Blue Beads As African-American Cultural Symbols

52HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 30TABLE3BEADCOLOR BY TEMPORALPERIODON AFRICAN-AMERICANDOMESTICSITES N)(24)52.234.0(60)Green(3)7.06.4Clear4.3White ntebellumPostbellum(N) 94.0(2)(3)(1)0.9Gray100.1 )3.5Purple/PinkAmber%16.0(8)(8)2.6 (3)4.0(6)(2)0.9(1)28.0(18)(N)(1)(115) 100.0100.2(47)(50)Sources: Rayfield Plantation (Ascher and Fairbanks 1971); 38BK160and 38BK245(Drucker and Anthony 1979); 38BK75,38BK76,(Wheaton et al. 1983); Cannon Plantation (Otto 1984); 38CH322(Zierden et al. 1986); 38BU805(Brockington et al. 1985); 38BK202(Trinkley1986);9CM172,9CM183, and9CM194 (Adams1987);38GE267 (Michie 1987);38AB9 (Orseret al. 1987);38GE306(MichieandMills 1988);38BU96 (Trinkley1990);38CH1081,38CH1083,and38CH1086 (WayneandDickinson 1990);38GE410(Weeks1990); 38BU805(Espenshadeand Grunden1991); 38BU966and 38BU967(Kennedy et al. 1991); 38BU1214(Trinkleyetal. 1993);1991);38CH1100and38CH1101 (Wood 1991);38BK1608 (Steen1992);38GE377 (Adams1993);38BU880 (Kennedyand 38GE340(Paonessa et al. 1993); 38GE297(Trinkley 1993b); 38FL240(Trinkley et al. 1993); 38BU791(Eubanks et al. 1994); 38BU890(Garrow 1994); 38BU647(Crass and(Kennedy et al. 1994); 38BR522, 38BR619, and 38BR629Brooks 1995); 38BK38(unpublished).Bowers Housesiteicans in the South Carolina and Georgia region.Blue beads comprise 36 percent (n 140) of thetotal sample. For the analysis category of location,blue beads comprise 48 percent of the sample fromAfrican-American residences, 24 percent of thesample from plantation kitchens, and 21 percent ofthe sample from general plantation contexts (Table2). A chi-square test of association indicates thedifference in thedistribution of blue beads betweenAfrican-American domestic components and other plantation areas is significant (X2 28.7784998, df 1, p0.01). This comparison indicates whileblue beads were typically lost in a variety of locations on plantations, these beads were predominantly lost or intentionallydiscarded in and aroundAfrican-AmericanConsiderationresidences.of African-Americansites, consisting of slave, tenant,and yeoman domestic components, by temporal period, indicates blue beadswere much more prevalent during the colonial andantebellum periods than after theCivil War (Table3). Blue beads represent 51 percent of the sampleduring the colonial period and 52 percent during theantebellum period. During the postbellum periodboth blue (34%) and black (28%) are the predominant bead colors. A chi-square test demonstratedthe difference in the distribution of blue beads between the colonial-antebellum and postbellum periods is statistically significant (X2 4.88138515, df l,/? 0.05).Analysis results firmly demonstrate that bluebeads were deposited most often inAfrican-American domestic areas, particularly during the colonialand antebellum periods inSouth Carolina and GeorThis content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BLUE BEADS AS AFRICAN-AMERICANCULTURAL SYMBOLSgia. If the distribution of blue beads was only aresult of availability and not cultural preference,blue beads should have been found equally in allareas of the plantation.Westand Central African AntecedentsIn order to achieve an enhanced understanding ofbead use among African Americans in the South,theAfrican antecedents of thispractice must firstbeconsidered. Among the estimated 10million Africans brought to theNew World between the 16thand mid-19th centuries (Blassingame 1974:3), approximately 40 percent originated in Kongo andAngola (Thompson 1993:56). These areas ofAfricaincludedmany different tribes such as the Ibo, Ewe,53slave trade, discussed above, African-Americanculture in the South during the era of slavery shouldtherefore be regarded as a fusion of African-inspired cultural forms and practices. Hence, it isexpected that bead use among enslaved AfricanAmericans represents a pan-cultural phenomenonderived fromAfrican origins. It is not only difficultbut counterproductive to attempt to ifactpatterningand artifact types at specific plantation sitesand specific ethnic groups inAfrica. However, it isnot unreasonable to anticipate that broadly basedpractices and beliefs associated with beads and personal ornamentation, in addition to other aspects ofthematerial domain, both survived themiddle passage and were eventually transformed intonew cultural traits by enslaved African Americans in theSouth.Biafada, Bakongo, Wolof, Bambara, Ibibio, Serer,and Arada (Blassingame 