Aboriginal Experiences With Racism And Its Impacts - Nccih
SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF HEALTHABORIGINAL EXPERIENCES WITHRACISM AND ITS IMPACTSThis paper is the second in a seriesof papers focused on anti-Aboriginalracism in Canada. The first paperexamined the concept of race andracism, exploring the various forms ittakes. In this paper, the focus is on thelived and structural forms of racism.We begin by providing a brief overviewof what racism is, how it intersects withother forms of discrimination, and howit is manifested. The paper then movesto a discussion of how the dominantracialized group (i.e., European settlers)expresses racism in historic andcurrent contexts and how Aboriginal1people in Canada experience racism ininterpersonal, structural and sometimesviolent ways. We examine racism withingovernment policies, healthcare, andjudicial systems, and explore the uniqueways that racism is experienced byAboriginal peoples and how it impactstheir well-being.IntroductionRacism is a social injustice basedon falsely constructed, but deeplyembedded, assumptions about peopleand their relative social value; it isoften used to justify disparities in thedistribution of resources (MacKinnon,2004). Racism manifests in multipleways that allow some groups of peopleto see themselves as superior to othersand to claim and maintain multiple1 Credit: Fred Cattroll, www.cattroll.comPrepared by Samantha Loppie,Charlotte Reading & Sarah de Leeuwforms of political, sociocultural, andeconomic power. Racism also intersectswith, as well as reinforces, other waysin which human beings discriminateagainst each other, including sociallyconstructed categories of gender,disability, ability, sexual orientation,class, and age (Heldke & O’Connor,2004).Racism must be understood assomething that is lived; it is experiencedby individuals, families, communities,and nations through interactions andstructures of the everyday world. Thetruth is that the ideologies, socialprejudices and words upon which raceand racism are built do a great dealof damage. In fact, racism infects thelives of individuals and institutions –sometimes quietly, sometimes covertly,sometimes immediately, and sometimesover long periods of time, but alwaysunjustly.Definition of TermsRacism is a belief or behaviour based on the notion that ‘race’ is the basis of humancharacteristics and practices, and that racial differences produce inherent superiorities orinferiorities in particular races (Merriam-Webster Dictionary, 2013a).Racialize refers to the practice of assigning a racial identity to a person or group of people(Merriam-Webster Dictionary, 2013b).The term ‘Aboriginal’ will be used to denote the Indigenous peoples of Canada as defined by the Constitution Act of Canada 1982, Section 35, 2 as FirstNations (including status/non-status Indians, and on/off reserve Indians), Inuit and Métis peoples.sharing knowledge · making a differencepartager les connaissances · faire une différenceᖃᐅᔨᒃᑲᐃᖃᑎᒌᓃᖅ · ᐱᕚᓪᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ
Racism is an experience acutely felt bymany Aboriginal people in Canada. Forexample, according to a 2005 reportof the First Nations Regional LongitudinalHealth Survey ( RHS), 38% of participatingFirst Nations adults experienced at leastone instance of racism in the past 12months; 63% of them felt that it had atleast some effect on their self-esteem(First Nations Centre, 2005).Expressions of RacismThe labeling of individuals and groupsas ‘different’ is part of the processof creating social hierarchies, whichrepresents the foundation of oppression(de Leeuw, Kobayashi, & Cameron,2011). Throughout most human societies,particular groups have consistentlybeen ‘othered’, marginalized anddiscriminated against (Ibid.). Therenowned theorist Foucault proposedthat discrimination is not alwaysexpressed in violent ways (e.g., slavery,genocide) but can take less aggressiveforms (e.g., colonialism) that presentpower inequalities as neutral and naturalprocesses (Ibid.). Yet all forms ofoppression, including racism, contributenegatively to the well-being of certainracialized groups (Clark, Anderson,Clark, & Williams, 1999). Within theracialized hierarchy of Canadian society,Aboriginal peoples continue to be‘othered’ by settler2 groups in an attemptto rationalize colonial actions thatdisadvantage, oppress, and ultimatelyharm them (de Leeuw, Kobayashi,& Cameron, 2011). Within Canada,anti-Aboriginal racism is expressed innumerous ways: through stereotyping,stigmatization and violence, as wellas through many of the structuresof Canadian society.Racialized Stereotypes and StigmaThere are a number of negativestereotypes