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UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)The precaution controversy: an analysis through the lens of Ulrich Beck andMichel FoucaultArnoldussen, T.DOI10.5553/RdW/138064242016037003006Publication date2016Document VersionFinal published versionPublished inRecht der WerkelijkheidLicenseCC BY-NCLink to publicationCitation for published version (APA):Arnoldussen, T. (2016). The precaution controversy: an analysis through the lens of UlrichBeck and Michel Foucault. Recht der Werkelijkheid, 37(3), 003006General rightsIt is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s)and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an opencontent license (like Creative Commons).Disclaimer/Complaints regulationsIf you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, pleaselet the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the materialinaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letterto: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Youwill be contacted as soon as possible.UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl)Download date:17 Jun 2021

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamThe precaution controversy: an analysis throughthe lens of Ulrich Beck and Michel FoucaultTobias ArnoldussenFew doctrines of environmental law have caused as much debate as the precau‐tionary principle. Even the exact wording of the principle itself is controversialbut the gist of it is to make sure that in case of environmental risk, protectivemeasures could be taken, without having to wait for complete scientific certainty.This principle may be found in many environmental treaties as well as in article191 of the Lisbon Treaty. The controversies surrounding the precautionary prin‐ciple (henceforth PP) become understandable when one considers that more is atstake than simply stating the intention to be prudent for the sake of the environ‐ment. According to numerous authors, the PP represents a paradigmatic shift indealing with risk in our society.1 Instead of merely intervening to prevent certain,calculable and tangible threats, authorities signal their willingness to tackle risksof which it is not certain that they will lead to harm.2This proactive reaction to risk has its staunch defenders. Tickner, Raffenspergerand Meyers describe it as “a decision-making and action tool with ethical powerand scientific rigor.”3 In their view the precautionary principle may be a safeguardto the many technological and environmental risks mankind has brought on toitself. In the face of scientific uncertainty it is better to be safe than sorry. The useof the precautionary principle may make our society more aware and able to reactmore quickly to “early warnings” that environmental or public health threats areimpending.4 Proponents of the PP can also be found among the Dutch ScientificCouncil for Government Policy (Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid(WRR)). This influential governmental think tank suggests incorporating it in theDutch constitution and making it the cornerstone of Dutch safety policy.5Other authors, however, associate the precautionary principle with the perniciousdesire to eliminate all risk taking. Roel Pieterman sees it as the legal embodimentof a more sweeping social transition towards a “precautionary culture.”6 In such aculture, the reliance on scientific expertise is eroded by the wish to allay all possi‐ble fears that laymen may have and innovation is stifled. Paul Frissen argues thatthe increasing incorporation of the PP in the legal order may lead to increasinggovernment intervention in the lives of citizens when there are indications of123456Ewald 2002; Pieterman 2008; Arnoldussen 2009; Hanekamp, 2015.De Saedeleer; 2012, p. 3.Tickner et al. 1999, p. 2.Harremoës et al. 2000.WRR 2008.Pieterman 2008.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/13806424201603700300695

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamTobias Arnoldussenrisk.7 Moreover, he considers that it may lead to an increase in the level ofresponsibility that citizens have to signal possible risks. It has also been stronglycriticized by De Vries and Francot because it is no longer necessary to provecausal connections between certain economic activities and environmental harmor the emergence of health threats. This legitimizes state intervention in domainsotherwise protected by the principle of legality that demands a solid legal basisfor state intervention.8 De Vries and Francot consider that the PP trumps thisprinciple of legality causing worries that state power could be used arbitrarily.9Proponents of precaution generally argue that the deteriorating condition of theenvironment and the long-term risks associated with problems like climatechange and nuclear waste force us to become pro-active. The increasing embraceof the precautionary principle is both necessary and hopeful because it shows thatwe are increasingly prepared to deal with the risks we have created ourselves.Detractors worry that the reliance on precaution makes government interventionpossible on terrains other than environmental protection and foist a responsibil‐ity on scientific experts and laymen alike to function as threat detectors.In this article, I aim to shed light on both these perspectives on precaution byrelating them to highly influential currents of thought regarding our relationshipto law, science and governance. The academic proponents of precaution are fre‐quently inspired by the work of the German social theorist Ulrich Beck on the“risk society.” I will use his considerations on the need for reflexive moderniza‐tion to argue how, from this perspective, the PP may be considered as the out‐come of a social learning process. The fear of the skeptics may be understood byexamining the work of the later Michel Foucault. By taking recourse to thethought of Michel Foucault on governmentality, I will propose that the PP couldalso be considered as a technology of power within the context of neoliberal gov‐ernmentality. This consideration leads to skepticism regarding the PP’s environ‐mental credentials and explains how it might lead to an expansion of administra‐tive competencies. In the final section of the article, I will investigate whether rec‐onciliation is possible between the two perspectives even though I contend thatFoucauldian and Beckian notions contain diametrically opposite assumptions onthe nature of power and rationality.1. The precautionary principleThe PP entered environmental law in the 1980s and had a stormy career. Its rootsare usually traced to the German environmental “Vorsorgeprinzip”, introduced inthe 1970s in the context of acid rain and fossil fuel policies.10 It made its appear‐ance on the scene of international law during negotiations on marine environ‐7891096Frissen 2008.De Vries & Francot 2011.De Vries & Francot 2011, p. 17.Whiteside 2006, p. 74.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/138064242016037003006

