Journal Of Adolescent Research How To Cope . - MIT Media Lab
587326Journal of Adolescent ResearchWeinstein et al.ArticleHow to Cope WithDigital Stress: TheRecommendationsAdolescents OfferTheir Peers OnlineJournal of Adolescent Research 1 –27 The Author(s) 2015Reprints and : 10.1177/0743558415587326jar.sagepub.comEmily C. Weinstein1, Robert L. Selman1, SaraThomas2, Jung-Eun Kim1, Allison E. White3, andKarthik Dinakar4AbstractThere is considerable interest in ways to support adolescents in theirdigital lives, particularly related to the relational challenges they face.While researchers have explored coping with cyberbullying, the scope ofrelevant digital issues is considerably broader. Through the lens of onlinepeer responses to personal accounts posted by adolescents, this studyexplores recommended strategies for coping with different experiencesof socio-digital stress, including both hostility-oriented issues and digitalchallenges related to navigating close relationships. A content analysis of628 comments posted in response to 180 stories of digital stress reveals fivecommon recommendations: Get Help from others, Communicate Directly,Cut Ties with the person involved, Ignore the situation, and Utilize DigitalSolutions. The most common recommendation for hostility-oriented issuesis to Get Help, while Cut Ties is most common for issues that arise in closerelationships. Variations in the pattern of recommendations proposed fordifferent digital issues and for each type of recommendation are described.1HarvardUniversity, Cambridge, MA, USAUniversity, Evanston, IL, USA3Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, USA4Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, USA2NorthwesternCorresponding Author:Emily C. Weinstein, Harvard Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, 609 LarsenHall, Appian Way, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA.Email: emily weinstein@mail.harvard.eduDownloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
2Journal of Adolescent Research The findings point to both practical implications for supporting digital youthand next steps for research.Keywordstechnology, bullying, intimacy, coping, romantic relationships, socio-digitalstressorsIntroductionIn 2010, a New York Times headline proclaimed, “If your kids are awake,they’re probably online” (Lewin, 2010). To be sure, the statement was a journalistic declaration, rather than an empirically grounded assessment of youthmedia use. Yet, the corresponding article discussed Rideout, Foehr, andRoberts’s (2010) nationally representative survey of 3rd to 12th grade students in the United States, which found that, on average, youth spent over 7hours each day engaged with digital media. Although these data are nowseveral years dated, markers of media access and use indicate that youth digital engagement has only escalated since the study’s release.In the United States, more than three quarters of adolescents aged 12 to 17own cell phones—nearly half of which are smart phones—and more than90% have access to computers at home (Madden, Lenhart, Duggan, Cortesi,& Gasser, 2013). Teens send an average of 60 text messages per day (Lenhart,2012) and manage increasing numbers of social media accounts (Maddenet al., 2013). Digital tools and apps create opportunities for adolescents acrossmultiple domains, including learning (Roschelle, Pea, Hoadley, Gordin, &Means, 2000) and civic engagement (Kahne, Middaugh, & Allen, 2014).They also allow adolescents to connect with friends (Reich, Subrahmanyam,& Espinoza, 2012) and express their identities (Boyd, 2007; Davis, 2013).Yet, as they navigate social lives in digital contexts, adolescents also faceissues such as cyberbullying (Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004) and drama (Marwick& Boyd, 2011). Furthermore, while digital tools can certainly cause or contribute to social challenges, they also provide novel opportunities for youth toaccess social support and advice through online forums and communities(Gould, Munfakh, Lubell, Kleinman, & Parker, 2002).In the current study, we explore the recommendations youth receive fromanonymous peers on an online forum, in response to posts about socio-digitalchallenges. The phenomenon is therefore “doubly digital,” as adolescentsreceive digitally delivered advice for coping with social challenges that ariserelated to new digital technologies. Through the lens of these online peerDownloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
