGE AND ELITE STRUCTURE IN RENAISSANCE
MARRIAGE AND ELITE STRUCTURE IN RENAISSANCE FLORENCE, 12821500John F. PadgettPolitical ScienceUniversity of ChicagoOctober 7, 1994Paper prepared for delivery to the Social Science HistoryAssociation, Atlanta, Georgia, October 14, 1994. Paper orinformation herein not to be cited without permission. c
1MARRIAGE AND ELITE STRUCTURE IN RENAISSANCE FLORENCE, 12821500John F. PadgettUniversity of ChicagoThis conference paper is an interim report from a largescale project to trace transformations in Florentine elitenetwork structures over two centuries. In this paper, Iconfine myself solely to a description of previously iage.Knowledgable readers will immediately see that these timately, I am primarily interested in the politicalimplications of the trends I herein describe. But for now I donot engage in interpretation, explanation, or argumentation. Iintend simply to lay out some new facts. In particular, mylack of citation to relevant secondary literatures [a flaw tobe corrected in future drafts] should not be taken as anindicator of my lack of knowledge of these excellent works.Data and SourcesThe data set, only a portion of which is used here,comprises probably the most extensive collection of historicalnetwork information ever assembled. The eventual book-lengthgoal of this project is no less than an Annales-style "totalhistory" of interlinked transformations in Florentine ries.Needless to say, this goal is even conceivable only because ofthe astonishing richness of the Florentine archives, andbecause of the impressive diligence of many Florentinehistorians besides myself. The data set itself can bedescribed in five parts: marriage networks, economic ion,andpolitical party/faction memberships.About 10,500 dated marriages among Florentine surnamedfamilies, over the period 1282-1500, have been collected andcomputerized from a variety of sources. Through travel to sixrare-book collections in the United States, I coded andcomputerized 38 Renaissance Florentine family-trees from theexcellent early-nineteenth century geneologies of LuigiPasserini. Through two separate month-long trips to theArchivio di Stato in Florence, I coded and later computerizedthe marriages of 298 families of somewhat lesser renown from
2the 13-volume compilation of Pierantonio dell'Ancisa, whoworked in the mid-1600's. These compilations were based inturn for the most part on series of notarized contracts (e.g.,regarding dowries), the bulk of which are now lost. Inaddition, I coded and computerized 12 family-trees from amiscellany of histories available in the U.S. In all, I codedas many marriages as I could find in the sources for 335family-clans. (Numbers do not add because of some multiplecodings.) Since I coded all the marriages engaged in by these335targetfamily-clans, the number of total familiesrepresented in the data set is far more than this. (I haveattributional information on 960 families; thus 960 is theeffective limit on sample size. In most analyses herein, themarriages of 500-600 family-clans are being analyzed at atime.)Details of sampling, coding, and sources of error will bereported in future documents. Suffice it to say here thatsnowball sampling was employed, via multiple trips to thearchives. Given the percent coverage that eventually lsampling do not much pertain here. As is shown in figure 1,which links these marriages to various tax censuses of theentire Florentine population (about which more below), Iestimate that my 10,000 sample covers about 40% of allmarriages ever made among families with last names. Dueprimarily to the sources and only secondarily to the tatusdeclines. At the upper end of the scale, percent coverage forthe richest 500 households in the city increases from 65% to90% over time, as is also shown in figure 1.Economic networks do not figure in this paper, but I willbriefly note for the record two data sets that have beenassembled to date. An advanced student colleague of mine, PaulMcLean, has coded and computerized from the 1427 tax 000endebtedness relations--that is, who owes money to whom, forwhat type of prior transaction. This massive cross-sectionalcoding was done in its first wave at the Univerity of Chicago,using a microfilmed copy deposited here by the late DavidHerlihy, and in later waves by Paul at the Archivio di Stato,to fill in gaps in the microfilm.Paul and I also have assembled data on economicpartnerships across time. From guild records in the Archiviodi Stato, I have assembled (but not yet computerized) analmost complete time- series of all partnerships and firms inone industry--banking--over the period 1340 to 1480. From sentially a census of all partnerships and firms in thecity, across all industries. And for 1451, Anthony Molho has
