YugoslaviaTransformed, 18 October 1990

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Yugoslavia"Transformed, 18 October 1990Director of'Central-APPROVED FOR RELEASEDATE: MAY2006Intelligence(b) (3)."cc :j.};a :- :f,::;t:v:i:.t eXts if.;.'7J,,;S;y ,.,'ss vir;;':: :r,.,i . i,F."-s ;.:"ai ' 'y f,ra. .nSFs17ry "t'Ytrti3r 4,-I4Zytts.'k- -ALK160C 2 t'H Y-i y iAt ',t Y LY,.yS s lr rv/.(t'' ' 'r-: r'Y5{K; trtrat"NJ" ,,y Y mti:lr9iS YYikStdrxrt-,r,,".iy, t'sxS t, t1 isWAsS.cAy{.'" E'v.tnyF.r:r { ts.r'L,fit, uY'f ygAY*.V.b . ,,.tt, " -t ghiYAH'}r{TLr rrf; at":J "D JIti3Y« ?',e {3,n:.}H y'X9r''f' h5 rYa T.n . : ttt.rrr4 "' 1t{,a' x "f"'s 'u X-c* .r yPt't AY "' tr Y4r tot-P"( -ahyr*Yy. . .Y "Jyaai T4'} 1rn: t- k ES'1'"cis" artvs.trxth{)yFt{,i7, tfitrfla ',tf' k"sa , tws .r eft:,tr J.is-"r-", \r.j }'sah r'Wt'sA .mm h. q.7;)n,w t tc ,h. .{1'"f.ef"' .sry, ' L5hy.s.rr'iit, i"U3Jn1f d7.4;twrt.ra,xri,,:

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)WarningNationaIourcesIntelligeods InvolvedorNINTEL)oationurityUnauthori zed DiureSubject to Criminal SaAll material on this pageis Unclassified.-y'

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Director ofCentralIntelligenceNIE 15-90Yugoslavia TransformedInformation available as of 18 October 1990 was usedin the preparation of this National Intelligence Estimate.The following intelligence organizations participatedin the preparation of this Estimate:The Central Intelligence AgencyThe Defense Intelligence AgencyThe National Security AgencyThe Bureau of Intelligence and Research.Department of Statealso participating:The Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence,Department of the ArmyThe Assistant Chief of Staff, Intelligence.Department of the Air ForceThis Estimate was approved for publication by theNational Foreign Intelligence Board.October 1990

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Yugoslavia TransformedeYugoslavia will cease to function as a federal state within one year,and will probably dissolve within two. Economic reform will notstave off the breakup- Serbia will block Slovene and Croat attempts to form an all-Yugoslav confederation.- There will be a protracted armed uprising by Albanians in Kosovo.A full-scale, interrepublic war is unlikely, but serious intercom-munal conflict will accompany the breakup and will continueafterward. The violence will be intractable and bitter- There is little the United States and its European allies can do topreserve Yugoslav unity. Yugoslavs will see such efforts as contra-dictory to advocacy of democracy and self-determination.iiiSeemLNIE 15-90October 1990

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)reme iK; - Autonomous ."' province boundaryv ebJnissfenoimoekosMONTEN.ivNSe

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Key JudgmentsThe old Yugoslav federation is coming to an end because the reservoir ofpolitical will holding Yugoslavia together is gone. Within a year the federalsystem will no longer exist; within two years Yugoslavia will probably havedissolved as a state.Although elsewhere in Eastern Europe economic and political reform willbe interdependent, Yugoslavia's future will be decided by political andethnic factors. Even successful economic reforms will not hold the countrytogether.The strongest cohesive forces at work in Yugoslavia are those withinSerbia, Croatia, and Slovenia. They are a mix of national pride, localeconomic aspirations, and historically antagonistic religious and culturalidentifications. In Slovenia, and to a lesser extent Croatia, the newnationalism is westward looking, democratic, and entrepreneurial; inSerbia, it is rooted in statist economics, military tradition, and a preferencefor strong central government led by a dynamic personality.Neither the Communist Party nor the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) willbe able to hold the federation together. The party is in a shambles; thearmy has lost prestige because of its strong Communist Party identificationand because much of the country considers it a Serb-dominated institution.No all-Yugoslav political movement has emerged to fill the void left by thecollapse of the Titoist vision of a Yugoslav state, and none will.jAlternatives to dissolution now being discussed in various quarters areunlikely to succeed. A loose confederation will appeal to Croatia andSlovenia, but Serbs will block this in an effort to preserve Serb influence.Moreover, a Serb-dominated attempt to muddle through, using the oldfederal institutions and military brinksmanship to block independence, willnot be tolerated by the newly enfranchised, nationalistic electorates of thebreakaway republics. Serbs know this. [It is likely that Serbian repression in Kosovo will result in an armeduprising by the majority Albanian population, supported by large Albanianminorities in Macedonia and Montenegro. This, in turn, will create strongpressure on those republics to associate themselves closely with Serbia.v