1974:2). Since AfricanLong before the arrival of Europeans, beads wereAmerican slaves originated from such a wide range an important aspect ofWest and Central Africanof cultural groups, it is difficult to associate specific material culture. Beads had many religious and secAfrican cultural groups with specific regions in the ular uses inAfrica. Lois Dubin (1987:122), who hasSouth. Also, slave traders and holders were awarecollected and studied beads from around theworld,notes that 4'beads are central to the lives of allof ethnic differences (Littlefield 1981:115-173)and therefore often intentionally broke up ethnic Africans" and have a wide variety of functions.groups and families (Genovese1974). Conseastoquently, specific, opposedregional, origins forindividual plantation inhabitants are very difficult,ifnot impossible to reconstruct.Many South Carolina slaves, a regional focus ofthis study, originated from theKongo-Angola region and therice growing areas of Gambia and theWindward coast. A study of slaves imported toCharleston from 1733 to 1807 records six majorsource areas for slaves: Senegambia (19.7%); theWindward Coast (23.3%); Gold Coast %); and Angola (23%) (Pollitzer 1975:268; cf.Littlefield 1981:109-114; Creel 1988:16-44; Ferguson 1992:61; Kernan 1993:30; Thompson 1993:56). Africans fromGambia were desired by SouthCarolina planters because theyalready had specialized knowledge needed for the successful cultivation of rice and indigo, which were important regional cash crops (Creel 1988:34-36; Ferguson1992:61).Due to the demographic realities of theAfricanHistoric travelers toWest Africa recorded thatpeople used beads to adorn theirbody, as jewelry, toadornceremonialcostumes,andto decorateeveryday clothes. Today, and in the past,West Africanswear beads in theirhair, on clothing, and as necklaces, bracelets, waistbands, and anklets. Beadswere a form of personal adornment and perhapsmore importantly, they conveyed social meaningand denoted information concerning wealth, agegrade,marital status, artistic attitudes, and political,religious, and cultural affiliation. Beads were alsoimportant trade items often used as currency. Theseitemswere also associated with myths, with ceremonies such as rites of passage, and with religiouscults, and were made into sculptural beadwork andworn as amulets and charms (Rattray 1923:147,187, 1927:22,46, 62, 66, 171; Ellis 1964:232, 235,1969:58237, 240; Farrow 1969:47; MacDonaldFisher 1984:6761; Courlander 1975:120-123;106; de Marees 1987; Dubin 1987:119-151). Furthermore, different regions or cultural groups hadparticular preferences for certain beadThis content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditionstypes and

54colors (Erikson 1969:59; deMarees 1987:56; Nourisson 1992:29). In contemporary West Africa,beads manufactured in the 19th century are oftencurated and highly valued (DeCorse1989:44;Steiner 1990:59). For example, although Cote d'lvoire women ofWest Africa wear modern European-style jewelry manufactured from gold, silver,and plastic, glass trade beads are nevertheless stillvalued and purchased for their spiritual potency(Steiner 1990:59).The manner inwhich West and Central Africansincorporated beads into charms, amulets, and fetishes is particularly relevant to this study.Charms,considered to have spiritual power, are used to insure success in all aspects of life, including journeys, hunting, farming, and romance, as well as toward off evil, sickness, and misfortune, and to gainmaterial goods (Kingsley 1897:448; Nassau 1904:78, 83; Lowie 1924:269-270; Wallis 1939:33-34;Farrow 1969:122-124). Some charms are used toavertwitchcraft, particularly as manifested throughillness and misfortune. Amulets thereforehave animportant function in health care among West t African groups, where infantmortality ishigh, it is thought thatmothers and children particularly require the protection provided by charmsand amulets (Rattray 1927:22; Ellis 1964:232; Janzen 1982:55-56; de Marees 1987:25, 75). Farrow(1969:84) notes thatamong theYoruba Abiku cult,toprevent harm from thevengeful spiritsof childrenthat died in infancy, 4'iron rings, waist belts, anklets, and wristlets of beads and other charms areHISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 30safe circuit to maturity and old age"(Thompson 1993:57).Charms were expressed verbally, through ceremony or as material objects (Milligan 1912:220;Farrow 1969:121). Amulets, charms, and fetishesare any material object