3published a similar almost-complete list of partnerships andfirms, across all industries. We anticipate much valuableinformation on changing market, industrial, and firm structurefrom these data sources in future (joint and otherwise)publications.Under the topic of "other social networks" are two items:(1) From a rich prosopographical secondary source, a book byDale Kent entitled The Rise of the Medici, a previouscoworker, Christopher Ansell, and I coded nine different typesof social ties, along with political party memberships, forthe period 1420-1434. Analyses of these data have already beenreported in a 1993 article by us in the American Journal ronage letters, which request favors of various sorts. Paulhimself will report on these texturally-rich qualitativedocuments in future publications.In addition to these systematic social network data, overtime, I have assembled and computerized a variety ofattributional data on each of 960 family-clans whom I havedetected in Florentine marriages sometime over the two-centuryperiod. (A number of these families, of course, flow into andout of history over time.) Often, but not always, I candisaggregate further to the household level of analysis. Theseattributional data can be summarized in three categories:social status, wealth, and residence.During this period of republicanism, Florentines judged afamily's social status by how politically old it was--that is,by the date the first member of the family was admitted to thePriorate, the governing body of Florence. Najemy and Kent xhaustive listing is the eighteenth-century Mecatti volumes,located in the special collections of the Newberry Library inChicago. This source not only contains many more families'first dates than Najemy and Kent, but also it contains thedates of every Prior every family ever had--in other words, itrecords the political histories of all families' s,thisinformation has been coded and computerized.As is well known among Florentine historians, magnateswere an important special category of socially old icipation in offices. Lansing provides a tabulation oftheir identity.Wealth data over time for so many households and clans isquite difficult to obtain, but with the aid of otherFlorentine historians numerous tax censuses have now been
4computerized. The 1427 catasto was computerized and generouslymade available for public access by the late David Herlihy andChristiane Klapisch. They also computerized 10% samples of the1458 and 1480 catasti. Samuel Cohn gave to me his microfilmcopies of the 1351 estimo and the 1378 prestanze, the lastnamed families of which I have (with much effort) transcribedand computerized. Lauro Martines and Anthony Molho published,in appendices to their books, the wealthiest 500 households ofthe 1403 prestanze and of the 1458 and 1480 catasti,respectively. [Julius Kirshner and Anthony Molho have alsocomputerized the entire 1480 catasto. Perhaps they may grantme access to it in the future.] The sum total of thesedocuments gives me a wealth time-series for 1351 ete),1458(partial), and 1480(partial).The information assembled by me from these tax sources pending on the document) of head of household, residence ofhead of household (at the gonfaloni or ward level), and forcomplete censuses, number of households per family-clan.Wealth and residence of course also can be aggregated to thetotal clan level. Dispersion of clan residence acrossgonfaloni is a useful measure of clan "cohesiveness" or"solidarity" (at least as a first cut), which can be manyfamilies, is contained in the tables of Raveggi et al.Finally, membership in political factions or parties hasbeen coded, mostly from secondary sources. Raveggi et al.provide membership listings of Guelfs vs. Ghibellines (1260's)and of Blacks vs. Whites (1300's and 1310's). From the text ofBrucker's book the composition of the Albizzi and Riccifactions (1340's and 1350's) has been identified. Najemyprovides useful information on elite supporters and opponentsof the Ciompi rebellion (1378). D. Kent gives a list of Medicisupporters and opponents, on the eve of the Medici takeover(1434). Rubinstein provides information useful for identifyingMedici supporters thereafter. Sapori has also published a listof 1449 Medici partisans. In the 1964 Bollettino Senese diStoria Patria, there is a reprinted list of signators usefulfor identifying anti-Mediceans in 1466. Only anti-Mediceansfrom later Pazzi (1470's) and Savonarola (1490's) revoltperiods have not yet been identified and computerized.Elite ConcentrationA convenient starting-point for tracking broad trends inFlorentine inter-marriage is to focus on the degree to centrated--that is, the degree to which there were sharpinequalities across various families' individual network