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)nne.tA slide from sporadic and spontaneous ethnic violence into organizedinterrepublic civil war is also a danger, but it is unlikely during the periodof this Estimate. Serbia's commitment of resources to pacification of theAlbanians in Kosovo will constrain its ability to use military means to bringSerbian minorities in the western part of the country under its directcontrol. The Serbs, however, will attempt to foment uprisings by Serbminorities elsewhere-particularly in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovinaand large-scale ethnic violence is likely.The United States will have little capacity to preserve Yugoslav unity,notwithstanding the influence it has had there in the past. But leaders fromvarious republics will make claims on US officials to advance their partisanobjectives. Federal and Serb leaders will emphasize statements in supportof territorial integrity. Slovenes, Croats, and Kosovars, however, will playup US pressure for improved performance on human rights and selfdetermination. Thus, Washington will continue to be drawn into the heatedarena of interethnic conflict and will be expected to respond in somemanner to the contrary claims of all parties.The Soviet Union will have only an indirect influence-for example,through multinational forums-on the outcome in Yugoslavia. The Europeans have some leverage, but they are not going to use it to hold the oldYugoslavia together. Most of them, including the Germans, will paylipservice to the idea of Yugoslav integrity, while quietly accepting thedissolution of the federal state. srvi

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)ContentsPageKey JudgmentsDiscussionV1Centrifugal Forces DominantModerating Influences Are WeakThe FutureOutside Influences Limited and/or MenacingAnnex: The Peoples of YugoslaviaVii371013

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Sitfat,DiscussionHow's the weather, Jeeves?Exceptionally clement, sir.Anything in the papers?Some slight friction threatening in the Balkans, sir.Otherwise, nothing.P. G. WodehouseTheInimitable Jews. 1928Behind the crumbling facade of the old Yugoslavfederation new political realities are emerging:" A centralized Serbian state, ruled initially by Slobodan Milosevic's former Communist Party and probably joined with Montenegro in a new federation." A Macedonian state, probably dominated by Communist Party factions with differing views on thedesirability of democratization and market reformsbut subject to Serbian influence articulated in termsof control over their Albanian minority populations." Croatian and Slovenian states in the northwest,oriented toward Western Europe and probably associated in a confederal arrangement with or withoutthe participation of Bosnia and Hercegovina.[With the departure of Slovenia and Croatia over thenext year, the Yugoslav federal system will cease tofunction. Efforts to construct a confederal alternativeto the current system will probably fail within thetwo-year span of this Estimate, leading to the dissolution of Yugoslavia as a state.Centrifugal Forces DominantStrong centrifugal forces are driving the 70-year-oldYugoslav state apart. Although such forces have beenpresent for years and the federation has somehowsurvived, this time is different. Tito, who embodiedthe concept of a federal Yugoslavia, has been dead for10 years. Absent a leader of his stature, the Yugoslavfederation has been held together by institutionalinertia, mainly in the Communist Party and themilitary. The party organization has been shatteredand its ideological appeal leached away by recentdevelopments elsewhere in Central Europe and theBalkans. [ The Yugoslav National Army (JNA), because of itsstrong party identification and because much of thecountry considers it a Serb-dominated institution, haslost much of its stature as custodian of the Yugoslavidea. Although the army might unilaterally attempt tohold the federation together, its leadership recognizesthat it could not do this alone and probably believesthat any attempt to do so would cause the JNA todissolve along its ethnic faultlines. Dissolution in thiscircumstance would prompt Slovenia and Croatia torapidly assert as much control as possible over armyassets on their territories, and the JNA's remainingresources would be transferred into Serbian, andpossibly other, state armed forces. National pride, economic aspirations, and an upwelling of ethnic-based religious and cultural identification will continue to push Slovenia and Croatiatoward independence. Secessionist sentiment has beenpowerfully stimulated by Serbian attempts to dominate the federal political process. Breakaway claimshave reached the point of explicit demands andpractical measures that are incompatible with the oldFederal Constitution. Secessionist steps include declarations of sovereignty, pursuit of independent foreignpolicy goals, the appearance of republic-based para-military formations, plans for republic-based and-controlled military forces, and claims to exclusivecontrol of natural resources. These measures have yetto be knitted together into explicit, internally consistent statements of national identity, but they will bewithin the span of this Estimate.