associated with Aboriginal2people, including assumptions aboutthe pervasiveness and cause of alcoholand drug addiction, unemployment, andviolence (Backhouse, 1999; de Leeuw,Kobayashi, & Cameron, 2011). Onepersistent and particularly damagingdepiction is that Aboriginal peoples arewilling ‘wards of the state,’ dependenton others and ultimately better off whenthe federal government oversees theiraffairs (Erickson, 2005). This not onlydegrades the autonomy of Aboriginalpeoples and their legitimate right to beself-determining, but it has damaged theself-concept of countless generationsof people who unfortunately, at times,internalize such demeaning stereotypes(Harding, 2006).The media plays a considerable role inshaping public perceptions of Aboriginalpeoples in Canada (Furniss, 2001).Although contemporary representationsare more accurate and inclusive ofAboriginal perspectives than at any timein history, they are still often corruptedby misinterpretations, tokenism, andlack of historical or cultural context(Harding, 2006). Media decisionmakers select what to report and, in sodoing, can enhance or damage publicopinion of Aboriginal peoples (Furniss,2001). News reports often focus onthe social and economic challengesfacing Aboriginal communities whileignoring stories of discrimination and/or exploitation by powerful groups orauthorities (Harding, 2006). In recentyears, Aboriginal leaders have attemptedto use the media to rally support forissues facing their communities, callingon the ‘politics of embarrassment’ toexpose the government’s poor treatmentof Aboriginal peoples and accuratelyinform the public (Furniss, 2001). Sadly,it has proven very difficult to challengeentrenched racial stereotypes and gainsupport for the equitable treatment ofAboriginal peoples.Many Canadians’ beliefs, attitudes,and behaviours toward Aboriginalpeople remain heavily influenced bycolonial stereotypes, entrenched in amentality of ‘us versus them’ (Bourassa,McKay-McNabb, & Hampton, 2004).The positioning of Aboriginal peopleas an idealized or demonized ‘other’exaggerates cultural differences andreinforces racialized generalizations (deLeeuw, Kobayashi, & Cameron, 2011).Inaccurate or inadequate educationabout Canada’s colonial history andits role in creating the disadvantagescurrently facing Aboriginal communitiesessentially transfers responsibilityfor economic and social problems toAboriginal peoples’ presumed failureto evolve, rather than to the sociallyand economically damaging effects ofcolonialism and racism (Harding, 2006).Violent RacismViolent racism is defined as acts ofviolence perpetrated against a personor group based on the racialized groupto which they are assigned (Bowling,1999). Historically, there are manyinstances where Aboriginal peoplesuffered violence at the hands of settlers.One poignant example of widespreadviolence can be found in the experienceof Mi’kmaq people in Nova Scotia.During the mid 1700s, the founder ofHalifax, Edward Cornwallis, placed abounty of ten guineas for the scalp ofevery Mi’kmaq man, woman or child,thus causing the death of thousands(O’Connor, 2011). Although Cornwallis’government perpetrated heinousacts of racialized violence against theMi’kmaq people, he is immortalized inthe province’s history, having streets,military bases and schools named afterhim as well as a memorial statue in adowntown Halifax park. For decades,Mi’kmaq people in the provincebeseeched the city to remove Cornwallis’name from schools in particular, butA settler is defined as “a person who settles in an area” [such as the European settlers of North America] (Oxford Dictionaries, n.d).2
Credit: Dreamstime.com, ID 28812119Idle No MoreWidespread backlash against the Idle No More movement demonstrates the unfortunate but undeniable anti-Aboriginal racism thatpersists within Canada (Perkel, 2013, Van Bemmel, 2013). The Idle No More (INM) movement began when four Aboriginal women inSaskatoon, Saskatchewan responded to the Canadian Parliament adopting the Omnibus Bill C-45, which included a number of unfairamendments to Aboriginal land rights (Gordon, 2013). The bill would offer deregulation for industrial development and allow companies tobuy and sell reserve land without consideration or compensation to the communities on those lands (Paradis, 2013). This bill disregardedAboriginal land rights and ignored the environmental and health impacts industrial development would cause (Paradis, 2013).Communities were ignited by the government’s lack of concern for Aboriginal treaties and the INM movement gained momentum throughsocial media networks.The overarching goal of the movement was to advance Indigenous sovereignty, create