5centralities in marriage. The more sharp the inequalitiesacross families, the more concentrated the core within theelite.Two standard measures of relative centrality in ies/marriages a family engaged in, each time period, and (b)betweenness--that is, the relative number of (shortest)connected "paths" between all other pairs of families in thenetwork that a focal family is situated on. "Degree" measures,essentially, the demography of the situation. Barring widedisparities in marriage rates, it is a proxy for clan size-the number of eligible sons and daughters the clan had.Betweenness is a more structural concept. If resources orcommunication flow through a network, then "betweenness"measures the percent of flows between everyone else in thesystem that a focal family could intercept (or block). Forthis reason, it is often interpreted as a measure ofpositional "power".For various time periods, such measures were calculatedfor all (reachable) families in my data set [typically, 500 to600 families per time period]. These family centrality scoreswere arrayed in normalized cumulative-distribution-function or"Lorenz curve" fashion (not presented here), and an overallGini-index calculated. The Gini-index is a standard measure ofinequality. (Literally, it is the percent of the area above a45-degree line that the empirical Lorenz-curve "bows" above[or below, depending on orientation].)The results are presented in figure 2. Clear differencesboth over time and across measures are observed. The firstpoint to note is that absolute numbers are very trated/centralized--a fact that we more or less alreadyknow. Of course some of this concentration was due solely toskewed family sizes. In Florence, this was not primarily amatter of random variation in birth rates. For a clan to havea last name at all was itself an assertion of status--itindicated a concern with patrilineage, family history, andhonor. About 2/3 of the people in the society had names like"Peter, son of Paul." Thus, variation in family size is nothere a random variable to be controlled away; concentration echanism for the concentration of elites as a whole.The Gini-index of "degree" measures how family sizeconcentration changes over time. Note the huge increase inelite concentration from 1282-1342 to 1343-1377. The BlackDeath of 1348 (and of 1360) represents an obvious candidatefor explanation, although the precise link between plague andfamily-size concentration is not yet obvious to me. But also,
6the political turmoil of 1343 is a candidate nness"concentration exactly tracks that of degree. In other otherwords, there was a dramatic increase in the structuralconcentration of the elite around 1343 or 1348, due tounderlying patrilineage dynamics.From 1343 or 1348 onwards, there was a decline in familysize concentration. This was due both to the decline of reallyhuge magnate clans, like the Bardi and the Buondelmonti, andto the rising numbers of middle-class households who assumedlast names. (The percent of the population with surnamesincreased from about 1/4 to about 1/2 over this longue duree.)Except for a modest drop from the republican (1343-1434) tothe Medicean (1435-1494) periods, however, this decline infamily-size/degree concentration was not matched by a paralleldecline in "structural"/betweenness concentration. In otherwords, once set into place by the events of 1343 or 1348,elite network concentration maintained itself in spite ofstrong demographic pressures to the contrary.The gap between the degree and the betweenness curves,indeed, can be taken as a measure of the network/intermarriagepressures toward elite concentration, net of family-sizepatrilineage dynamics. This centralizing network shiftsimmediately after the Ciompi rebellion (1378) and after theonset of the Medici regime (1434). Despite increased Mediceanpressure toward elite concentration, however, demographicforces were not entirely offset.Dyads and TriadsFurther insight into the character of these elitetransformations can be gleaned from examining censuses ofdyads and triads--that is, distributions of the microrelations which underlay the global portrait of figure 2. Twofeatures of common interest to network analysts are asymmetryand transitivity.Asymmetry--that is, the prevalence of same direction ties(), relative to both-way ties ()--is commonlyinterpreted as an indicator of micro-concern with hierarchy.Here, we are speaking of marriage ties; therefore, asymmetrymeans one clan sending only daughters or sons to another clan(more likely than chance). Symmetry, on the other hand, meansmaking alliances through exchanging children irrespective ofgender. Asymmetry in networks arises because directionality offlow is culturally meaningful to participants--usually, however, does not differentiate daughters from sons; justexclusive one-way flow from indifferent symmetric flow.]
