Reconstruction Aftermath Of War Readings

3y ago
31 Views
2 Downloads
234.43 KB
8 Pages
Last View : 1m ago
Last Download : 3m ago
Upload by : Nadine Tse
Transcription

ReconstructionThe Aftermath of the Civil War Readings#1- Excerpt from “Prose Works” Walt Whitman#2- Excerpt from the Diary of Emma Leconte, 1864- 1865, February 18, 1865#3- Corporal Jackson Cherry, Company I, 35th Regiment, United States ColoredTroops, 1865- a Black Union (North) Soldier#4- Major General Rufus Saxton- Testimony#5- Jourdan Anderson, an ex-slave from Tennessee, declines his former master’sinvitation to return as a laborer on his plantation, August 7, 1865

Reading #1Walt Whitman worked as a nurse with wounded Union soldiers during theCivil War while living in Washington D.C.Excerpt from Prose WorksWalt Whitman1892And so good-by to the war. I know not how it may have been, or may be, to others—to me themain interest I found, (and still, on recollection, find,) in the rank and file of the armies, bothsides, and in those specimens amid the hospitals, and even the dead on the field. To me thepoints illustrating the latent personal character and eligibilities of these States, in the two or threemillions of American young and middle-aged men, North and South, embodied in thosearmies—and especially the one-third or one-fourth of their number, stricken by wounds ordisease at some time in the course of the contest—were of more significance even than thepolitical interests involved. (As so much of a race depends on how it faces death, and how itstands personal anguish and sickness. As, in the glints of emotions under emergencies, and theindirect trait and asides in Plutarch, we get far profounder clues to the antique world than all itsmore formal history.)Future years will never know the seething hell and the black infernal background of countlessminor scenes and interiors., (not the official surface-courteousness of the Generals, not the fewgreat battles) of the Secession War; and it is best they should not—the real war will never get inthe books. In the mushy influences of current times, too, me fervid atmosphere and typical eventsof those years are in danger of being totally forgotten. I have at night watch’ d by the side of asick man in the hospital, one who could not live many hours. I have seen his eyes flash and burnas he raised himself and recurr’d to the cruelties on his surrender ’d brother, and mutilations ofthe corpse afterward. (See, in the preceding pages, the incident at Upperville—the seventeenkill’d as in the description, were left there on the ground. After they dropt dead, no one touch’ dthem—all were made sure of, however. The carcasses were left for the citizens to bury or not, asthey chose.)Such was the war. It was not a quadrille in a ballroom. Its interior history will not only never bewritten—its practicality, minutiae of deeds and passions will never be even suggested. The actualsoldier of 1862-’65, North and South, with all his ways, his incredible dauntlessness, habits,practices, tastes, language, his fierce friendship, his appetite, rankness, his superb strength andanimality, lawless gait, and a hundred unnamed lights and shades of camp, I say, will never bewritten—perhaps must not and should not be.

Reading #2Excerpt from the Diary of Emma Leconte, 1864‐ 1865, February 18, 1865After having captured Savannah, Georgia, in late December, General William T. Sherman’sUnion Army turned north and entered South Carolina in January 1865. By this time theConfederate forces opposing him had been virtually shattered, capable of conducting littlemore than delaying actions. When Sherman’s army marched into Columbia, South Carolina’scapital, his men were prepared to take vengeance against the state that had been first tosecede from the Union in 1860.Saturday afternoon, Feb. 18th.- What a night of horror, misery and agony! It is useless to try to put on paper anyidea of it. The recollection is so fearful, yet any attempt to describe it seems so useless.It even makes one sick to think of writing down such scenes - and yet as I have writtenthus far I ought, while it is still fresh, try even imperfectly to give some account of lastnight. Every incident is now so vividly before me and yet it does not seem real - ratherlike a fearful dream, or nightmare that still oppresses.Until dinner-time we saw little of the Yankees, except the guard about the Campus,and the officers and men galloping up and down the street. It is true, as I have sincelearned that as soon as the bulk of the army entered the work of pillage began. But weare so far off and so secluded from the rest of town that we were happily ignorant of itall. I do not know exactly when Sherman, but I should judge about two or between oneand two p.m. We could hear their shouts as they surged down Main Street and throughthe State house, but were too far off to see much of the tumult, nor did we dream what ascene of pillage and terror was being enacted. I hear they found a picture of PresidentDavis in the Capitol which was set up as a target and shot at amid the jeers of thesoldiery. From three o'clock till seven their army was passing down the street bythe Campus, to encamp back of us in the woods. Two Corps entered town - Howard'sand Logan's - one, the diabolical 15th which Sherman has hitherto never permitted toenter a city on account of their vile and desperate character. Slocum's Corps remainedover the river, and I suppose Davis' also. The devils as they marched past looked strongand well clad in dark, dirty-looking blue. The wagon trains were immense. Night drewon. Of course we did not expect to sleep, but we looked forward to a tolerably tranquilnight. Strange as it may seem we were actually idiotic enough to believe Shermanwould keep his word! - A Yankee - and Sherman! It does seem incredible, suchcredulity, but I suppose we were so anxious to believe him - the lying fiend! I hoperetributive justice will find him out one day. At about seven o'clock I was standing on theback piazza in the third story. Before me the whole southern horizon was lit up by campfires which dotted the woods. On one side the sky was illuminated by the burning ofGen. Hampton's residence a few miles off in the country, on the other side by some