allies and forge new political relationships, as well asput pressure on the government to protect the environment and Aboriginal rights (Gordon, 2013). Aboriginal leaders, youth and alliesrallied together in a united front that did not include a single figurehead but rather a collective, guided by Elders, to support the movement(Anderson, 2013). The INM movement was about more than Bill C-45; it was about giving Indigenous people a voice and solidarity in orderto fight other injustices in the future (Caven, 2013). In December 2012, despite great support and publicity of the INM movement, theOmnibus Bill C-45 was passed; thus demonstrating the government’s disregard for this national protest (Anderson, 2013).However, the INM movement also ignited substantial criticism from some members of the non-Aboriginal Canadian public. The foundersand supporters of INM wanted to do more than oppose legislation but also to inform the public about the historical and current racismand discrimination faced by Aboriginal people in Canada (Caven, 2013). Unfortunately, those very assumptions and prejudices againstAboriginal peoples became points of contention as INM activists were exposed to an onslaught of racist comments and incidents (Perkel,2013). At times, the backlash became so heated that Aboriginal leaders made public expressions of concern for the safety of those involvedin the movement (Perkel, 2013). Beyond the overt racism from non-Aboriginal sources, one of the founders, Sylvia McAdams, expressed herdisappointment that many supporters only offered lip service to INM. She also expressed her desire to see more fervent support for themovement and a better understanding of the history of discrimination faced by Aboriginal peoples (Caven, 2013).Aboriginal Experiences with Racism and Its Impacts3
Credit: Fred Cattroll, www.cattroll.comThe continued existenceof ‘Indian reserves’ servesas one of the most visiblereminders of the racebased segregation of FirstNations people in Canada(Musto, 1990).were Aboriginal) from Vancouver’sDowntown Eastside between the 1980sand 2002 (Oppal, 2012), and the RobertPickton murders, which included aThere are also numerous examples of the disproportionately high number ofAboriginal women (Kubik, Bourassa,violent racism that Aboriginal peoplesexperience in contemporary society. As a and Hampton, 2009; Native Women’sgroup, Aboriginal men are two-to-three Association of Canada, 2007). Thisintersecting and compounding violencetimes more likely than non-Aboriginalemerged, in part, from the colonialmen to experience violence bydestruction of traditional Aboriginalauthorities or individuals (Brownridge,gender roles, which once afforded2010). However, it is Aboriginal womenwho bear the brunt of racialized violence women considerable social, economicand political power as well as sexualin Canada. In addition to experiencingagency. This base of strength and respectthree-to-four times more interpersonalwas seriously undermined by a colonialviolence than non-Aboriginal womenreconstruction of Aboriginal women(Brownridge, 2008), Aboriginal womenwithin racially misogynistic ideologiesare at higher risk for harassment by(Gunn Allen, 1986; Loppie Reading &authorities (McGlade, 2010; Razack,Barlow, 2009).2000). Aboriginal women also facea phenomenon best described as‘racialized misogyny’ (the hatred ofStructural Racismracialized women), which fosters andStructural racism refers to economic,legitimizes physical and social violencesocial and political institutions andperpetrated against them by virtue ofprocesses of a society that create andtheir exponentially diminished socialreinforce racial discrimination ( Jackson,status (i.e. being a women and beingMcGibbon & Waldron, 2013; Lawrence,Aboriginal). Examples of this includeSutton, Kubisch, Susi, & Fulbrightthe high rates of violence reported byAnderson, 2010). The establishmentAboriginal women (Brennan, 2011),of ‘Indian reserves’ and inadequateas well as the notorious ‘Highway ofinvestment in those reserves serveTears’ (Lee, 2009), the disappearanceas examples of structural racismof at least 60 women (most of whomuntil recently were met with resistancefrom the government and the public(Guild, 2011).4whereby socio-economic inequities andconditions of disadvantage are createdand perpetuated.The continued existence of ‘Indianreserves’ serves as one of the most visiblereminders of the race-based segregationof First Nations people in Canada(Musto, 1990). Indeed, this overt formof racialized discrimination has beensupported by successive governmentsover several generations. Even in thecurrent context, investment in the socialand economic development of reservecommunities is paltry compared to otherCanadian communities and, in somecases, on-reserve conditions mirrorthose in developing countries (Ibid.).In fact, most remote First Nation andInuit communities face innumerablechallenges in accessing, extracting orsecuring financial, natural and humanresources respectively, often resultingin absolute as well as relative poverty(Musto, 1990). Diminished federalinvestment in Aboriginal housing,for example, is troubling, resulting inpoor quality housing, poor ventilationand mold, as well as overcrowdedhousing conditions (Optis, Shaw,Stephenson, & Wild, 2012). Similarly,failure to provide adequate funding foreducation programs has significantly
