Competitiveness In Context Competitiveness And Social Disparities

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Competitiveness in contextCompetitiveness and socialdisparitiesA contribution toward the debateDr Jose CaballeroSenior EconomistMay 2016

Competitiveness in context - AbstractAbstractThe objective of this essay is to trace thedynamics between competitiveness andsocial disparities particularly within theIMD World Competitiveness Yearbook data.A review of the relevant academic literatureand findings in our data highlight the needfor the study of competitiveness to build amore comprehensive disparity-sensitiveconceptual framework.In this regard, we identify a need forconceptual convergence on both fronts: inthe definition of competitiveness and of thenature of social disparities. It also becomesapparent that it is fundamental to rethinkcurrent indicators or develop new ones thatimprove our assessment of disparities.2

Competitiveness in context - EssayCompetitiveness andsocial disparities:A contribution towardthe debateIt has been over 250 years since Swissborn Jean-Jacques Rousseau assessedthe foundations of social disparities in hisDiscourse on the Origin of Inequality (1992).Rousseau argues that inequalities are notnatural and that they are constructed byhuman acts (i.e., human agency). He refersto these disparities as “moral or political.”It is the evolution of society, according toRousseau, that allows for inequalities beyondnatural disparities (e.g., age and physicaldifferences). In this context, Rousseau pointsout that the advent of private property and thedivision of labor, for example, are among thebases on which social disparities emerged,leading to deep divisions in socio-economicclasses. Rousseau’s argument thus centerson progress (e.g., the institution of politicalsociety, the establishment of an economicsystem and industrialization) as the origin ofinequality.In modern society, the nature of whatconstitutes progress has evolved. We mayargue that progress is either economicdevelopment or greater competitiveness.This essay does not intend to focus on thelinkages between progress/developmentand competitiveness – we assume thatincreasing competitiveness is the pathtoward development. Rather, our focus ison the interplay between competitivenessand disparities. In what follows, it becomesobvious that there is an increasingconceptual need to strengthen the studyof competitiveness by developing a moredisparity-sensitive analytical framework.This should be a prerequisite for any searchof causality in the competitiveness/inequalitydynamics.It is important to clarify our understandingof disparities before proceeding. For thepurpose of this essay, we employ the termsinequalities and disparities interchangeably.This use, however, does not mean that weassume that inequalities and disparities areequivalent. Rather, it reflects the conceptualambiguity in the relevant literature. Socialdisparities go beyond inequalities – they referto lack of inclusion for some individuals/groups rather than to a lack of outcome (e.g.,differences in income). With this in mind, wedefine disparities as the exclusion of certainindividuals or groups of individuals frombenefiting from private and/or public goods.Rousseau’s main contribution is thatsocial inequalities are not natural; they areconstructed by human activities. In the longterm disparities become embedded in thesocio-economic and political structures.Branisa et al. (2013), for example, arguethat gender disparities have become3

Competitiveness in context - Essayinstitutionalized through social practices andlegal norms that establish specific genderroles. Disparities are then perceived of aslegitimate and thus to an extent inevitable. Itfollows, nevertheless, that if socio-economicand political disparities are human-made,then they can be ameliorated, if not reducedto insignificant levels.The UNDP’s Sustainable DevelopmentGoals (UNDP, 2015) aim at just that. Thegoals establish a framework to tackleglobal inequalities through the renewaland transformation of institutions (e.g.,“sustainable cities and communities” and“peace, justice and strong institutions”)and through increasing inclusiveness (e.g.,“good health and well-being” and “genderequality”). In the context of the IMD WorldCompetitiveness Yearbook, the linkagesbetween competitiveness and institutionaltransformation are covered by sub-factorssuch as those assessing the institutionalframework and business legislation. Thedynamics between competitiveness andsocial disparities are covered by the societalframework sub-factor and several otherindicators located under other sub-factors.For us, achieving the Goals is akin tofocusing on competitiveness as an objectiveof economic and social policy. We discussthese dynamics later in this essay.For increased conceptual clarity, we approachthe effect of social disparities from two levelsof analysis: the micro-level contemplateshow inequalities affect the members of aparticular society (i.e., individual or groups);the macro-level considers the accumulativeimpact of disparities on the economy ingeneral.4