7Figure 3a plots the observed asymmetry pattern over time.Before 1343, there was an extremely strong micro-concern withrelative status [assuming that is what marriage asymmetryculturally means--an assumption that will be investigated moredeeply in the future.] But in the plague years of 1348, orthereabouts, this intermarriage dyadic preoccupation withrelative status immediately vanishes. Over time, it graduallyreasserts itself--finally returning to pre-1343 levels by theperiod of Lorenzo de' Medici (1465-1494).On the surface, the micro-data on asymmetric dyads infigure 3a seems directly contradictory to the macro-data onglobal network concentration in figure 2. "Hierarchy" trendsare moving in opposite directions. This apparent contradictionwill be (partially) resolved below, after more clues have beenassembled.Figure 3b presents trends in transitivity--that is, thepercent of transitive triads (), relative to cycles ().Transitivity of course is not itself a measure of micro-dyadconcern with asymmetry; it is a measure of how consistentlyasymmetric dyads aggregate themselves together across multiplefamilies. Asymmetric dyads under conditions of iads(or"cycles") inhibit even hierarchical dyads from assembling intoranks. Instead, cycles induce group boundary closure, withscrambled hierarchy within the nsitivity, although not as striking as I had anticipated.Hierarchical tendencies between two families, in other words,usually were reinforced, not undercut, by marriages of thosetwo families with outside third families. However, theFlorentine elite was hardly monolithic or tightly structured.Inconsistencies, contradictions, and (apparent) confusions innetwork structure were rampant. Because of this, there wasalways structural room for maneuver up and down loose peckingorders (something the economic and political turbulence ofFlorentine history should have led us to expect).The one glaring exception to this overall (loose)tendency toward transitivity is the period 1378-1404, whichexhibited a greater-than-chance tendency toward cycles. In my1993 article, I offered an explanation of the Ciompi-rebellioncauses of these unusual marriage cycles, and of the politicalcooptation consequences of these period-specific cycles.Naturally, I am pleased to see (some of) my earlier hypothesesconfirmed by more extensive data.Residential Endogamy
8Figure 4 presents trends in residential endogamy--thatis, the rates at which Florentine elite families married their"neighbors," defined as co-residents within the four quartersof Florence (Santo Spirito, Santa Croce, Santa Maria Novella,and San Giovanni). These residential trends are ldprestigious families legally excluded from holding iousfamilies who participated in Florentine governance; and (c)new men, those participants in Florentine governance whosefamilies were admitted to the priorate only after 1343.In general, the data in figure 4 confirms what is alreadyknown--that the importance of residential endogamy within theFlorentine elite declined over time. [Among the lower popolominuto classes it increased.] What is new here, however, istiming and class composition.Among popolani families, residential endogamy started outat an extraordinarily high initial level--45% in-marriageduring 1282-1314. Throughout the fourteenth century, however,it continuously declined, until by the fifteenth century,neighborhood was irrelevant to marriage. The edasharpandprecipitous decline in intra-quarter marriage very early intime--from 1282-1314 to 1315-1342. After that, residentialcleavages within the magnate class were irrelevant.In contrast to these two trends, which differ in timingand magnitude but not in pattern, new men experiencedessentially no change over time [until, arguably, Lorenzo'speriod when all three groups decline even further from alreadylow levels--a phenomenon to investigate in the future]. Forthis reason, I interpret the new men as a control group. Thisenables
MARRIAGE AND ELITE STRUCTURE IN RENAISSANCE FLORENCE, 1282-1500 John F. Padgett University of Chicago This conference paper is an interim report from a large-scale project to trace transformations in Florentine elite network structures over two centuries. In this paper, I con
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