influenced educational opportunities forFirst Nations students (First NationsEducation Council, 2009). Moreover,the current federal funding formula foron-reserve water and wastewater systemsis often inadequate, leaving manyFirst Nations communities financiallyincapable of operating and maintainingadequate systems (Simeon, 2010).Federal Policies and Aboriginal Peoples in CanadaAct, the majority represent superficialalterations that do little to address thefundamental inequities it created andmaintains (Robson, 1991). This legallysanctioned form of racism infringeson several dimensions of First Nationpeoples’ political, economic and culturallife, including the power to define who isand is not an ‘Indian’3 and the rights towhich they are entitled (Lavoie & Forget,2011).Early versions of the Indian Act outlinedan enfranchisement policy that requiredindividuals to give up their Indian statusI want to get rid of the Indianin order to vote, to join the military,problem Our objective is toto become a lawyer, clergy, or doctor,continue until there is not a singleor to earn a university degree (Moss,Indian in Canada that has not been1990). This policy was implemented inabsorbed into the body politic andan effort to assimilate First Nationspeople into Euro-Canadian culture andthere is no Indian question, and noIndian department. (Miller, 2004, p. thus remove the Crown’s obligation toprovide services and resources outlined35)in the Indian Act (Moss, 1990). Otheraspects of the Indian Act sought toThe policies of the Indian Act arecontrol the identity of First Nationspaternalistic and permit First Nationspeople little or no control over their lives people, and First Nations womenand communities (Moss, 1990). Although specifically, through policies regardingmarital status and family inheritance.there have been amendments to theBefore 1985, section 12(1)(B) of the Act Credit: Fred Cattroll, www.cattroll.comStructural racism is often rooted inpolitical actions or policies that createand/or reinforce discrimination againsta racialized group ( Jordan & Weedon,1995; Sears, Sidanius, & Bobo, 2000).One of the principal means by whichthis type of racism is expressed againstFirst Nations people in Canada isthrough the Indian Act. Enacted in 1876by the Canadian government (Moss,1990), the Indian Act was purportedto protect the rights of First Nationspeoples by recognizing the legal andethical responsibilities of the Crown. Inreality, however, it created an enduringfederal structure that could (and does)exert substantial control over FirstNations’ identity, lands, resources,languages, and cultural practices (Long,Bear, & Boldt, 1982). In addition to theIndian Act, the Department of IndianAffairs ( DIA) was created to overseepolicies concerning the economic,social, and cultural lives of First Nationspeoples (Long, Bear, & Boldt, 1982).Establishment of the DIA and theIndian Act ushered in an era of overtracism against First Nations peoples,exemplified by the following quote bythe Deputy Superintendent General ofIndian Affairs, Duncan Campbell Scottin 1920:3The term ‘Indian’ was most commonly used the Government of Canada up to the 1970s to represent First Nations people (Aboriginal Affairs andNorthern Development Canada, 2012).Aboriginal Experiences with Racism and Its Impacts5
