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Running head: Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterMoral Panics and Fear of Crime around Terrorism in theOnline World of TwitterByJordan Arthur DempseyA Thesis Submitted toSaint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotiain Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements forthe Degree of Bachelor of Arts, Honours Criminology.April, 2018, Halifax, Nova ScotiaCopyright Jordan Arthur DempseyApproved: Dr. Rachael E. CollinsAssistant ProfessorDate: April 7th, 2018

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterMoral Panics and Fear of Crime around Terrorism in theOnline World of TwitterAbstractIn the past decade social media platforms have risen to exceptional levels of prominence insocieties across the globe. Platforms such as Twitter allow millions of users from across theglobe to contribute to various discussions, from menial everyday occurrences to events ofextreme violence that appear in the media. Twitter has also allowed for public figures(politicians, celebrities, academics, and so forth) to converse more directly with the generalpublic. A non-directional hypothesis was used to guide the question of determining how moralpanics impact discussion around terrorism on Twitter. This study analyzed discourse fromTwitter which took place in the two weeks following the terror attack which occurred in NiceFrance in July of 2016. Two data-sets were collecting using a new platform called Active TweetRetrieval-Visualization (ATR-Vis) which relies on data-mining and machine learning algorithmto collect and sort relevant data from Twitter. By looking at data from Twitter and performing afrequency based content analysis of five categories words and phrases relevant to moral panicsand terrorism it was found that fear of crime and moral panic pervades into social mediadiscussions. The study concludes that more work is needed in determining how online discoursecan impact anti-terror legislative decisions.2

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI would like to thank first and foremost my supervisor Dr. Rachael Collins, without whom thisthesis would not exist. Rachael’s countless hours of guidance and consistent prompt responsesand often same-day return of drafts with edits and suggestions made the overwhelming workloadassociated with a large project bearable.I would also like to thank the many professors in the departments of sociology andcriminology who have provided so much valuable knowledge over the past five years. Inparticular I would like to thank Dr. Lynn Gunn for providing so much insight into the manydifferent ways in which violence can be perpetuated in society.I would like to express thanks as well to the developers of Active Tweet RetrievalVisualization (ATR-Vis), the system responsible for the data collection method used in thisthesis. In particular I would like to thank Dr. Raheleh Makki who provided a great deal ofassistance with collecting the large set of tweets which were later sorted and with setting up theATR-Vis system in the research lab at Saint Mary’s.Thank-you to my former boss Vicki who for four and a half of the past five years offeredcontinuous support and schedule flexibility that helped make the at times seemingly endlessamount of school work more manageable. I would also like to express thanks to my current boss,as of the past few months, Mike for continuing the flexible scheduling and support.Finally I would like to thank my parents, family, and close friends who have offered somuch support over the course of my undergraduate career – I cannot thank-you enough.To my fellow honours classmates – we finally made it!3

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterTABLE OF ODUCTION.7LITERATURE REVIEW.8Moral Panic.8Actors in the Theatre of Crime.10Defining Terrorism.13Fear of Crime.15Terrorism and the Media.17RESEARCH STATEMENT.19Research Question and Objectives.20METHODOLOGY.21Twitter.21Active Tweet Retrieval-Visualization.23Content Analysis.26THEORY.28RESULTS.30Data-set 1.30Data-set 2.34Comparison of Data-sets.38DISCUSSION.39CONCLUSIONS.42STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY.44REFERENCES.48APPENDIX A: Codebook.52APPENDIX B: Source Code (PhraseTracker.cpp).544