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamThe precaution controversy: an analysis through the lens of Ulrich Beck and Michel Foucaultmental regimes,11 and since then it has been accepted in numerous environmen‐tal treaties and conventions. It entered EU policy through the 1992 MaastrichtTreaty and currently underpins the EU approach on this terrain. Article 191(2) ofthe Lisbon Treaty states that:“Union policy on the environment shall aim at a high level of protection tak‐ing into account the diversity of situations in the various regions of theUnion. It shall be based on the precautionary principle and on the principlesthat preventive action should be taken, that environmental damage should asa priority be rectified at source and that the polluter should pay.”The article makes clear that the PP governs EU law together with other environ‐mental principles, but the EU Treaty does not define them. There is in fact nostandard definition of the PP; it is defined differently in every treaty. Sometimestreaties contain stronger versions and sometimes weaker versions. One of themost well-known weaker versions is contained in the 1992 Rio Declaration at theUnited Nations Conference on Environment and Development, the so calledEarth Summit. It was stated that:“In order to protect the environment, the precautionary approach shall bewidely applied by States according to their capabilities. Where there arethreats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shallnot be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to preventenvironmental damage.”12The formulation with the typical three negatives, “lack of scientific informationshall not be used to not take measures” is quite common in various versions ofthe precautionary principle. The Commission did issue a communication in 2000illuminating the PP under European Law. This communication was issued inresponse to the numerous cases brought before the European Court of Justiceinvolving the PP. The communication gives general guidelines as to when the PPmay be invoked and which general rules apply, such as the proportionality of thepreventative measures and the risk at hand, consistency, non-discrimination, theneed to investigate costs and benefits, and a review of the measures in light ofnew scientific findings. Although it carefully avoids giving a definition, it doeshighlight its basic qualities. It is applicable in situations of scientific uncertaintywhere there are risks threatening the environment or population groups and itmay compel the reversal of the burden of proof that an activity or product doesnot cause harm.13While exact definitions vary and the precise obligations imposed remain unclear,the essence of the principle is apparent. Arie Trouwborst considers that the PP’s111213Freestone & Hey 1996, p. 5.Freestone & Hey 1996, p. 3.Commission of the European Union, COM2000, 1, p. 14, 16, 20/21.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/13806424201603700300697

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamTobias Arnoldussenmaxim can be summarized by the phrase “in dubio pro natura.”14 Pietermandescribes it as “first do no harm.”15 In practice it comes down to ensuring the useof clean production methods, using comprehensive methods of environmentaland economic impact assessment, conducting scientific research into long-termconsequences and developing legal, administrative and technical means to ensurethe implementation of a precautionary approach.16 Charles Vlek also notes that itinvolves an analysis of credible worst-case scenarios and the inclination to take acautious or “pessimistic” decision about a provisional course of action.17It is important to note that the PP does not often stand alone, but operatestogether with a number of other principles within a certain environmental legalframework. Principles play a strong role in environmental law in general and wemay note a number of other principles that govern environmental policy.18 Theprecautionary principle marches in step with other principles and taken togetherthey form a framework within which environmentally sensitive activities are gov‐erned.2. The Precautionary Principle in Ulrich Beck’s thought: main thesisWhen commencing an exploration of the PP as a legal doctrine, the work of UlrichBeck comes to mind because the risk society seems to be the principle’s naturalhabitat. Beck, however, did not discuss the precautionary principle per se. He didmake some comments about it, but they are sparse and sketchy. He approvinglycites French philosopher Francois Ewald when he mentions the precautionaryprinciple and subsequently states that the boundary between hysteria and ration‐ality becomes blurred. However, when he gives an example of – in his eyes – prob‐lematic precaution and hysteria, he cites the war in Iraq. He associates this warwith the PP because it was considered to be necessary to prevent the use of sup‐posedly available weapons of mass destruction.19 Sörensen and Christiansen ana‐lyze this remark as an admonition that trying to avert catastrophe through pre‐caution may have catastrophic consequences itself.20However, the most important form of the precautionary principle is as an envi‐ronmental principle. In Beck’s work, environmental risks caused by technologyplay a prominent role and he seems to be less averse to curbing technologicalrisks. With little to go on therefore, I will develop my analysis according to theline that I think follows convincingly from Beck’s analysis of current society. Iconsider that the precautionary principle, its emergence and its application fitrather neatly in Beck’s description of reflexive modernization. To investigate this1415161718192098Trouwborst 2005.Pieterman 2008.Freestone & Hey 1996, p. 13.Vlek 2009, p. 139.For a discussion on a number of environmental principles see Beder (2006).Sörensen & Christiansen 2013, p. 89.Sörensen & Christiansen 2013.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/138064242016037003006