stated that First Nations women wouldlose their legal Indian status if theymarried a non-Indian man. Section 6 ofthe Act also removed the legal status ofwomen’s children, but not of Indian menwho married non-Indian women; in fact,non-Indian women who married Indianmen would gain status for themselvesand their children (Cannon, 2006). Thisform of assimilation was based on apatriarchal structure of kinship wherewealth was passed from fathers to sonsand a woman’s identity was determinedby that of her husband’s (Cannon, 2006).Contemporary revisions of the IndianAct have aimed to address some ofits most discriminatory policies. Forinstance, in 1985 the passing of Bill C-31amended the Act so that First Nationswomen could regain Indian status lostthrough marriage to a non-First Nationsman (Robson, 1991). Another 1985amendment eliminated enfranchisement,which would strip First Nations peopleof their status. While these changes aremoving in the right direction, the IndianAct itself remains a form of structuralracism (Long, Bear, & Boldt, 1982).Unfortunately, the Indian Act cannot bediscarded altogether because there aresome policies in it that actually protectthe rights of First Nations peoples (deLeeuw, Kobayashi, & Cameron, 2011).Racism and Institutions: Residential SchoolsStructural racism also occurswithin institutions that segregate ordiscriminate against individuals orgroups based on racialization (Williams,1985; Gee, 2002). One of the mostnotorious forms of racism at theinstitutional level was the residentialschool system, which represented theattempted assimilation of Aboriginalchildren. Initially, treaties betweenFirst Nations leaders and the Canadiangovernment outlined policies thatwould provide culturally rich, onreserve education for First Nationschildren (MacDonald & Hudson,2012). However, rather than supporteducational institutions that respectfully6incorporated western and traditionalIndigenous knowledge, the governmentestablished a system of boarding(residential) schools that aimed to “killthe Indian in the child” (cited in Miller,2004, p. 35). In 1880, the first residentialschool was established in Canada,located off-reserve, funded by the federalgovernment, and run predominantlyby Catholic and Anglican churches(MacDonald & Hudson, 2012). Until1950, First Nations (and some Inuit andMétis) children between the ages offive and sixteen were forced to attendthese schools – many miles and manymonths or years away from their familiesand cultural traditions (Miller, 2004;Milloy, 1996). Parents did not approveof the aggressive assimilation practicesundertaken by school administrators, buthad no recourse or authority to removetheir children from these institutions.The ideologies and ensuing activitiesof these schools were fundamentallyracist, stripping Aboriginal children oftheir traditional livelihood skills andtraining them only for menial jobs, thusrestricting their future socio-economicopportunities (Deiter, 1999; Friesen& Friesen, 2002). Students were notpermitted to speak their first languagesor use their given names (Nagy &Sehdev, 2012), and many experiencedneglect; physical, emotional and sexualabuse; poor diets; and exposure to fataldiseases like tuberculosis (MacDonald &Hudson, 2012).Even when children were permittedto leave residential school, therewere no supports for reentering theircommunities so the transition was notalways smooth and family relationshipscould often not be reestablished. Theresulting social isolation, culturaltrauma and even internal racismexperienced during and after leavingschool caused some survivors to turnto negative coping strategies (Nagy &Sehdev, 2012). Ultimately, for many, thisform of structural racism resulted inalcohol and substance abuse, violence,parenting problems, depression andsuicide (Ibid.). As well, research suggeststhat residential schools set in motiona cycle of trauma that has been passedthrough generations, detrimental to thewell-being of Aboriginal people as awhole (Fournier & Crey, 1997; Furniss,1992; Gagné, 1998; Haig-Brown, 1988;Kirmayer, Simpson, & Cargo, 2003;Milloy, 1999). Sadly, it often falls onchildren to absorb the feelings of lossand frustration felt by their parentsand grandparents. Even though thesechildren did not experience the traumaof residential schools first hand, theyare experiencing it indirectly throughthe effects on their families andcommunities (Volkan, 1997).Some researchers have suggested thatoppressive government policies suchas the establishment of residentialschools represent attempted culturalgenocide against Aboriginal peoples.Cultural genocide, or ethnocide, aimsto extinguish the knowledge, languages,and traditions of a particular group ofpeople (MacDonald & Hudson, 2012).In 1948, the International Conventionon the Prevention and Punishment ofthe Crime of Genocide set the UnitedNations definition of genocide as killingmembers of a marginalized group,causing serious bodily or mental harmto members of that group, deliberatelyinflicting on a group conditions tobring about its physical destruction inwhole or in part, imposing measuresintended to prevent births within thegroup, and forcibly transferring childrenof the group to another group (UnitedNations, 1948). Under this definition,a case of attempted cultural genocidecould certainly be made against theresidential school system on the basisof its practice of forced assimilation,attempted destruction of traditionalcultures, and denial of Indigenousidentities (MacDonald & Hudson, 2012).Some critics find the term genocidetoo controversial; however, it is notbeing used here to provoke but ratherto center racialized colonialism within