3Weinstein et al.responses, we describe the most common recommendations offered by peersfor adolescents managing different kinds of socio-digital stress.Theoretical and Conceptual FrameworksBiologically and culturally, adolescence is a time when peer relationshipstake on unparalleled importance. Rapid yet asynchronous hormonal andneuronal changes contribute to heightened sensitivity and responsivity tointerpersonal relationships, social feedback, and the dynamics of the peergroup (Steinberg, 2014). Culturally, conventional theory suggests that adolescents in Western postindustrial societies increasingly seek autonomy fromauthorities, as they seek intimacy, support, and validation from peers (Erikson,1968); they spend less time with parents and older adults and more time aloneand with friends and romantic interests (Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Larson &Richards, 1991). Adolescents are also quite attuned to perceiving, managing,and trying to reconcile conflicts with peers (Brown, 2004). These conflictsinclude both challenges fueled by hostility (as in the case of traditionalbullying) and challenges related to navigating closeness (as youth managefriendships and romantic relationships).We further theorize that new media technologies play a role in both ofthese types of social challenges, and very likely heighten their intensity. Withrespect to hostility-oriented encounters, cyberbullying is now an oft-citedterm, similar to its offline equivalent in that it is generally characterized byrepetition, intent to harm, and an imbalance of power (Levy et al., 2012).Davis, Randall, Ambrose, and Orand (2015) indeed highlighted the magnifying role attributed to technology in cases of cyberbullying, which is linked toopportunities for anonymity, constant connectivity, and large audiences. Withrespect to close relationships, the potential of new technologies to supportintimacy is well-realized both practically and empirically (Reich et al., 2012;Valkenburg & Peter, 2007). However, digital technologies can also play arole in challenges related to close relationships. Marwick and Boyd (2011)used the term “drama” to describe a breadth of social, digital issues thattranspire between friends without an obvious power imbalance. In an investigation of adolescents’ accounts of socio-digital stress, we found that youthalso describe digital challenges related to managing intimacy and close relationships, such as negotiating the quantity of digital communication and thebounds of digital privacy and access (Weinstein & Selman, 2014).In light of questions about how best to support adolescents in the contextof their socio-digital lives, we use a conceptual framework that enables us toexplore and align adolescents’ recommendations to peers for coping withboth hostility-oriented socio-digital challenges (which we call “Type 1”) andDownloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
4Journal of Adolescent Research socio-digital challenges that arise in the context of navigating close relationships (which we call “Type 2”). However, before we turn to the specific caseof coping with socio-digital stress, we begin by reviewing theory and researchon coping from the offline context most pertinent to the current study.Social Stress and Coping, Off- and OnlineCoping With Social StressWhat do we know about coping offline, and how might it inform our exploration of how adolescents can manage distressing socio-digital experiences? Inthe 1980s, Lazarus and Folkman (1984; also reviewed in Folkman, 2008)focused on processes of stress management related to negative emotions anddistinguished between two types of coping: problem-focused coping strategies, aimed at trying to directly change, eliminate or ameliorate the problem,and emotion-focused strategies, instead primarily aimed at changing orreducing the emotional distress and affective aftermath. Problem-focusedcoping strategies are used when individuals feel in control of a problem andcan manage it, such as by learning new skills. In contrast, what were identified as emotional-focused coping strategies are designated as those negativeemotion regulations associated with the kinds of stress over which individuals generally felt little control, such as avoiding, distancing and acceptance.Compas, Malcarne, and Fondacaro (1988) then documented the applicabilityof Lazarus and Folkman’s framing in their characterization of adolescents’recommended coping strategies, including issues of social stress, such asconflicts with friends. Moreover, Compas and colleagues’ findings echoedLazarus’s (1999) suggestion that problem-focused strategies are more effective; they documented the protective function of problem-focused approaches,whereas they found a positive correlation between emotion-focused strategies and emotional distress.More recently, Mahady Wilton, Craig, and Pepler (2000) explored copingin the specific context of hostile offline experiences with bullying. Theyfound that problem-solving strategies (rather than aggressive strategies) and,in particular, active problem-solving strategies, are most effective for reducing bullying and avoiding subsequent victimization. However, with respect tosocial stress that emerges in the context of adolescents’ close relationships,Remillard and Lamb (2005) found that seeking social support from otherfriends—though not typically characterized as a problem-focused approach—is the strategy best suited to maintaining and repairing friendships. Forromantic relationships, Nieder and Seiffge-Krenke (2001) revealed that seeking social support from others is particularly common in earlier phases ofDownloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