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamThe precaution controversy: an analysis through the lens of Ulrich Beck and Michel Foucaultclaim and its consequences for our appreciation of the PP, it is necessary to dwellon this concept.2.1. Reflexive modernizationIn his most celebrated work, Risk Society, Towards a New Modernity, Ulrich Beckcoins this term to indicate that in current society, the concept of modernitybecame a problem for itself. He means that the process of modernization hasreached a point at which the awareness of the negative side effects of it emerge insocial consciousness. These side effects take the form of technological and manmade risks. Social conflict will erupt over the division of these risks and overquestions of the attribution of blame. The resulting “risk society” gives rise to anumber of paradoxes. One of the most pressing ones is the role of science. Beck’sideas on this topic are directly relevant for understanding the nature of the pre‐cautionary principle because it is conceived to address situations of scientificuncertainty.Beck criticizes the positivist discourse of scientific rationality.21 Science providesthe main frame through which to communicate risks, but also obscures them byproviding mostly numerical and abstract accounts. It declines to offer a concreteinterpretation of what a certain (environmental) risk may mean for specificgroups in society. Nonetheless, environmentalists and other pressure groupschallenging the status quo can only criticize the products of scientific rationalityby applying the same positivistic and “scientized” frames.22 The result of this isincreasing self-criticism within the scientific community and awareness of thelimits of scientific knowledge.Critical scientific disciplines, like sociology of science, have successfully used thisto critique scientific rationality on its own terms, fostering a thoroughgoing skep‐ticism. The critical anti-dogmatic scientific attitude was successfully applied to itsown dogmas. As Beck puts it: scientific principles “carry within themselves thestandards for their own critique and abolition.”23 For science this is both a burdenand a boon. It is a boon in that science could shed its dogmas and quasi-meta‐physical underpinnings. It allowed for a more free and adventurous form of scien‐tific practice.24 However, the price it has had to pay was a decline of its authority.The perceived distance between expert knowledge and laymen’s experiencebecame smaller.Moreover, science is becoming aware of the negative side effects that scientificand managerial rationality have created. Since the risks of modern society aregenerally not easily perceivable, they are made plain through scientific discovery.Therefore science increasingly focuses on the detection of possible problems and21222324Discourse is not a term Beck uses, but I think it is apt to use it here. I use it here in the way thatis common among sociologists as a mode of speech in which states of affairs become articulatedin a specific way.Beck 1992, p. 161.Beck 1992, p.164.Beck 1992, p.162.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/13806424201603700300699