Competitiveness in context - EssaySocial disparities:Micro-levelDisparities are multidimensional. They canbe spatial (see e.g., Kim, 2008; and Angotti,1996); for example, when investment in publicschools is largely concentrated on specificneighborhoods within a city, or when policeforces combating crime are deployed mostlyto some areas of a city. Inequalities canalso be economic; for example, preferentialaccess to credit favoring some individuals/sectors of society (see e.g., Field and Torero,2006, and Hudon, 2009). Disparities canbe political; some segments of society canexperience a limited ability to participate inthe electoral process (see e.g., Østby, 2008)due to an over-burdensome registrationprocess, for example.Disparities directly affect the well-being ofindividuals or groups, for example, throughlimited access to the health system (seee.g., Cornia and Menchini, 2007). They canalso limit the ability of individuals to engagein certain community activities—to interactmeaningfully with other members of society(see e.g., Sen, 2000). In addition, disparitiescan restrain the ability of an individual orgroup to protect their rights: for instance,situations in which minorities are treateddifferently by the judicial system (see e.g.,Hoyano, 2010). Disparities can also curtailthe social mobility of future generations,for example, low-income families can onlyminimally invest in the education and healthof their children thereby limiting theirpossibilities of achieving a higher status inthe social hierarchy (see e.g., Grusky andMacLean, 2016).To put it differently, the understanding ofthe impact of disparities on the microlevel requires the consideration of multiplesources: political, spatial, economic, racial,gender, technological, among others. Thepresence of one of these sources does notnecessarily imply that other sources areabsent. In fact, the sources of inequalities canbe mutually constitutive and/or reinforcing.For example, spatial inequalities (e.g.,investment in particular schools) can lead toan increase in unequal access to technology,resulting in the underdevelopment of specificareas of a city which in turn exacerbate notonly existing economic disparities but alsothe quality of schools located in those areas.5

Competitiveness in context - EssaySocial disparities:Macro-levelThe linkages between economic growth andinequalities have been approached from twoperspectives. First, studies assume thateconomic growth leads to inequalities (seee.g., Kuznets, 1955). Second, some analysestrace the effect of inequalities on growth.We focus on the latter relationship. Withinthis strand of the literature, Panizza (2002)finds strong evidence that the relationshipbetween inequality and growth is negative:increases in inequality are accompanied bydecreases in growth. Similarly, Alesina andRodrik (1994) find a negative and “statisticallysignificant” relationship between disparitiesin land distribution and growth, and betweenincome inequality and growth. Aghion et al.(1998) argue that the findings presented in theliterature on the negative impact of inequalityon growth are “impressively unambiguous.”They point out that the literature is underlinedby the proposition that economic inequalityaffects the level of investment in physical andhuman capital, which in the long term maylead to decreasing growth rates.Abramovitz (1986; see also Fagerberg etal., 2007) has indicated that countries thatexperience economic growth are those withstrong “social capabilities.” That is to say,“socially advanced” economies developcapabilities in terms of effectiveness ofpolitical institutions and levels of education,among other factors. Social capabilities imply,for example, that competitive economiesdepend on their members of society to be ableto produce, execute and absorb knowledge(e.g., ideas), which leads to increases ininnovation. In turn, this requires sociallyadvanced societies to be more inclusive sinceit is fundamental for their members to realizetheir potential in order to become innovationagents. In this sense, Atkinson and Marlier(2010) argue that deep disparities negativelyimpact economic growth, productivity andthe stability of society (e.g., safety andsecurity). Similarly, Witztum (1997) suggeststhat increasing inequalities lead to a dropin productivity. More specifically, Gray andJames (2007) find that gender disparities atthe firm level prevent female employees fromfully contributing to the innovative capacity offirms and thus in the long-term negativelyaffects economic competitiveness. In thiscontext, technological transformation canlead to increasing economic inequalities (seee.g., Aghion et al., 1998).Conversely, some observers indicate that adegree of inequality is necessary to achievean optimal level of efficiency in the economicsystem (see Kim, 2008). Furthermore,Dell’Anno and Amendola (2015) findevidence that in the short term, economieswith high social exclusion experience highgrowth rates. For example, economies thathave a high wage inequality may be morecompetitive in attracting investment frommultinational corporations. Seguino (2000)finds that gender inequalities based on wagesare positively linked to GDP growth. Thesefindings, however, are relevant to countrieswith a sizable share of exports produced bymanufacturing industries largely dominatedby the female workforce. In these countries,Seguino (2000) argues that gender wagedifferentials boost investment and improve6

Competitiveness in context - Essaythe productivity of that investment throughthe impact of the female labor force’s lowwages on export and technological imports.Li and Zou (1998) conclude that “incomeinequality is not harmful for growth.”7