5Weinstein et al.romantic relationships, though adolescents shift to a more active, problemfocused style—direct communication—in later phases, seemingly both acontributor to and a product of more robust intimate connections with theirpartners. Taken together, these studies of offline coping raise intriguing questions about what strategies are most relevant in the context of different kindsof social stress generated or amplified by digital technologies.Adolescents’ Coping With Socio-Digital StressTo date, much of the research on adolescents’ coping with socio-digitalexperiences focuses specifically on hostility-oriented issues and, in particular, cyberbullying (Levy et al., 2012). Although some adolescents reportthat they are not personally bothered by cyberbullying, studies repeatedlyfind a link between cyberbullying and poor psychosocial outcomes (Smithet al., 2008; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). For instance, victimization andcyberbullying are associated with physical symptoms, such as headachesand abdominal pain (Sourander et al., 2010) and emotional issues, including depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation (AP-MTV, 2009; Perren,Dooley, Shaw, & Cross, 2010).Among one sample of teens asked what they would do if harassed online,telling the bully to stop was the most favored solution (62% of respondents;AP-MTV, 2009). Consulting a friend was the second most reported option(59%), followed by ignoring the harasser (56%). Among the same teenrespondents, 58% said that they would tell their parents if they were harassedonline. This cluster of findings, however, varies from other studies’ results(e.g., Parris, Varjas, Meyers, & Cutts, 2012), in which teens indicate reluctance to report cyberbullying to adults. Other documented strategies forcoping with cyberbullying include technical solutions, such as changing apassword or removing the digital connection; retaliation or confrontation;seeking support; and ignoring (McGuckin et al., 2013; Parris et al., 2012).With respect to the effectiveness of these strategies, conclusions are lesseasily drawn. In their review of the literature on coping with cyberbullying,McGuckin et al. (2013) highlighted mixed results regarding whether problemfocused coping strategies, including technical solutions and non-aggressiveconfrontation, are effective in the context of cyberbullying (e.g., Juvonen &Gross, 2008; Parris et al., 2012). In addition, doing nothing or ignoring thesituation is a strategy often cited by teens for coping with cyberbullying, butthere is a lack of empirical evidence confirming its benefit (e.g., Hoff &Mitchell, 2009; Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, & Ólafsson, 2011). Lodge andFrydenberg (2007) found that avoidant coping strategies, such as ignoring,actually led to worse outcomes for participants’ well-being. On the otherDownloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
6Journal of Adolescent Research hand, McGuckin et al. conclude that emotion-focused coping, such as seekinghelp, is generally considered beneficial. The variability of these findingsraises the question of whether frameworks that explore and distinguish strategies for adaptive coping with offline bullying are applicable to adaptive copingwith bullying online.Furthermore, our current understanding of strategies adolescents can useto cope with digital stress is constrained by the limited research focus oncyberbullying, to the exclusion of other types of socio-digital challenges.Moreover, although extant research on coping with cyberbullying provides amuch-needed foundation, studies often rely on hypothetical questions or general self-reports about coping tendencies (e.g., AP-MTV, 2009; Parris et al.,2012); authentic, in-action data can more completely illustrate adolescents’approaches to coping with socio-digital stress.Adolescent Help-Seeking and Online Peer SupportIn the current study, the content of the adolescent’s posts is related specifically to recommendations for coping with socio-digital challenges. Yet, it isalso through the digital context of an online forum that adolescents share theirpersonal stories, and seek and receive peer advice. A brief review of researchon adolescent help-seeking underscores a strong preference for help frominformal sources, rather than from health professionals and educationalworkers—particularly for interpersonal and emotional issues (e.g., Boldero& Fallon, 1995; Offer, Howard, Schonert, & Ostrov, 1991). In some cases,support from peers may even be the only source of help adolescents seek:Molidor and Tolman (1998) found that more than half of adolescents whoexperienced abuse by romantic partners shared it only with a friend.While peer support may have once been confined to offline connections, theInternet enables novel contexts for reaching peers. For more than two decades,online forums have enabled around-the-clock access to communities assembled around a variety of topics (Nimrod, 2010; Valkenburg & Peter, 2009).Virtual communities are particularly well-suited for help-seeking related tosensitive issues: By enabling anonymity (Suler, 2004), online forums maydiminish barriers, such as self-consciousness or shame, that often prevent helpseeking offline (Barker & Adelman, 1994). Previous studies of online forumsused by adolescents indeed underscore their use for queries related to socialand relational challenges (e.g., Gould et al., 2002; Suzuki & Calzo, 2004).Research ContextThe specific nature of the advice offered in one online forum, in response toposts about social challenges connected to digital technologies, is the focusDownloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