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamTobias Arnoldussenthreats. Solutions to the problems created by what Beck calls “techno-scientificdevelopment” need to be solved by scientific means as well. The utilization of sci‐entific knowledge in industrial applications creates problems, but science alsoprovides the conceptual and cognitive apparatus to perceive and explore theseproblems. This situation causes a continuous loop of problem creation, problemdetection and problem solutions, which in turn creates its own problems again.Both the continuous coupling of problems caused and solved by science and theincreasing self-critical attitude among experts undermines the legitimacy of sci‐entific claims. This situation leads to one of the most pressing anomalies of mod‐ernity. Technoscience is at the same time the cause of risk and its solution.Within reflexive modernization science gives rise to uncertainty instead of cer‐tainty: “living and acting in uncertainty becomes a kind of basic experience.”25A similar reflexive transformation occurs in the political sphere. Beck points outthat the line between scientific development and political deliberation becomesblurred. In industrial society techno-economic production was considered a nonpolitical sphere. Technology meant progress and progress meant higher standardsof living. Technological development was considered a good in itself with no othereffects than improving social well being and therefore it managed to remain outof the processes of every day political deliberation. Shielded from demands ofpolitical legitimation, the processes of rationalization remained separate from theprocess of democratization. The political direction of society was decided withinthe institutions of democracy, while innovation and production processes weredevised within the techno-economic sphere, unhindered by political meddling.This demarcation of spheres of influence becomes lopsided within the risk soci‐ety.26 Technological development itself becomes the main driver of social change,and debates on human and cultural development have entered the boardroomthrough decisions on product standards, safety margins and the width of applica‐tion of new hitherto unknown technologies such as genetic engineering. Thesedecisions are often made through processes of corporate self-regulation and thepublic demands transparency, reacting with anxiety to the new situation. It doesnot know the magnitude of the risks it faces and calls for their curtailment. Inresponse, the institutions within the sphere of traditional political legitimationtry to gain influence over the decision-making structures within the techno-eco‐nomic sphere. The corporations in turn try to retain their traditional shieldagainst government interference and the calls for democratic legitimation. Theresult is that what is called a non-political sphere wields decisive political influ‐ence, but is also faced with calls to open itself up to public scrutiny. Beck coinedthe term ‘sub-politics’ to describe this reversal of roles.Beck does not describe similar tendencies in the sphere of environmental andother law, but also here reflexive tendencies take place. Environmental pressure2526100Beck 1994, p. 12.Beck 1992, p. 184.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/138064242016037003006

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamThe precaution controversy: an analysis through the lens of Ulrich Beck and Michel Foucaultgroups are inclined to take the authorities to court if they make political decisionsthat these groups disagree with.27 In many of these technical dossiers, adminis‐trative courts need to rely on experts. They are confronted with a reality that nei‐ther they nor the public fully understand and face public pressure to make surethe activities they permit are not harmful. In environmental cases in the Nether‐lands, for instance, this has led to the judiciary demanding more detailed assess‐ments of environmental risks from the administration to justify decisions withpotential harmful environmental consequences.28 This situation leads to similarreflexive loops as discussed above because the involvement of the judiciary inpolitically precarious cases means that legal decisions are under increasing publicscrutiny and elicit more critical media attention. The courts have to rely moreheavily on experts and this will raise the standards of scientific evidence to makesure no harm is done. This reliance on experts and quantitative frames increasestransparency, but also public anxiety and political controversy when scientificreports become the object of criticism and doubt.The increasing power of supranational courts and supranational law exacerbatesthis tendency because they cause the role of the judiciary vis-à-vis the administra‐tion to change. 29 Top down regulations have giving way to more horizontal meth‐ods of steering because of the inherent limitations of bureaucratization on theone hand and the current cross-border nature of social problems on the other. Inthe European Union, for instance, goal oriented directives, aimed at achieving acertain qualitative standard are gradually replacing more substantive regulations,leaving more space for the Member States to choose their own methods of imple‐mentation. Open norms and principles drive international environmental lawinstead of concrete prescriptions, especially in the environmental field. The judi‐ciary is then called upon to flesh out these obligations. Their verdicts obtain moreweight because European law has precedence over national legislation and anunwelcome legal interpretation by the national court cannot be amended easilyby national legislation. Therefore the courts’ decisions become increasingly con‐tested due to the political interests involved. These tendencies imply that lawmeets the same limitations as politics and science do. Rights, regulations, scien‐tifically based standards and jurisdictions conflict and are turned against them‐selves, calling for new methods to mitigate conflict.2.2. Beck’s answer to the demands of reflexive modernizationIn his essay, “The Reinvention of Politics: Towards a Theory of Reflexive Modern‐ization” Beck discusses his solution to the paradoxes brought forth by reflexivemodernization. The main question is whether the uncertainty produced by thereflexive tendencies of the risk society can be tackled by using the means the272829For the Netherlands, the cases before the highest Dutch administrative court regarding air qual‐ity in 2005/2006 come to mind (Arnoldussen 2016). The notorious Urgenda decision from 2015also comes to mind, though not concerned with administrative law proper, it concerns the ques‐tion of how much precaution the Dutch state is obliged to take into account.Arnoldussen 2016.Arnoldussen 2016.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/138064242016037003006101

