Famous Letters Of Mahatma Gandhi
FAMOUS LETTERSOFMA.HATMA GANDHI OMPU.bD&l'Dl'fEDB R. L. KHlPPLE,M. A.PUBUSH D BYTHE INDIAN PRINTING WORKSKACHBRI ROADLAHORE:Price lls.3/8/-
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INTRODUCTIONfMlAHATMA Gandhi's life has been a persistent struggle against the powerful forces of BritishImperialism which have held India in bondage formore than a century and a half. During a periodof about fifty years of his political career he hasbeen off and on writing letters of the nature ofadvisory notes, " petitions", and ultimatums to theViceroys of India and other British statesmen. Inthese pages have been collected some of the mostimportant letters of the Mahatma.IWith the exception of those written to theinmates of Sabarmati Ashram, which are ratherpersonal in .nature, all others are of immensesignificance to a student of Indian politics. Theyafford us a peep into the mind of the GreatMahatma. He is considered to be one of the mostoutspoken, fearless and 'seditious' writers ofIndia, but a spirit of humanity and fellow feelingpermeates through all his letters. In spite ofa marked sense of revolt against the BritishGovernment, his letters indicate a strong desire tomaintain peace at all costs. The Mahatma doeSnot hate the British people ; 'he only desires BritishImperialism to go.
iiBesides giving us an insight into the mind ofthe Mahatma these letters also constitute a gradualchronological survey of the political events in Indiaand in this respect they are also of historicalimportance to readers interested in the politicalhistory of India.Not only that these letters besides beinginformative in content and historical in nature arcalso exhortative in tone. When you read them,your heart throbs with emotion and you feel onewith the Mahatma in condemning British Diplomacyin India. They can serve as emotional stimulants tomany a weary youth of India.This golden sheaf of the letters of Mahatma Gandhi combines in itself the elements of abiography, political history and patriotic exhortation. As such thev are s-qre to catch the intt're tof all who want to have a recollection of India'sfreedom movement at its various stages, and otherswho are interested in the 11fe and work of Mahatmta.Gandhi and still others who just need a mental p 'Uto stimulate patriotic sentiments.':In the end I am grateful to Mr. ShantiParkash Kohli who gave me all possible help in 1hecompilation of these documents and also in gettingthe tnartuscript typed.R. L. KHlP:PLE23rd February, 1947.71, Royal Park,Lahore
TABLE OF CONTENTS5.Author's preface.,,Mahatma. Gandhi-a SborL BiograplticalSketch.Letter to Lord ChelmsfordUltimatum to Lord ChelmsfordTo Every Englishman living in India. First .To Every Ex1glishman living in lndia. Setond1.2.3.4.Jt'ttf"r.letter.i. To the Youngmcn of Bengal8.9.10.ll.12. ·)'l'o His Royal Highne os, the Duke of Con·naughtUltimatum to J.ord ReadingLe-Lters to Lord lrwi'l. First letter,. ·,Second letter.Letters to the Inmat s of Sabarmati AshramI To Mira Bai' 'II General letter t all the InmatesIll 'fo 'Ba' (:Kasturba Gandhi)IV To Lakshmi, Gandhiji's liUlt',1dopted untouchable ' daughter and other little children tlfthe Asbram.13.14.Let1e1 s to Lord Willingdon. First Rejoinder,Second R.Pjoin.der. . 9t32026339944505668767778HI 8182
iiCONTENfS15. To the Nation16. To Sir Samuel Ht are-Sec1etary of State !orIndia in 19S2.ToRamsayMacDonald-British17.PrimeMinister in 1932.\8. To Mr. M A. Jinnah, the PrcsidenL of theMuslim League.19.20.21.22.23.To Marshal Chiang Kai Sheck-The ChineseGeneralissimo.To the People of AmericaTo Lord Linlithgow. lst'It·· .erTo the Home MemberTo Lord Linlithow. On the New 9,,(Personal)131134,"Last letter142"Sir Richards148