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Slobodan Milosevic (u)Tito and Nationalism: Missed OpportunityIn the mid-1960s, Tito relaxed the more stringent internalpolice controlsand institutedadministrative reform, devolving signiicantdecision authority from the federal level to that 4fthe republics. However, when a postwar generation of nationalistleaders began to emerge inthe republics-mostvisiblyin Croatia-Titoproved unable to accept the political consequences of dilutedfederal and party authorityIn late 1971, he purged the Croatian party andstate leaders, also coming down hard on "nationalist extremists" as well as liberalsin Serbia, Slovenia, and Macedonia. In doingso heeliminated younger, dynamic nationalist Coinmunist Party elites in those key republics whomight have been able tofashion a long-term,workable compromise between disparate nationalistaspirations andfederal structures.Inthe final analysis, Tito proved unable to dealconstructivelywith nationalist aspirationsofthe South Slav peoples-aspiration he had successfully suppressed under the party banner of."brotherhoodand unity "after the Communists'victoryin 1945. Tito's multinational Yugoslavstate was thus vulnerable after his death to theerupting nationalism.'Overheated nationalism fostered by Serbian extremists is the strongest among the new forces driving therepublics apart, and it will not go away. SerbianPresident Milosevic seized power on a wave of populism and ethnic assertion. His followers will remainsusceptible to these themes as the cement of Communism erodes and other republics resist the impositionof Serbian control. Milosevic's personal style-dramatic gestures, risk taking, and drive-reinforces theappeal his policies have to the Serbian masses. Although Milosevic's nationwide power peaked when theother republics rejected his leadership at the last (andprobably final) all-Yugoslav party congress, his futurein Serbia remains solid. In October 1989, he won amandate-with 80 percent of the vote-to rule Serbiafor four more years. He will be reelected in December1990, in a victory as illegitimate as the previousyear's, but the salient factor for Yugoslavia is thatnearly all Serbian opposition parties either hold equally or more extreme nationalistic views or have beenco-opted by Milosevic's rhetoric concerning Kosovoand Croatia. The Milosevic-controlled press continueto fan the Serbian nationalist flames in Kosovo andCroatia, but he is no longer the master of thatnationalism; hardline opposition parties are undermining Milosevic's tactical position by precipitating confrontations with ethnic minorities in the Sandzak,Bosnia, and Vojvodina. Thus, virtually any ruler of2

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Nationalist conflict in Yugoslavia is exacerbated bythe recent spectacular growth of Macedonian nationalism. This has been in response generally to thedisintegration of the federation, but more specificallyperceived Serbian threats to Macedonia's ownintegrity. Macedonian nationalism has now assumed atransnational dimension in attempting to appeal toclaimed fellow-nationals in Greece and Bulgaria.Since Serbs, Greeks, and Bulgarians reject the notionof a separate Macedonian nationhood, the potentialItoSS0O/ (-for an international crisis is manifestTito's uniquely Yugoslav version of Communist ideology, backed by force and buttressed by the wartimeStcomradeship among his partisan elite, put a stop tona.-an ethe internecine warfare that took more than a millionrigse t.Yugoslav lives during World War IL The wartimebrotherhood of Communist partisans failed, however,Serbia during the span of this Estimate will probablyto pass its all-Yugoslav vision on to a younger generarefuse to accept the minimal conditions set by Slovetion. The attitudes that have resurfaced in its placenia and Croatia for continuation of an all-Yugoslavmay prove-as they were in the past-both bitter andintense. state. -Serbia's repression of the mostly Albanian-populatedprovince of Kosovo is wearing thin th'e Albanians'commitment to peaceful resistance and advocacy ofindependence within Yugoslavia and is likely to transform it into armed rebellion and a drive towardsecession. Under conditions of guerrilla warfareagainst the Serbs, Kosovars will seek material support, but not formal union, from Albanians. The lossof Kosovo would be a bitter affront to the Serbiansense of national identity; it is the traditional Serbianheartland, and Belgrade will expend any resources toretain it. The consequences of this decision will beprotracted conflict, with great loss of life .and treasure.External factors are also pulling Yugoslavia apart.The recession of the Soviet interventionist threat inEastern Europe has signaled to Yugoslavs that it issafe to resume old quarrels. Together with the attraction of associate membership in the EC and otherforms of integration with the West, it also hasundermined the rationale for nonalignment-Tito'sprincipal foreign policy legacy. Meanwhile, Sloveniaand Croatia have concluded that their chances forinclusion in Europe are better as autonomous entitiesthan in association with the more backward parts ofthe Yugoslav state.Bosnia-Hercegovina represents the greatest threat ofbringing the fundamental ethnic division in Yugoslavia-that between Serbs and Croats-into large-scaleModerating Influences Are WeakThere are forces for cohesion at work in Yugoslavia,but they are weak and fading. The best hopesthough poor-are the economic reform launched byPremier Markovic and his effort to create an all-communal violence. This republic's ethnic mix ofYugoslav political party capable of competing withMuslims (more than 40 percent), Serbs (32 percent),nationalist parties and movements in the republics.and Croats (18 percent) has always been potentiallyMarkovic's economic reforms have enjoyed some ini-dangerous. Elections at the end of November willincrease the potential for intervention by Serbia andtial success and may have helped postpone nationalCroatia. 3