7Weinstein et al.of this investigation. The online forums in which adolescents solicit andexchange peer support related to digital stress hold considerable value forresearch. First, we currently lack an empirically based conception of theadvice youth are likely to encounter when they seek help online related todigital stress. Second, research on adolescents’ coping with digital issues currently focuses heavily on cyberbullying, without distinguishing betweenkinds or considering other types of digital stress. Broadening the issuesincluded would allow research to capture a broader swath of adolescents’experiences. Third, commonly used strategies for coping with different kindsof digital stress are not yet well-defined or understood. Examining peeradvice in online forums represents an authentic research opportunity, and onethat enables documentation of a constellation of strategies adolescentsdescribe in-context for real life events.MethodSampling and Previous FindingsWe analyze an aggregated 628 comments posted in response to 180 distinctpersonal accounts of digital stress anonymously shared on MTV’s A ThinLine platform. “Over the line?” was launched in 2010, as part of a multi-yearinitiative to help young people who experience digital issues and abuse(AThinLine.org, 2014). Site users are encouraged to share personal experiences with “digital drama” and/or to provide feedback to peers’ accounts.Between March 2010 and July 2013, users collectively posted 7,146 storiesand 24,409 comments to the site. In all, 4,417 (61.8%) include the poster’sage (Mage 16.3 years; SD 5.2), and 4,466 (62.5%) include the poster’sgender (86.2% reported they are female). Stories received an average of 3.4comments (SD 6.04); ranging from 0 to 312.We purposefully selected the current sample of stories from an existingdata set to represent six specific, previously identified digital stressors(Weinstein & Selman, 2014) described repeatedly in adolescents’ stories onthe site: Impersonation, Public Shaming and Humiliation, Mean andHarassing Personal Attacks, Smothering, Breaking and Entering, andExperiencing Pressure to Comply (see Table 1). These stressors represent twodistinct types of digital stress. The first three kinds of stressors constituteType 1, generally fueled by hostility and echoing discussions of onlineharassment and cyberbullying. The latter three stressors constitute Type 2stress, which arises related to navigating close relationships. The sampleincludes 30 personal accounts per digital stressor and all correspondingcomments.Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com by guest on September 25, 2015
8Journal of Adolescent Research Table 1. The Six Digital Stressors.StressorDescriptionPublicShaming &HumiliationHumiliating, broadcastedmessages, often in the form ofeither slander posted on socialmedia or the forwarding of nudepictures to unintended audiencesImpersonationUsing the affordances of the digitalworld to mask an individual’s ownidentity and pretend to be someoneelse, generally for the purpose ofslandering, mocking orembarrassing the impersonatedDirectly receiving unwantedmessages and personal attacksthrough digital devices or accountsMean &HarassingPersonalAttacksBreaking &enteringLogging into another person’sonline accounts or looking throughtheir digital devices withoutpermissionPressure tocomplyManaging requests (generallyunwanted) to grant access toaccounts or nude photographs toclose othersSmotheringConstant messaging or contact; thecontent of messages is not intendedto hurt nor harm, but the quantity isitself problematicExample“I had these two friends. I didn’t doanything to them or say anything aboutthem, but then out of nowhere they start tohate me and tell people all my secrets andpost **** on Facebook directed towards meand they made a list of 100 of my flaws”“A girl decided that she didn’t like me soshe hacked my old AIM account and startedtrash talking everyone who was my buddyon there. She made so many people hateme.”“There this girl from tinychat i know shebeen she been mean to me she call mecrossed eye, go die and calling me ugly toldher to stop she pushing me so hard
tigation of adolescents’ accounts of socio-digital stress, we found that youth also describe digital challenges related to managing intimacy and close rela-tionships, such as negotiating the quantity of digital communication and the bounds of digital
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