MAHATMA GANDHi.(A short biographical sketch.)Mohanlal Karamchand Gandhi, now famousas Mahatma Gandhi, was born m the year 1869in an orthodox Gujerati family known for theirloyalty to the various Kathia war States. His fatherwas the Prime Mini e of Rajkot and his grand fatherwas the Prime Minister of Porbander. The storygoes that on one occasion, consequent to somemtrigues, his grand father was required to take refugein a neighbouring State, where he saluted the Rulerwith his left hand. On being questioned about it hereplied that his right hand was pledged to Porbande1.·.Mahatma Gandhi seems to have inherited hisdeep rooted religious sense from his mother, who wasknown to be a lady of simple and pious habits andof deep devotional mind, and was renowned for herregularity m v1s1ting the temple almost daily.Mahatma Gandhi was married at the early ageof 12 years to Kasturba and se"*'en years after theirma riage, at the age of 19 years, he left for Englandfor hi1ther studies in Law. After finishing his stUdies
1(jFamous Letters of Mahatma Gandhi.in Law he was required to go to South Africa tofight a law suit on behalf of a very big firm of traders.It was there, in South Africa, that the seeds lf hispolitical career were sown. There were, at that time,.about 1,50,000 Indians in that country, whom Gandhijifotmd living virtually in a state of semi-slavery,subjected to a pernicious colour bar with manypolitical and social barriers. His struggle in SouthAfrica for the emancipation of Indians in thatcountry was one of his earliest, encounters with'White Imperialism'. Many a time even his life was indanger but nothing could deter the dauntless IndianBarrister from the path of justice and truth. Hefought a valourous campaign of non-violent passiveresistance in S. Africa with such a spirit of consistencyand sacrifice that the haughty General Smuts had tocome round to a settlement with the non-violentIn,dian resister.From S. Africa, Gandhiji returned to Indiawith his faith in British justice greatly shaken.After the lapse of sometime the Great War I began.In spite of her great sacrifices India was not giventhe promised Home Rule, and instead of that bigcrowds of Indian patriots were subjected to indiscriminate machine-gunr'ling-that was the reward forloyalty to British cause l Consequently a wave ofindiltnation ran across the country ; Hindus and
MahatmaGandhi- '!.short Biographical sketch. 11Muslims joined hands together in their determination to weed out the foreign rule from India. Gandhijiwas sentenced to 6 years' imprisonment.Ten years later he started another campaign forIndia's freedom, resulting ultimately in a pactbetween him and the then Viceroy-known asGandhi-Irwin pact. Soon after in response to aninvitation from the British diplomats he went toEngland to present India's case in the Round TableConference held there at that tilne. He was, however,once again disillusioned by false British pretences.Everything ended in smoke and the ' lathi' and hebullet, and Martial Law ruled, India for the nexttwo years.In 1942 he was in a way the initiator of theAugust Movement which although put down byBritish bayonets, will nevertheless go in the annalsof Indian political history as a great uprising of abrave people for their own liberation.Besides politics, social and religious reform arethe other interests of Gandhiji's life. He has beentaking special pains to alleviate thcr sufferings ofwomen and untouchables and has endeavoured hisutmost in the direction of brin in about ft new
12Famous LetteTs of Mahatma Gandhi.philosophy in a new world. Education too engagesenough of his attention and he is literally the fatherof the Wardha Scheme of Education. Gandhiji inshort is a politician, a saint, a social reformer and aconsttuctive philosopher all combmed in a frall httl person.
LETTER TO LORD CHELMSFORD.(During the perwd of Great War 1 a WarCon[erence was called at Delhi by the British Diplomatsto which Mahatma Gandhi was invited. The Mahatmahowever declmed to join the conference. One of thereasons for his refusal to join it was that LokamanyaTilak, Mrs. Annie Besant and Ali Brothers whom heconsidered to be very powerful leaders of the country, werenot invited. After a personal interview with he thenViceroy of India, Gandhiji came round to join theconference. During that period the Mahatma addressedth.e follOtuing letter to Lord Chelmsford, wherein he show·ed his willingness to support the cause of the AUies bymanpower but regretted that he could not exhort hiscouncrymen for financiaL assistance as India had alread'Ycontributed more than her due. He also appealed to theBritish to give definite assurances for the protection of therights of Mohammedan States.)