that is thought to contain1924:268-270; Wallisspiritual power (Lowie1939:33-34; Hoebel1966:487). Many items areused for charms including beads, animal bones orchild'steeth, stones, iron,broken pottery, feathers, bits ofskin, leaves, hair, and fingernails (Nassau 1904:76,There are prin84-85; Puckett 1975:172,217-218).twotypes of charms, consisting of personalcipallyand household amulets (Burton 1864:361; Baudin1885:83; Ellis 1894:118; Parrinder 1957:114-115,1979:1961:160-161; Farrow 1969:123; , wrist, or ankle. These objects protect thewearer. Household amulets are placed on thehouseor on household property toprotect the actual structure, its contents, and residents (Parrinder 1957:114-115, 1961:160-161; Nassau1969:85; Ellis1970:92).Beads were, and still are, typically used formaking amulets and charms among many African cultures (Baudin 1885:83; Rattray 1927:22; Nassau1969:82). However, within some regions, such assouthern Togo, beads are rarely used in charms(Nourisson 1992:32). Among the people of theGold Coast, bead charms were oftenworn by pregnant women on theirwrists, ankles, and neck toavert harm (Ellis 1964:232). Among the Ewe, aPopo bead and human toothworn around the neckprevented sickness (Ellis 1970:93). In 17th-centuryput upon young children from theirearliest days."A string tied around thewaist of a child is also a Guinea, the travelerdeMarees (1987) recorded thatshirts fashioned like nets were worn by small chilwidespread West African charm (Milligan 1912:The children's parents naaencircledLiberianobservedinfant26)by stringof blue beads (cf.DeCorse [1997]). This amulet isworn throughout childhood for good health. InKongo terms, this practice keeps the child's soulround, or rich, with life's possibilities. A mother''fashion a small round disk fromwood or awouldseed, perforate it, and attach it to a string to hangover his heart or tie around her neck, waist, or ankle.This would become a guide and charm to the child'ssoul, guarding its round boundaries, charting thedrape the Net extensively with their Fetissos, such as littlegolden crosses, tie strings of beads around the children'shands, feet and neck, and fill their hair with little shells,which they greatly esteem; for they say that as long as theyoung child is draped with thisNet, theDevil cannot catchthe child or carry it away; but without itwould be carriedaway by the Devil. They highly esteem the Fetisso of theBeads which they hang around the neck of the little child andthey consider it protection against vomiting, falling, bleeding, harmful animals, unhealthiness, and for sleeping well1987:25).(de MareesThis content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BLUE BEADS AS AFRICAN-AMERICANCULTURAL SYMBOLSIn contemporary Guinea, this custom persists andparents still adorn and protect their infantswithvarious amulets, beads, cowrie shells, and bangles(de Marees 1987:25).The above review illustrates that inWest Africabeads were often used in amulets for protectionfrom harm and illness. The archaeological datagathered for this study indicate blue beads are associated with African-American sites. To understand the role of these artifacts in the lives of AfricanAmericans it is, in turn,necessary to considerthemeaning and uses of blue beads inWest Africa.55tistically significant in termsof differences in color,context, and timeperiods. This section considers thecrucial element of acquisition?orhow enslavedAfrican Americans, tenants, and freed persons mayhave obtained beads. Archaeological interpretationof personal artifacts such as beads is usually basedon theassumption that theywere bought by plantersforAfrican Americans, were hand-me-downs fromtheplanter family, orwere stolen (e.g., Kelso 1984:190,201). A few reports indicate thatsome personalitems may have been curated heirlooms or wereproduced by slaves for theirown use (e.g., DruckerEuropean visitors toWest Africa between the15th and 19th centuries observed that certain bluebeads were highly valued. The most well-knownbead is the aggri or akori bead, which was possiblyand Anthony 1979;Wheaton et al. 1983; Otto 1984:73, 174-175; Zierden et al. 1986). If slaves indeedhad littleor no influence in the items they used indaily life, then the distribution of beads identifiedin this studymay merely reflect the tastes or economies of planters and overseers. If slaves were ableto make decisions concerning theirmaterial life,thenbead color preferences should be viewed as anaspect of African-American