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterForward – The Attack on Nice FranceOn July fourteenth 2016 the city of Nice France was struck by an act of extremeviolence that has since been labelled an act of terrorism. A cargo truck weighing roughlynineteen tonnes was driven into a crowd of people celebrating the French holiday of BastilleDay. In total 86 people were killed in the attack, with all but three of the initial death counthappening immediately and the remainder occurring from fatal injuries that could not besuccessfully treated (BBC News, 2016).The offender held responsible for the act was then thirty-one year old MohamedLahouaiej-Bouhlel, a Tunisian delivery man. Though not known to have been a Jihadist militant,Lahouaiej-Bouhlel was marked immediately as “quickly radicalized” by Bernard Cazeneuve, theFrench Interior Minister at the time of the attack. Lahouaiej-Bouhlel had been said to have beenplotting to steal the lorry cargo truck to commit the act of extreme violence for as much as fortyeight hours prior to the actual attack. Upon seizing the vehicle, Lahouaiej-Bouhlel proceeded todrive it directly into a crowd of festival goers on the beachfront Promenade des Anglais in Nice.While many public officials chose to without hesitation deem the act to be associated withIslamic extremism, the actual information on Lahouaiej-Bouhlel would suggest to the contrary.As a native of Msaken, Tunisia, a small country in Northern Africa, Lahouaiej-Bouhlel was saidto have had a history of violence and mental instability, while also having separated himselfgreatly from religion entirely. Though some reports attest that Lahouaiej-Bouhlel had claimedthat this attack was in the name of religion and that he had taken a sudden fascination withextremist ideologies, no concrete evidence could be found to link him with any such group andthus he remained defined largely as a “quiet loner” (BBC News, 2016).5

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterImmediately following the attack then President, Francois Hollande, among other Frenchgovernmental officials, labelled the attack as Islamic terrorism. Countless head of states fromaround the globe soon proclaimed their solidarity and collective willingness to support Franceand to stand with them against acts of violent extremism and terrorism in general. As a result ofthe ensuing panic, accompanied with public outrage, the French government moved forward toboost security and place extra police patrol in the its cities. President Hollande and InteriorMinister Cazeneuve acted quickly to demonstrably increase security through addingapproximately twelve-thousand reserve forces to the already present one-hundred-twentythousand police officers that were present across the country at the time of the attack. This moveto increase police was justified as necessary to prevent what Cazeneuve denoted to be an eminentterrorist threat.6

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterIntroductionTerrorism and the threat of terrorism have been at the forefront of moral panics for manyyears. This has become especially pronounced with regard to what has been termed as Islamicterrorism since the attack on New York City which occurred on September 11, 2001. Since then,the panic surrounding terrorism and Islamic extremism has grown substantially. As a result ofpublic panic, a number of counter-terror measures, primarily through the enactment of numerousanti-terrorism legislations have continued to be implemented under the guise of protectingsociety from this supposed ever-impending horror.A moral panic itself can encompass a vast array of social phenomenon largely revolvingaround an issue in morality being seen by certain members in society regarding a particular act.The act need not be illegal and the panic is often perpetuated by right wing politicians, mediaoutlets, and evangelicals (Cohen, 1972). Furthermore there must be a scapegoat, known as thefolk devil, which the blame is placed entirely on. Finally, there does not need to be an actualthreat, only a perception of danger must be present for the moral panic to ensue. While terrorismis an act of extreme violence, it is evident that moral panics play an instrumental role indisproportionately representing the prominence of terrorism and thereby elevating public fearthereof. Little concern is then given by society to such human rights suppression (including oftheir own rights) if they are insured that doing so will protect their values and keep them safe(Cohen, 1972; Welch, 2011).Since then, the panic surrounding terrorism and Islamic extremists has grownsubstantially. A number of counter-terror measures have continued to be implemented under theguise of protecting society from this supposed ever-impending horror in response to the publicoutcry and panic regarding terrorism. This thesis has the primary objective of coming to an7