I LOVE THE ENGLISH NATION.Sir,- As you ate aware, after careful consideration I felt constrained to convey to YourExcellency that I could not attend the Conferencefor reasons stated in the letter of the 26th instant(April) but after the interview you were goodenough to grant me, I persuaded myself to joinit, if for no other cause than certainly out of mygreat regard for yourself. One of my reasons forabsentation and perhaps the strongest was that Lokamanya Tilak, Mrs. Besantand the Ali Brother, whomIregardasamongthe most powerful leaders of pubhcopinion were not invitad to the Conference. I stillfeel that it was a grave blunder not to have askedthem, and I respectfully suggest that that blundermight be possibly repaired if these leaders were invitedto assist the Government by giving it the benefit oftheir advice at the Provincial Conferences, which, Iunderstand are to follow. I venture to submit thatno Government can afford to disregard the leaders,who represent the large masses of the people asthese do, even though they may hold views fundamentally different. At the same time it gives mepleasure to be able ·to say that the views of allparties were permitted to be freely exoressed at the
Letter to Lord Chelmsford.15Committees of the Conference. For my part, Ipurposely rehamed from stating my views at theCommittee at which I had the honour of servinglor at the Conference itself. I felt that I could bestserve the objects of the Conference by simply tendermg my support to the resolutions submitted to itand thts I have done without any reservation. Ihope to translate the spoken word into action nsearly as the Government can see its way to acceptmy offer which I am submitting simultaneouslyherewith in a separate letter.I recognise that in the hour of its danger wemust give, as we have decided to give, ungrudgingand unequivocal support to the Empire of which w aspire in the near future to be partners in thesame sense as the Dominioljl.s Overseas. But it 1sthe simple truth that our response is due to theexpectation that our goal will be reached all th more speedily. On that account, e\.·en as performance or duty automatically confer a correspondingright, people are entitled to believe that the imminent reforms alluded to in your speech wlll embodythe mam general principles of the Congress-LeagueScheme, and 1 am sure that it is thts faith whichhas enabled many members· of the conference to ender to the Government their full heartec;l co-
16Famous Letters of Mahatma Gandhi.operation. If I could make my countrymen retracet\J.eir steps I would make them withdraw all theCongress resolutions and not whisper" Home Rule"Responsible Government " during the pendencyof the War. I would make India offer all her able·bodied sons as a sacrifice to the Emptre at itscritical moment and I know that India, by this -veryact, would become the most favoured partner in theEmpir and racial distinctions would become a thingof the past. But practically the whole ot educatedIndia has decided to take a less eHectJve course,and it is no longer possible to say that educatedIndia does not exercise any influence on the 1nasses.I have been coming into most intimate touch withthe rai)ats ever since my return from South Africato India, and I wish to assure you th t the desirefor Home Rule has widely penetrated them. I waspresent at the sessions of the last Congress andI was a party to the resolution that tull ResponsibleGovernment should be granted to British India' ithin a period to be fixed definitely by a Parliamentary Statute. I adroit that it 1S a bold step totake, but I feel sure that nothing less than a definitevisio11 of Home Rule to he realised in the shortestpossible time will satisfy the Indian people. I knowthat there are many in India who consider nosacrifice- is too Jlreat in order to achieve the end;or "
Letter to Lord Chemlsford.17:md they ar wakeful enough to realise that theynust be equally prepared to sacrifice themselvestor the Empir::: in which they hope and desire toreach tl,eir final status. It follows then: that wecan but accelerat uur' journey to the goal by silentlyand s1mply devvting out·selves heart and soul to the\Vork of delivering the Empire from the threatenIng danger. It will be a national suicide not torecognise this dementary truth. We much perceivethat if we serve to save the Empire, we have tn thatvery act secured Home Rule.Whilst, therefore. it 1s cleat to me that weshould give to the Empire every available man forits defence. I fear that I cannot say the same thingabout the financial assistance. My intimate intercoursewith the rai'Yats convinces me that India hasalready donated to the Impetial Exchequer beyondher capacity. I know mat. in making this statement,I am voicing the opinion of the majority of mycountry men.The conference means for me, and l believefor many o us, a definite step in the consecration ofou.r lives to the common cause, but ours is a peculiarposition. We are today o tside the partnership.Ours is a consecration based on hope o better future.r should be untrue to you and to my country ifr
18Famous Letters of Mahatma Gandhi.did not clearly and unequivocally telJ you whatthat hope is. I do not bargain or its fulfilment,but you should know that disappointment of hopemeans disillusion. There is one thing I may notomit. You have appealed to us to sink domestiCd1fferences. If appeal involves the toleration oftyranny and wrongdoings on the part of officials,I am powerless to tespond. I shall resist organisedtyranny to the uttermost. The appeal must be tothe officials that they do not illMtreat a single souland that they consult and respect popular opimon asnever before. In Champaran by resisting an agelong tyranny I have shown the ultimate sovereigntyof British Justice. In Kaira, a population that was:cursing the Government now feels that it, and notthe Government, is the power when it is preparedto suffer for the truth it represents. It is, therefore.losing its bitterness and is saying to itself that theGovernment must be a Government for people, fo1it tolerates orderly and respectful disobedience \V hereinjustice is felt Thus Champaran and Kaira affairs.are my direct, definite and special contribution to theWar. Ask me to suspend my activities in that.directionyou ask me to suspend my life. If Icould popularise the \!Se of soul force which is butanother name for love for-ce in place of brute force, Iik.raow .that I .could present you with an India thatana
Letter to Lord Chelmsford.19could defy the whole world to its worst. In se : sonand out of season. the1efore, I shall discipline myseltto express in my hfe this eternal law of suffering andpresent it for acceptance to those who care and if Itake part many other activity, the motive is to showthe matchless supedonty of that law.Lastly, I would hke you to ask His Majesty'sMimsters eo g1ve definite assurance about Mohammedan States. I am sure you know that evetyMohammedan 1s deeply interested in them. As aHindu, I cannot be indifferent to their cause. Theirsorrows must be our sorrows. In the most scrupulousregard for the rights of those States and for theMuslim sentiment, as to the places of worship andyour just and t1mely treatment of Indian claim toHome Rule, lies the safety of the Empire.I write this, because I love the English Nation, andI wish to evoke in every Indian the looyalt-, of Engbshmen.