One of the most notorious forms of racism at theinstitutional level was the residential school system,which represented the attempted assimilation ofAboriginal children. Credit: Library and Archives Canada, ID PA-042133, “Study time at Native residential school, (Fort) Resolution, NWT.”Aboriginal Experiences with Racism and Its Impacts7
Credit: Francis Vachon, www.francisvachon.comThe harm done tosurvivors, their children,families, communities,and future generationsis immeasurable.a framework that shows the extentof damage it has had on Indigenouspopulations (Woolford, 2009). Inresponse to this legacy of trauma, in2008 Prime Minister Steven Harperissued a statement of reconciliation onbehalf of Parliament and all Canadiancitizens to express regret for thegenerations of residential school abuse(CBC News, 2008). The statement hasbeen widely criticized for being craftedto avoid saying that the government tookfull responsibility and for not adequatelyaddressing the continuing effects onAboriginal peoples (Dorrell, 2009). Thestatement of reconciliation also didnot challenge the colonial relationshipbetween Aboriginal and non-Aboriginalgroups (Nagy & Sehdev, 2012).of a crime (Dylan, Regehr, & Alaggia,2008). Not surprisingly, Aboriginalpeoples are presently the most overrepresented group in the Canadiancriminal justice system (Martel, &Brassard, 2008; Statistics Canada, 2012)and racism has been exposed as a factorin the way Aboriginal people are treatedwithin systems of justice (Dylan, Regehr,& Alaggia, 2008). As well, racial biascan motivate authorities to question thecredibility of Aboriginal people whoare victims of crime, often leading toa lack of adequate support (McGlade,2010). This ultimately contributes toperceptions, on the part of offenders andvictims, that the system will not treatthem fairly.Like so many other issues facingAboriginal people, the legacy ofStructural racism can also be foundcolonialism and anti-Aboriginal racismwithin the systems intended to serve our is implicated in the criminalizationneeds, where racist policies intersect with of Aboriginal peoples (Proulx, 2000).racist stereotypes (Furniss, 2001), oftenOver time, authorities such as police,translating into discrimination againstcourts and prisons have engaged inAboriginal people (Dylan, Regehr, &racial profiling of Aboriginal peoplesAlaggia, 2008). For example, Aboriginal (Furniss, 2001). Some scholars purportoffenders are more likely to receivethat this kind of systemic racismsentences of imprisonment if convictedand ‘over policing’ in AboriginalJustice and Health Care Systems8communities has led to a strainedrelationship between Aboriginal peoplesand the justice system as a whole (Ibid).Indeed, research reveals that all groupswill mistrust authorities if they feelthe institution does not represent theinterests of their community (Chrismas,2012).Research has shown that Indigenouspeoples around the world also oftenhave negative experiences with healthcare settings. Racism can be expressedin these settings through longer waittimes, fewer referrals, and disrespectfultreatment for Aboriginal people (Narine,2013; Vukic, Jesty, Mathews, & Etowa,2012). Actions by service providers thatdemean, diminish or disempower thecultural identity and well-being of anindividual are seen as culturally riskypractices (Brown, 2009).The consequence of racism withinhealth care settings is first and foremostemotional and social harm to Aboriginalpeoples. A more long-term and insidiousoutcome, however, is that Aboriginalpeople lose trust in a system that claimsto care for them. Experiences of harm
Credit: Francis Vachon, www.francisvachon.comand lack of trust can translate intodiminished utilization of services criticalto Aboriginal peoples’ health, includingscreening for infectious or chronicdisease as well as access to essentialmedical treatment or pharmaceuticalinterventions (Loppie Reading, &Barlow, 2009). Ultimately, the trajectoryof racism within health care settingsleads to diminished health outcomes forAboriginal people as seen in the currentdisproportional burden of disease anddiminished life expectancy (LoppieReading & Wien, 2009).ConclusionMuch has been written about theconnection between political, social andeconomic disparities and the burdenof ill-health facing Aboriginal peoplein Canada (Backhouse, 1999; Bourassa,McKay-McNabb, & Hampton, 2004;First Nations