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twitterunderstanding of how the moral panic around terrorism has influenced discourse on Twitter withrespect to the attack on Nice France. Furthermore gaining a comprehension on how this onlinediscussion then feeds back into cementing the moral panic and fear of crime around terrorismfurther was also at the forefront of this study.Literature ReviewThe literature provided covers an overview of terrorism, what counter-terrorism is andhow it relates to the moral panic around terrorism. The literature will also look at human rightsviolations and fear of crime. The central question of this research is in determining if and howmoral panics around terrorism are present on Twitter, and what influence this has on thedirection of the discourse which occurs. In doing this, part of the knowledge gap that existscurrently around the role in which social media plays in the continuation of moral panics can beeffectively filled.Moral PanicIn Stan Cohen’s 1972 work Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Modsand the Rockers, two youth gangs (the Mods and the Rockers) in England are explored, inparticular Cohen examines the public fear and outcry revolving around their existence. It is fromthis that Cohen initially hypothesized the idea of both the moral panic and the folk devil. Cohen(1972), outlined a moral panic as consisting of the following five stages:1) A person, group or thing is defined or otherwise labelled as a threat to society. Anorganization (political, religious, or otherwise) seeks to blame a perceived problem insociety on a certain person, group of people, or thing. In the case of terrorism, individualswith Middle-Eastern descent and of the Muslim faith have been labelled by certainconservative and evangelical figures as a threat to societal well-being due to the existence8

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twitterof terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL,also often referred to as ISIS).2) The media then comes into play in depicted on otherwise portrayed in an easilyrecognizable form (such as with a symbol). Triggering headlines with fear evokinglanguage are often used in the case of terrorism. ISIL remains currently one of the majorsymbols used by the media to create panic around terrorism.3) This media depiction then creates public concern and discontent. Fear or rage areinstilled in society and associated with the symbols and the person, group, or thingassociated with the moral panic. This public concern is largely focused around safetywhen concerning terrorism – that is whether or not it is safe to go to the mall, fly on aplane, or numerous other activities that are often associated with the threat of potentialterror attacks.4) Policy makers (namely government officials) and authority figures respond to thisoverwhelming public outcry. Legislation is enacted in an effort to thwart who or what issupposedly responsible for the act constituting the panic. Police and other authorityfigures become more invested in preventing what is causing the public panic throughincreased presence and greater enforcement of laws which are designed to remove what iscausing the moral panic. With respect to terrorism, anti-terror legislation and increasedpolice and securitization efforts are key examples of this stage of the moral panic.5) Finally the moral panic results in changes within the affected society or societies. Lawswhich shape the future of a society are put into effect in response to the panic – and suchlaws often carry numerous implications that can carry far more risks than benefits.9

Moral Panics in Terrorism on TwitterTerrorism has led to numerous infringements of liberties (such as with air travel andimmigration) in an attempt to prevent future acts of extremist violence.Cohen (1972) also makes the point that it is important to note that for something to be amoral panic it matters not if it is legal or illegal, so long as it deviates from some sort of moralvalue held within a given society. The folk devil as well plays an important part in the fabricationof most moral panics. Cohen (1972) uses this terminology to signify the scapegoat of a moralpanic, thus it is the folk devil that faces the blame of the concern around any given moral panic.Actors in the Theatre of CrimeBernard Schissel (2006) outlines eight factors that play a major role in the creation of amoral panic. He had termed these the actors in the theatre of crime. These actors give furthercontext to the theoretical framework outlined above from Cohen (1972). Schissel (2006) detailseach of these actors in the third chapter of Still Blaming Children: Youth Conduct and thePolitics of Child Hating. While this work focuses primarily on youth violence and youth crimeand how moral panics tie into this phenomenon, it is clear that the major implications associatedwith these actors can be aptly applied to a wide range of crime – including terrorism.The first of Schissel’s (2006) actors, and in the case of terrorism one of the mostinfluential, is the press. Media outlets and agencies play a vital role in how a vast majority ofsociety learns about and comes to perceive or understand crime and criminality. This can posehighly detrimental consequences – especially when the media ‘expert’ comes into play. Mediaportrayals of criminal activity, particularly when focus is placed on extreme forms of crime, areinstrumental in shaping societal perceptions of how dangerous the world has supposedly becomeand how unsafe they themselves currently are (Schissel, 2006). While it is not uncommon foractual experts in academic field to be featured in news articles or on live broadcasts, media also10