consumerism withinand religious items thatwere used for a wide range12,43). This trendcould be the result of consumerspurchasing more shades of blue and green, orblue (Fage 1962; Landewijk 1970; Davison et al.1971; Kalous 1979). Magical andmythical qualitieswere associated with this bead. Aggri beads wereincorporated into jewelry, but theywere also usedin ritual and placed in burials. Among theAshantithe informal slave economy.aggri beads were often placed in containers duringofferings and divination (Parrinder 1961:67). AlongConversely, beads fromAfrican-American sitestheGold Coast this bead was worth itsweight in may merely reflect availability and manufacturingtrendsrather than slave or planter choices or culturalgold, and a person's wealth could be determined bythenumber of aggri beads theyowned (MacDonaldpreferences. In order to explore these issues, thecolor distributions of glass beads thatwere pro1969:58-61).initialconsiderationtothebeduced, sold, and traded between the 17th and 19thUponaggri appearsan appropriate example of blue bead use inWestcenturies were investigated. This proved a dauntingAfrica that could demonstrate continuitywith Aftask, since published reports detailing es.types and numbers are not readily available. Nushould be emphasized thatWest and Central Afrimerous glassmakers produced beads throughoutcan groups exhibited tremendous cultural variation. Europe, Asia, and theMiddle East and mostkeptDeCorse ([1997]) also emphasizes that beads hadinformation about processes, amounts, and othernumerous uses and meanings among cultural manufacturing arts secret(e.g.,Moore 1924:48-50;groups involved in the Atlantic slave trade, and Robertson 1969:38; Kidd 1970; Smith and Goodlikewise slaves may have had a range of uses and1982:12-15; Harris 1984; DeCorse1989:41-44).meanings for blue beads. In summary, this section Two published bead catalogs suggest thatmanuhas attempted to illustrate that beads inWest andfacturers offered more varieties of blues, blueCentral Africa were important social, economic,greens, and greens thanother colors (Karklins 1985:of purposes.BeadSourcesand Availability of GoodsArchaeological data indicate the distribution ofbeads at South Carolina and Georgia sites is stamerely bead manufacturing technology. In discussing glass production, Jones and Sullivan (1989:14)state that 4'cobalt is one of the strongest colorantsavailable to glass manufacturers." Nonetheless, ifbead consumers refused to purchase, trade, or useThis content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

56blue beads, it is doubtful that so many varietieswould have been available in bead catalogs.Concerning bead sources, colonial merchantsand planters often participated in both theAfricanand Indian trade.Deeply involved in themercantilesystem,merchants and planters ordered goods oncredit fromfactors incolonial ports such as Charleston, or directly from factors in London (Rawley1981; Stine 1990; Braund 1993). During the 17thcentury,Amsterdamwasthe ".greatentrepotforwestern Europe. To itcame the products needed inthe slave trade: cloths frommany nations, beads,copper, iron, brandy, and tobacco, and numerousother commodities. Slave ships from foreign nations,notably England, often put intoAmsterdam toacquire wares for theAfrican trade'' (Rawley 1981:81). Traders and planters often purchased goodsfrom the same London merchants (Stine 1990:27).Late 18th-centuryBristol slave traderJamesRogers'mentions his captain buying trade goods at 'theHISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 30strings common beads, 10 stringswhite enameledbeads" (Weisman 1989:67, Table 4).ConsumerChoiceThe above discussion illustrates thatprimary andsecondary information concerning the range andtypes of beads produced in the Old World andshipped toNorth America is not abundantly available. However, a substantial amount of informationregarding the typesof itemspreferredby tradersandmerchants, and perhaps more importantly, the influence exerted by consumers, has been recordedsince the 17th century. The influence of local demand on the types of goods offered by Europeantraders is illustrated in Senegal, West Africa (Opperand Opper 1989:5-6). In 1678 French voyager Jea

illustrated in Table 1, considerable variety exists within this sample. Blue beads comprise 27 percent of the total site sample (n 1,676). Blue is the most prevalent bead color and blue beads are present in 63 percent of the components. No other col