Competitiveness in context - EssayCompetitiveness anddisparitiesThe analysis of the relationship betweencompetitiveness and inequalities adds anadditional level of complexity to the debate.The ambiguity in defining competitiveness insections of the literature, for example, makesit difficult to shed light on the linkages. Inthe European context, Ranci (2011) seemsto consider competitiveness as beingequivalent to competition. He then concludesthat there is no correlation between “globalcompetitiveness” and social inclusiveness.He indicates that the amelioration ofinequalities experienced by major Europeancities results from the “solid tradition ofnational welfare systems.” Others arguethat the goal of competitiveness is to boostpeople’s living standards. Competitivenessthus leads to a reduction of disparities(Waheeduzzaman, 2002).We now summarily trace the dynamicsbetween our overall competitiveness rankingand several indicators assessing socialdisparities. We focus on the performance ofthe top 20 countries in the 2016 overall ranking(see Table 1). Our data show an inconclusiverelationship between competitiveness andinequalities.Table 1. Overall competitiveness: Top 20 ranking,2016In regards to the fair administration of justice,with the exception of Luxembourg (21st),Malaysia (27th) and Taiwan (31st), resultsindicate that countries in the top 20 overallcompetitiveness ranking obtain top 20 scoresin the justice indicator (see Indicator 2.5.01).Results for equal opportunity (see Indicator2.5.09) are similar: from the top 20 countriesin the overall ranking, only Germany (24th)and Taiwan (30th) do not reach a top 20 place inthis criterion. We observe the same pattern inthe effectiveness of the health infrastructure(i.e., the health system meeting the needs ofsociety; see Indicator 4.4.04) and the level ofquality of life (see Indicator 4.4.26) indicators.New Zealand (21st), Australia (22nd), Qatar(26th), the United Kingdom (29th) and USA(32nd) fall outside the top 20 countries inhealth infrastructure. This is also the casefor Qatar (22nd), the United Kingdom (24th),China Hong Kong (25th), Taiwan (29th) andMalaysia (31st) in the quality of life criterion.Data on social cohesion (see Indicator2.5.05) exhibits the same top 20 pattern interms of the number of countries but the gapbetween the overall ranking and the cohesionindicator widens: Malaysia (22nd), USA(26th), Taiwan (29th) and China Hong Kong(40th). The gap is wider for gender inequality(see Indicator 2.5.12): Australia (21st),Ireland (23rd), Canada (26th), New Zealand(31st), the United Kingdom (35th), Malaysia(38th), UAE (40th) and the USA (43rd). Withregard to disposable income (female/maleratio, Indicator 2.5.13), the gap widens evenfurther: Taiwan (24th), Singapore (26th),Ireland (29th), New Zealand (33rd), Canada8

Competitiveness in context - Essay(39th), Australia (43rd), Netherlands (46th),the USA (47th), Qatar (56th) and UAE (57th).A comparison of the 2016 overallcompetitiveness ranking and the 2016societal framework sub-factor also highlightsthe rather uncertain relationship betweencompetitiveness and disparities. It alsoshows that there is a degree of “tolerance”(Waheeduzzaman, 2002) toward inequalitiesin some regions/countries. Figure 1highlights this trend. It illustrates that, forexample, in the Americas, the ranking of thesocietal framework sub-factor is on averagefive places below the overall competitivenessranking. In Western Europe, this pattern isreversed: the societal framework outranksthe overall competitiveness ranking onaverage by five places.Figure 1. Societal Framework’s relationship withOverall Competitiveness 2016, by region [rankingdifference]9

Competitiveness in context - EssayFigure 2 illustrates this pattern at thecountry level. In the case of the Americas, itis noteworthy to mention that the USA ranks3rd in the 2016 overall ranking and reaches27th place in the 2016 societal frameworksub-factor. At the higher end of the ranking,in Canada, the gap between the two rankingsis reduced (10th and 11th respectively) andat the lower end, Brazil ranks 57th and60th (respectively), and Venezuela 61st inboth. Argentina is the exception; its societalframework rank (37th) is higher than itsoverall ranking (55th). In Western Europe,Norway ranks 1st in societal framework and9th in the overall ranking. Moreover, nine ofthe top 10 countries in societal frameworkare Western European; the exception is NewZealand (10th). In the case of Switzerland,the societal framework ranking (5th) is lowerthan its overall ranking (2nd), as is the casefor Ireland (15th and 7th) and Luxembourg(12th and 11th).Figure 2. Societal Framework’s relationship withOverall Competitiveness 2016, by selected country/region [ranking difference]10

Competitiveness in context - ConclusionsConclusionsThe objective of this essay has been to tracethe dynamics between competitiveness anddisparities particularly within the IMD WorldCompetitiveness Yearbook data. A review of theacademic literature covering those dynamicsand relevant findings in our data highlight theneed for the study of competitiveness to builda more comprehensive disparity-sensitiveconceptual framework. In this regard, thereis a need for conceptual convergence on bothfronts: in the definition of competitivenessand of the nature of inequalities. It is alsofundamental to rethink current indicators(or develop new ones) that improve ourassessment of disparities. A measure needsto be developed, for example, of the role oftechnological transformation in increasinginequalities.To conclude, intuitively one assumes thatcompetitiveness, understood as a processof long-term value creation, should be aparticipatory process striving for socialinclusion in order to minimize what Sen11

Competitiveness in context - Conclusions(2000) calls “capability deprivation” (e.g.,not realizing the potential of members ofsociety through the development of theirtalent), which negatively affects the process’sown strengthening. Space limitationsconstrain us from exploring the soundnessof this proposition. Further research is thusnecessary to enhance our understanding ofthe linkages between competitiveness anddisparities.PIONEERS INCOMPETITIVENESSSINCE 1989We are dedicated to the advancement of knowledge on worldcompetitiveness by offering benchmarking services forcountries and companies using the latest and most relevantdata on the subject.IMD World Competitiveness CenterChemin de Bellerive 23P.O Box 915CH-1001 LausanneSwitzerlandwww.imd.org/wccFOLLOW US ONTel: 41 21 618 02 51WCYonline@imd.org12

Competitiveness in context - Essay Competitiveness and disparities The analysis of the relationship between competitiveness and inequalities adds an additional level of complexity to the debate. The ambiguity in defining competitiveness in sections of the literature, for example, makes it difficult to shed light on the linkages. In the European .

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