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twitterallows for individuals with perceived expertise to have a platform to delineate false informationunder the guise of having the proper credentials (Schissel, 2006). Schissel (2006) provides suchexamples of individuals such as Dr. Phil providing false or exaggerated information regardingpsychological analyses and Don Cherry (host of Hockey Night in Canada) weighing in onelectoral issues despite having no political background. The acceptance of false or exaggeratedinformation is largely a result of the emphasis being placed on the medium from which suchinformation hails and not the actual message (Schissel, 2006). The media can then be said toprovide society, in many cases, not with the facts, but with what is believed to be the desiredmessage for society. The media then concerns itself more with what will keep consumers buyinginto the (mis)information than with actually providing evidence-based, factual content (Schissel,2006).Consumers then come into play as the next in the list of actors in the theatre of crime.What the public wants to hear, what the public fears, and what is then portrayed by the media areall intertwined (Schissel, 2006). Television has not only become a dominant form of influentialmedia, but has also influenced the way in which print media has adjusted its mannerisms in anattempt to appeal to a wider audience in an ever technologically based era (Schissel, 2006). As aresult of the marketing structure implemented across media platforms, it has long since become akey focus for news to portray whatever will keep the focus of the public – regardless of thereality of the event being covered (Schissel, 2006).Governments are key actors through their administrative responsibilities which involveresponding to public unrest and criminal activity. Governments are, above all others, theinstitutions which enact the laws which deem an act as criminal. Furthermore many politicalplatforms are at least in part based on crime – namely policies that supposedly would reduce11

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twittercrime (Schissel, 2006). To further complicate this matter, criminalization is often used as ameans to oppress or to put groups in society against one another by inserting dominance – racial,gender, class based or otherwise (Schissel, 2006). Governments and the policies they enact alsocontribute to reinforcing myths regarding crime – such as prevalence of a given type of crime. Inaddition to this, there is evidence that suggests that political climate and policies enacted withrespect to crime have more control over crime rates than actual changes in criminal activity(Schissel, 2006). This is especially important to consider when discussing the national andinternational legal roles that governments play in the area of crime that is terrorism.Police officers and other enforcers of the law come into play as the next actors toconsider. While police have some involvement in determining how crime is portrayed to thepublic, they are largely at the mercy of the other actors in the moral panic (Schissel, 2006).Policing and corrections form an institution that is highly influenced if not controlled by politicalmandates as well as public demands. As a result placing direct blame on the individual officer isnot the purpose of listing them in the category of actors in the theatre of crime, but rather it isbecause the institution has been mandated in such a way that police and related figures areinherently tied to the processes by which crime is dealt with and how such matters are passed onto the public (Schissel, 2006).Moralizing groups, made up of moral entrepreneurs, are yet another key actor in theportrayal or crime and the moral panic. These moral entrepreneurs take it upon themselves toplay a “proactive role in defining and controlling deviant behaviour” (Schissel, 2006, p. 50).These groups are instrumental in pushing for a society that gives harsher punishments for a widervariety of acts which they deem as deviant or immoral (Schissel, 2006). While it is evident thatsociety cannot allow an act such as terrorism to be acceptable, it is the degree to which such12