Centre, 2005; LoppieReading & Wien, 2009). At the root ofthese inequities, racial discriminationemerges as a major determinant affectingthe overall well-being of Aboriginalindividuals and populations (Currie,Wild, Schopflocher, Laing, & Veugelers,2012). Historical and contemporarytrauma resulting from loss of land,lack of governance, marginalization,incarceration, residential schools, abuseand violence intersect to dramaticallyaffect the mental health of Aboriginalpeople in Canada (Haskell & Randall,2009).Racism experienced on an individuallevel does harm to one person, which inturn can affect one’s family and friends;but racism experienced on a structurallevel goes beyond the individual. Itinforms institutions (such as schools,healthcare, and justice) that enact andperpetuate racism against an entiregroup of people (Zong, 1994). Thecumulative impacts of structural racismhave been felt throughout generationsof Aboriginal people and have causedcollective wounds that are not easilymended (Gee, & Ford, 2011). If decadesof trauma are to be healed, systemssuch as justice and health need toaddress racial prejudice at all levels andmove towards embracing the uniquecultural traditions, healing and needs ofAboriginal people.Clearly racism has influenced thepolitical, economic and culturalcircumstances of Aboriginal peoples inCanada. Racist ideologies have fostereda social hierarchy in which Aboriginalpeoples are denied resources whiledominant groups maintain authorityand power. Personal and structuralracism toward individuals, communitiesand nations is justified by way of‘othering’ Aboriginal peoples throughsocially constructed differences. InCanada, race-based colonizing powershave attempted to socially isolate,culturally assimilate, and politicallydecimate Aboriginal peoples as a wayof rationalizing colonialism. Legallysanctioned discrimination has hinderedopportunities for Aboriginal peoples tobe self-determining an
Prepared by Samantha Loppie, Charlotte Reading & Sarah de Leeuw This paper is the second in a series of papers focused on anti-Aboriginal racism in Canada. The first paper examined the concept of race and racism, exploring the various forms it takes. In this paper, the focus is on the lived and structural forms of racism.
Aboriginal / Aboriginal Peoples – ‘Aboriginal’ is a general term used in the Canada Constitution (1982) to describe the Inuit, Métis Nation and First Nations and as such is still used in some official government documents but is falling out of use. Aboriginal Peoples is more acceptable than Aboriginal.
This Aboriginal Health Plan 2018–2022 builds on the successes of the former Sydney South West Area Health Service Aboriginal Health Plan 2010–2014, and aligns with the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan 2013–2023, NSW Aboriginal Health Plan 2013–2023, and the Sydney Local Health District Strategic Plan.
ABORIGINAL HAND PRINT The Aboriginal flag is very important to Aboriginal people all over Australia. It has been flown since the 1960s. When looking at the Aboriginal flag, there are three colours. The top half is black and represents Aboriginal people from all over Australia. The bottom half is red and represents the land “Our Mother .
Aboriginal women and reducing rates of potentially preventable hospitalisations among Aboriginal people. More broadly, it emphasises the impact that system-wide quality improvement efforts can have on Aboriginal people's health. Patient Perspectives: Hospital care for Aboriginal people does not consider the question of whether the gap is closing.
THE EROTIC LIFE OF RACISMOF RACISM EROTIC LIFE THE Sharon Patricia Holland THE EROTIC LIFE OF RACISM Sharon Patricia Holland DUKE A major intervention in the fields of critical race theory, black feminism, and queer theory, The Erotic Life of Racism contends that theoretical and political analyses of race have largely failed to understand and describe the profound ordinariness of racism
CANADIAN RACE RELATIONS FOUNDATION Racism in Our Schools RACISM IN OUR SCHOOLS : What to Know about It; How to Fight It. “Racism is the use of institutional power to deny or grant people and groups of people rights, respect, representation and resources based on their skin color. Racism in action makes Whiteness a preferred way of being human.
marriage, children, work, travel, wages, housing and land, and access to health care and education. . Tasmania Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre 1994 Western Australia Yorganop Child Care Aboriginal Corp 1992-93 . and add a place name, or in the print version look under 'Aboriginal and Torres .
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