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamTobias Arnoldussenmodern era offers us, such as the market, the state and technology, or that a newway of thinking is necessary that affirms the ambivalence and accepts its farreaching consequences.30 Beck calls this second answer the reflexive answer toreflexive modernization.There is no doubt that Beck prefers the reflexive answer: reflexive modernizationcan only be overcome through further reflexivity. The paradoxes that have beencreated must be affirmed instead of negated. In the sphere of science and technol‐ogy that means that science’s self-criticism should be utilized to bring techno-sci‐ence under social and democratic control. The direction science and technology istaking is not even known by scientists and engineers themselves. Currently eco‐nomic and military concerns are dominant, but these concerns should rank belowaims democratically decided upon. To this end, Beck proposes that new mediatinginstitutions concern themselves with the objectives of science and technology.Technology should become an official concern comparable to education in the19th century and financed out of public money.31Most importantly, in order to tackle major socio-ecological problems, old animos‐ities and barriers must be overcome because they lead to paralysis. Traditionaladversaries, such as consumer and environmental groups and polluting sectors ofthe economy should work together in devising solutions that may turn out to befavorable. Taken in this sense, the ecological crisis could be considered a gift inthe realm of politics, because according to Beck it can provoke a revitalization ofmodernity since it resurrects heroic and helper roles.32 It forces new ethical com‐mitments and may induce a new sense of optimism that has been lost. Admit‐tedly these recommendations are more vague than those in the sphere of technol‐ogy. Yet it is clear that he envisions a total resurgence of politics in society withthe ecological question as a lynchpin.Since Beck curiously enough does not discuss the legal field, he also does not giveany recommendations in this regard. However, his way of thinking can be exten‐ded to law. I consider that it would lead to the following: instead of finding theone legally right solution, courts and lawmakers would need to seek the least con‐tested solutions and solutions that least impinge on all the legitimate interests atplay. Law giving and law application will no longer be the sole domains of the leg‐islator or the court, but will become a participative affair between the partiesinvolved. These would be the parties represented in the legal conflict, but alsonon-legal experts and representatives of social interests, communities etc. Theopen conflict displayed in the courts of law would be replaced by consensus-seek‐ing mechanisms and decisions that are designed to prevent open conflict before itoccurs, by involving a broad selection of stakeholders and thorough weighing ofinterests. In a risk society all experts, including legal ones, are aware of their falli‐bility.303132102Beck 1994, p. 12.Beck 1994, p. 28.Beck 1994 p. 52.Recht der Werkelijkheid 2016 (37) 3doi: 10.5553/RdW/138064242016037003006

Dit artikel uit Recht der Werkelijkheid is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor Universiteit van AmsterdamThe precaution controversy: an analysis through the lens of Ulrich Beck and Michel FoucaultThis could entail changing existing legal procedures from the current “winnertakes all” adversarial approach to an approach in which the court acts as a media‐tor between the various stakeholders involved. Solutions are found through aprocess of prolonged stakeholder negotiations under the legal scrutiny of a court.The court would act less as a decision-maker, but more as a facilitator and as aguardian of the legal position of the various parties. The law becomes a tool withwhich conflict prevention and resolution becomes possible, without the legalspectacle and judgment of one party being considered “wrong” and the other“right”. The role of the lawmaker becomes that of a moderator,33 and the courtbecomes a mediator that “steers” the litigants in the right direction.2.3. The precautionary principle and reflexive modernizationIn all the fields discussed above, the precautionary principle may play a part as areflexive principle, that is to say, a principle that ensures that we do not turn ablind eye to risky activity, but that we take risks into account when making thepolitical decision to allow or prevent a certain course of action. From the perspec‐tive of Ulrich Beck, supporting the rise of the PP in decision-making is under‐standable. The PP is designed to combat the risk that concerns Beck the most, i.e.wholesale ecological destruction. Its primary field of operation is environmentallaw. Moreover it shifts the burden of the creation of risk to those that produce itbecause the onus is now onto demonstrate that their innovations do not causeharm.The precautionary principle is applicable under the condition of scientific uncer‐tainty. This condition is rife in the risk society and therefore it does not cover upthe ambivalences created by science and technology but rather aims to deal withthem as a given condition of modern legal decision-making. The precautionaryprinciple is political and takes a political stance. Risks are to be mitigated and thecreation of risk is a socially undesirable activity. The phrase “in dubio pro natura’with which the precautionary principle was described above amounts to thispolitical position; the interests of the environment and ecology should be givenprecedence over economic interests.The precautionary principle is a reflexive legal principle because it forces the legis‐lator to consider possibly harmful effects before it allows certain activities. Like‐wise it instructs the court to weigh interests in such a fashion that

the lens of Ulrich Beck and Michel Foucault Tobias Arnoldussen Few doctrines of environmental law have caused as much debate as the precau‐ tionary principle. Even the exact wording of the principle itself is controversial but the gist of it is to

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