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twittergroups seek to punish numerous behaviours that they deem associated with a given act that posesthe greatest problematic concern with their involvement in the moral panic – for examplewanting to cut back on immigration because of terrorism (Schissel, 2006).A further two actors are the victim and the expert – who are often used by other actorssuch as moralizing groups and the media. Victims can be used to sway public opinions andcreate outrage. The use of victimization rarely if ever comes into play when concerning judicialdecision making, however it is key in creating empathy within the public which can in turn beused to create outrage towards a particular crime or deviant act (Schissel, 2006). The expert –academics, police, and court officials are made use of in order to give some level of credibility tothe claims being made by politicians, moralizing groups, and other such actors (Schissel, 2006).As mentioned, the expert need only have the appearance of credibility to the public.The final actor is the folk devil as termed by Cohen (1972). The folk devil is the centralfocus of the panic with respect to where the blame is placed (Schissel, 2006). Be it the public,media, governments, or moralizing groups – a folk devil or scapegoat is necessary in creating themoral panic around an act of deviance (criminal or otherwise). Thus it remains important toconsider the role played by the person or group implicated as being the reason for the perceivedissue in society as they are first and foremost those who face the consequences of bearing suchblame (Schissel, 2006).Defining TerrorismOne of the most difficult aspects in gaining insight into an understanding of terrorism as aform of extreme violence is in explaining exactly what terrorism is. Providing a definition ofterrorism can be exceedingly difficult and, at times, can be said to be near impossible to find oneuniversal definition due to the vast number of ways in which terrorism is defined (economically,13

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twitterpolitically, and legally). According to Ganor (2002, p. 294), “terrorism is the intentional use of orthreat to use violence against civilian targets, in order to attain political aims.” While thisdefinition provides a solid basis for what terrorism is, it still leaves a number of key points up fordebate. Since 9/11, acts are often labelled as terrorism before ever meeting any of the legal,political, or economic definitions . Legally, terrorism is criminal act of extreme violence, causinggrievous bodily harm or death to numerous individuals (Ganor, 2002). Politically terrorism canbe seen as an act based in ideological motivations and intent to cause change their invoking fearand discontent in society. Finally, there exists an economic perspective in defining terrorism inthat terrorism causes an immense amount of damage to infrastructure and costs societies a greatdeal in the realm of economic resources (Carver, 2016; Ganor, 2002).To further complicate this issue, there remains no consensus even in academia as to whatthe exact criteria are for an act of violence to qualify as terrorism (Carver, 2016). One of thereasons behind the difficulty of a universal definition stems from a number of arguments whichare subjective, mainly the idea that what one person may consider to be terrorism could byanother be seen as an act committed by freedom fighters (Ganor, 2002). Another issue is whetheror not an individual acting alone can ever be considered a terrorist. Often terrorism is seen as anact committed by a group, similar in definition to organized crime, but with political goals inmind over that of economic advancement. However in the case of the New York SundayBomber, who detonated five bombs in New York city between October 3 and November 6 of1960 and was never apprehended, there is a strong possibility that the act of terror wascommitted by an individual (Delafuente, 2004). If it were the case that this act was committed bya sole person, it would still fit all other criteria for terrorism, in that it was a violent act intendedto evoke fear. Thus it remains clear that a single definition may be difficult, if not, impossible to14

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twitterprovide for terrorism, though for the purposes of this paper it shall be examined as an act ofviolence, used to incited fear or terror with political goals as the prime objective.Fear of CrimeFear of crime can be defined as the fear that exists at the individual and societal levelswith respect to the perceived likelihood of being victimized by a criminal act oppose to theactual, statistical likelihood of such an event occurring (Collins, 2016). Fear of crime is one ofthe most intricate phenomenon that can contribute to the creation of a particular type of moralpanic. Fear of crime is a process by which society becomes unsettled by a criminal event and inresponse to the concerns of the populous, policy change may occur to uphold a feeling of safety(Collins, 2016). The fear of crime which revolves around terrorism stems largely from mediaportrayals, not just of offenders and victims, but of the larger scope of how it impacts day to daylife in society (Nellis et al., 2012). Therefore one must consider a number of problematicconcerns when dealing with how widespread this media influence can be.Human rights come into play when looking at the political decision making that isrelevant to fear of crime around terrorism. A human right can be defined broadly as a justifiablyright in which everyone in a society is entitled too, however the implications of what exactly iscalled a right and how they are invoked vary greatly across the political spectrum among otherrealms (Cohen, 1993). A violation of such a right is a major component of moral panic as itrelates to the folk devil – particularly as it concerns crimes such as terrorism (Cohen, 1972;Cohen, 1993). Such violations of human rights are made possible through the implementation ofpolicy reforms (Cohen, 1972; Schissel, 2006). The politics of fear have emerge as a product ofthe growing prevalence of fear of crime in western societies, and nowhere else is this moreobvious than with fear of terrorism. Public opinion and perceptions of crime are highly15