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Kosovo-Yugoslavia's Killing FieldsAlbanian-Serb hostility stems from historic experience under the Ottoman Turks, when manyAlbanians chose Islam and rose to ifluence in anEmpire that often repressed its Christian Serbsubjects. In 1915, Albanian irregulars harried theretreating Serbs. In 1941, Italians and Germansfound willing collaborators among Albanians.Some anti-Communist Albanian armed units retnained intact until 1948. In that year Tito gavehis chief of security Aleksander Rankovic (aSerb). a free hand to conduct a campaign againstthe Albanian guerrillas that was apparently remarkable for brutality even in Balkan annals (anepisode hardly noted in Yugoslav history books).Past efforts by Belgrade to co-opt Albanian' leaders proved succesftful only for short perods; thesefocal figures soon came to be regarded as puppets.There is now nocredible Albanian edershptaking sides with egiade: Desplithavy Serbpolice pressureand harsh court actions againstany 4lbanian who speaks out for autottomy, an"alternpative" Albanlern political orbgeuizabin hasdeveloped alt apiegt increasing yl 'deAnedWe suspect there li junore clandesti e p4ltlicalactivity going o Mtan e'noqw.Three times since, in 1968, 1981, and 1989-90nesses have been partituiarlpregular army units have been calledIntercommunal violence[ in to suppressThe Albanian population in Kosovo has dramat-Serbidn repressionin Kotohda60vted siead-ly in recent months, Albanian 5tlalIprivatbi-dM,hitth a thatclosed to'observea general since top, otet Serbian heayindnet" thFiebtbn policeand have not been 'Ymitfetdto raOpe#tyThe Deocratic Alfiance of Kosov6,-4 aest ptintbe-cally increased since World War II. With theprovince-has stressieodviotiettpnrhighest birthrate in the nation and with the exodus tional credo, but in ea ingly .asltdialed thatof Serbs and Montenegrins. AlbaniansIn Kosovo failure by Serbia t etd its rtssbtiyt l inake !tgrew from 65 percent in 1971 to 77 percent in 1981, impssible to Continpe'tigs line Mietzhtlethethe last census year. It is believed to be near ordecision to declare Kosovoepubli lilT'ugoperhaps beyond 90 percent today. Serbs claim that slavia and to promuligate a constuti t thrken dtthe Albanians have systematically "driven" Serbs covertmeeting of the disolved Kaoy Assntbijand Montenegrins from the province, alleging vari- on 7September. was a direct chalieigeto Serbsous acts of terror.The evidence for this is spotty at and may have brought ethh tensions #6 the'best. Serbs also assert an Albanian plot to disbreakingpoint.member Yugoslavia by Kosovo's annexation toAlbania, term this treason, and assert both the- Anior stone Asurtreemly co-m.eedrmy t avl*tiOcai aAbogiike tiMs'.Gil q'hsdyarsweright and duty to prevent it. However, no crediblehproof of treasonous collusion of this nature has yet tookine for uadsltnusSbeen adduced.4

Yugoslavia Transformed, 18 October 1990(Continued.)Serbia a Diicult Choicescollapse, but it is highly improbable that Slovenia andCroatia will agree to surrender the authority to thefederal government that he has sought in order toimplement the reform's next phase.The key questionfor Serbia is the Tate" oftheSerbs who dwell outside the borders of Serbia.This is the issue of greatest psychologicalim-Recent increases in world oil prices bring an unantici-portance for Serbs, and no Belgrade leadershippated drain on Yugoslav foreign exchange reserves.can lightlyaccept responsibilityfor splinteringthe unity of the Serbian people, the goal forwhich Serbs perceive they have fought-andwon-four bloody wars in this century. A confederal compromise would also be perceived bySerbs as the fragmentation 4f the Serbian peo

NIE 15-90 Yugoslavia Transformed Information available as of 18 October 1990 was used in the preparation of this National Intelligence Estimate. The following intelligence organizations participated in the preparation of this Estimate: The Central Intelligence Agency The Defense Intelligence Agency The National Security Agency

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