ULTIMATUM TO LORD CHELMSFORD.(When the Great War 1 ·was over, a Turkish PeaceTreaty was signed at Paris, whereby Turkey was to be.dismembered and only Constantinople with a fringe ofteT'ritory for defence purposes was conceded to the Sultan.During rhe course of the War, Lloyd George the thenBritish. Prime Minister had assured the Muslim worldtha.t Turke, would not be deprived of the Tich lands ofAsia Minor and Thrace, and the above treaty was acruel violation of these assurances and promises. TheMussalmans of India were therefo,·e enraged at this' twist'of the British diplomacy. Mahatama Gandhi at thattime gave his full support to the Mu. lim cause andadvised the Mussalmans of India to withdraw theirsupport from the Viceroy's Government. Protestingagainst the cruel violence that had been done to theMuslim sentiments he sent the following letter to LordChelmsford advising him to represent the Muslim causeto the Allies and in default thereof he told the Viceroy,that non-co-operation was the onb course for the Indians.
WE HAVE LOST FAITH IN BRITISHJUSTICE!"Your Excellency,-As one who has enjoyed acertain measure of Your Excellency's confidence andas one who claims to be a devoted well wisher ofthe British Empire, I owe it to Your Excellency andthrough Your Excellency to His Majesty's ministersto explain my connection with and my conduct inthe Khilafat question.At the very earliest stage of the War, evenwhile I was in London organising the Indian Vohi.nteer Ambulance Corps, I began to interest myselfin the Khilafat question. I perceived how deeplymoved the Mussalman world in London was whenTurkey decided to throw in her lot with Germany.On my arrival in January of 1915 I found the sameanxiousness and earnestness among the Mussalmanswith whom I came in contact. Their anxiety becameintense when the information about the secrettreaties leaked out. Distrust of British intentionsfilled their minds and despair took possession ofthem. Even at that moment I advised my Mussalman friends not to give way to despair but to expresstheir ears and their hopes in a disciplined manner
22Famous Letters of Mahatma Gandhi.It will be admitted that the whole of theMussalman India has behaved in a singularlyrestrained manner during the past five years andthat the leaders have been able to keep the turbulentsections of their community under complete control.The peace terms and Your Excellency's defenceof them have given the Mussalmans of India ashock from which it will be difficult for them to1·ecover. The terms violate the ministerial pledgesand utterly disregard Mussalman's sentiments. Iconsider that, as a staunch Hindu wishing to live onterms of the closest friendship with my Mussalmancountrymen, I should be an unworthy son of Indiaif I did not stand by them in their hour of trial. Inmy humble opinion their cause is just. They claimthat Turkey must not be punished if their sentimentis to be respected. Muslim soldier did not :fight toinflict punishment on their own Khalifa or to deprivehim of his territories. The Mussalman attitude hasbeen consistent throughout these five years.M:Y duty to the Empire,which I owe myloyalty, requires me to resist the cruel violence thathas been done to the Mussalman sentiment so far asI am aware. Mussalmans and Hindus have, as a whole, ·lost faith in British justice and honour.to
Ultimatum to Lord Chelmsford.23The report of the majority of the Hunter Committee,Your Excellency's despatch thereon and Mr.Montagu's reply have only aggravated the distrust.In these circumstances, the only course open toone like me is either in despair to sever all connections with British rule or, if I still retained faith in he inherent superionty of the British constitution toall others at present m vogue, to adopt such means aswill rect1fy the wrong done and thus restore confidence. I have not lost faith in such superiority and I amnot without hope that somehow or other justice willyet be rendered if we show the requisite capacity for:mffe
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recommends the boy for scholarship and gifts a book: Lessons for the Young Boys from the Life of Mahatma Gandhi. It is in this manner that the local boy becomes the white tiger in Mahatma Gandhi's India. The character of Balram in Mahabharata represents innocence, faith and friendship.
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