Moral Panics in Terrorism on Twitterinfluential in government decision making and as such, fear of terrorism has taken hold overpolitical discourse in a post 9/11 world (Altheide, 2006). This feeds into the demand for higherlevels of securitization, with no attention being given to the implication this additional securitycan have in the realm of human rights violations (Pain, 2014). A point has been reached whereinfear of crime itself has become one of the major motivators of political decision making andwhile terrorism is far from the only player in this phenomenon, it undoubtedly stands out as oneof the most influential and continues to shape public opinion and society as a whole (Altheide,2004).Counter-terrorism – the act of attempting to thwart terrorism through legislative reform –has become an embedded form of racial violence in western societies. The concept of the folkdevil demonstrates a severe and ever-present form of violence towards racialized individuals,particularly those of Middle Eastern descent as the moral panic around terrorism has sought togroup them with the fabricated folk devil (Cohen, 1972). This is especially troubling as it isdirectly responsible for a number of forms of institutional racism which have become prominentin the twenty-first century, such as with France’s decision to ban the Burkini following the Niceattacks (Micallef, 2016). Liberties and freedoms which make up basic human rights arecontinuously restricted often in a violent manner as a result of the policies and actions whichhave manifested as a result of the moral panic around terrorism (Dragu, 2011).It is important to consider the role that media plays. The degree to which the mediadiscusses terrorism has grown at an astonishing rate since 9/11 and so too has public

Moral Panic In Stan Cohen's 1972 work Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and the Rockers, two youth gangs (the Mods and the Rockers) in England are explored, in particular Cohen examines the public fear and outcry revolving around their existence. It is from this that Cohen initially hypothesized the idea of both the moral .

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CONTENTS ix 4.2 The panic system 95 Differentiating panics from errors 96 Working with panics 97 TECHNIQUE 19 Issuing panics 97 Recovering from panics 99 TECHNIQUE 20 Recovering from panics 100 Panics and goroutines 104 TECHNIQUE 21 Trapping panics on goroutines 105 4.3 Summary 111 5 Debugging and testing 113 5.1 Locating bugs 114

5 On moral panics and folk devils see Stanley Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers (London and New York, 2002); Chas Critcher, Moral Panics and the Media (Maidenhead, 2009); Erich Goode and Nachman Ben-Yehuda, Moral Panics: The Social Construction of Deviance (Hoboken, 1994); David Lemmings and Claire Walker .

of moral panics. Moral panics in theory and practice Stanley Cohen brought the term 'moral panic' to the sociological and public imagination with his book, Folk Devils and Moral Panics, first published in 1972. He introduces the term as follows: 'Societies appear to be subject, every now and then, to periods of moral panic.

Moral panics may serve to promote a sense of restored control over uncontrollable phenomena. Particularly in situations in which older adults feel as if they are losing control over a continually developing culture, moral panics may serve to identify "folk devils" (Cohen, 1972) that are purported causes of the perceived problem.

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The moral panic is a special type of collective delusion—a delusion that generates a scare or panic but with a twist. Not all collective delusions generate panic, and not all panics are moral panics. The crucial element present in the moral panic is the folk devil, deviant, or villain. In the moral panic, an evil agent is

Panics and Proxies: Folk Devils, Moral Panics and Theoretical Departures 15 CHAPTER THREE The Devil Rejoiced: Politics and Pessimism in White South Africa, 1976 - 1982 39 CHAPTER FOUR The Devil's Decade: Satanism and the Transnationalism of a Scare, c. 1983 - 1990 65 CHAPTER FIVE

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