blazing buildings near the river. I had scarecely gone down stairs again when Henry toldme there was a fire on Main Street. Sumter Street was brightly lighted by a burninghouse so near our piazza that we could feel the heat. By the red glare we could watchthe wretches walking - generally staggering - back and forth from the camp to the town shouting - hurrahing - cursing South Carolina - swearing - blashpheming - singing ribaldsongs and using obscene language that we were forced to go indoors. The fire on MainStreet was now raging, and we anxiously watched its progress from the upper frontwindows. In a little while however the flames broke forth in every direction. The drunkendevils roamed about setting fire to every house the flames seemed likely to spare. Theywere fully equipped for the noble work they had in hand. Each soldier was furnishedwith combustiblescompactly put up. They would enter houses and in the presence of helpless women andchildren, pour turpentine on the beds and set them on fire. Guards were rarely of anyassistance - most generally they assisted in the pillaging and firing. The wretchedpeople rushing from their burning homes were not allowed to keep even the fewnecessaries they gathered up in their flight - even blankets and food were taken fromthem and destroyed. The Firemen attempted to use their engines, but the hose was cutto pieces and their lives threatened. The wind blew a fearful gale, wafting the flamesfrom house to house with frightful rapidity. By midnight the whole town (except theoutskirts) was wrapped in one huge blaze. Still the flames had not approachedsufficiently near us to threaten our immediate safety, and for some reason not a singleYankee soldier had entered our house. And now the fire instead of approaching usseemed to recede - Henry said the danger was over and, sick of the dreadful scene,worn out with fatigue and excitement, we went downstairs to our room and tried to rest. Ifell into a heavy kind of stupor from which I was presently roused by the bustle aboutme. Our neighbor Mrs. Caldwell and her two sisters stood before the fire wrapped inblankets and weeping. Their home was on fire, and the great sea of flame had againswept down our way to the very Campus walls. I felt a kind of sickening despair and didnot even stir to go and look out. After awhile Jane came in to say that Aunt Josie'shouse was in flames - then we all went to the front door - My God! - what a scene! Itwas about four o'clock and the State house was one grand conflagration. Imagine nightturned into noonday, only with a blazing, scorching glare that was horrible - a coppercolored sky across which swept columns of black rolling smoke glittering with sparksand flying embers, while all around us were falling thickly showers of burning flakes.Everywhere the palpitating blaze walling the streets withsolid masses of flames as far as the eye could reach - filling the air with its horrible roar.On every side the crackling and devouring fire, while every instant came the crashing oftimbers and the thunder of falling buildings. A quivering molten ocean seemed to fill the

air and sky. The Library building opposite us seemed framed by the gushing flames andsmoke, while through the windows gleamed the liquid fire. This we thought must beAunt Josie's house. It was the next one, for although hers caught frequently, it wassaved. The College buildings caught all along that dise, and had the incendiary workcontinued one half hour longer than it did they must have gone. All the physicians andnurses were on the roof trying to save the buildings, and the poor wounded inmates leftto themselves, such as could crawled out while those who could not move waited to beburned to death. The Common opposite the gate was crowded with homeless womenand children, a few wrapped in blankets and many shivering in the night air. Such ascene as this with the drunken fiendish soldiery in their dark uniforms, infuriated cursing,screaming, exulting in their work, came nearer realizing the material ideal of hell thananything I ever expect to see again. They call themselves "Sherman's Hellhounds".Mother collected together some bedding, clothing and food which Henry carried to theback of the garden and covered them with a hastily ripped-up carpet to protect themfrom the sparks and flakes of fire. He wroked so hard, so faithfully, and tried to comfortmother as best he could while she was sobbing and crying at the thought of being leftshelterless with a delicate baby. While this was going on I stood with Mary Ann at thekitchen door. She tried to speak hopefully - I could not cry - it was too horrible. Yet I feltthe house must burn. By what miracle it was saved I cannot think. No effort could bemade - no one was on the roof which was old and dry, and all the while the sparks andburning timbers were flying over it like rain.Reading #3Corporal Jackson Cherry, Company I, 35th Regiment, United States ColoredTroops, 1865‐ a Black Union (North) SoldierWe have been faithful in the field up to the present time, and think that we ought to beconsidered as men, and allowed a fair chance in the race of life. It has been said that a black mancan not make his own living, but give us opportunities and we will show the whites that we willnot come to them for any thing, if they do not come to us. We think the colored people have beenthe making of them, and can make something of ourselves in time. The colored people knowhow to work, and the whites have been dependent upon them. They can work again, and willwork. A white man may talk very well, but put him to work, and what will he say? He will saythat hard work is not easy. He will say that it is hard for a man who has owned so many ablebodied Negroes to have the Yankees come and taken them all away.

Reading #4Major General Rufus Saxton was formerly commander of the Union forces thatoccupied Georgia's Sea Islands. After the war he was appointed to the post ofFreedmen's Bureau's assistant commissioner for Florida, Georgia, and SouthCarolina.[Question] What is [the freedmen's] disposition in regard to purchasing land, and what is thedisposition of the landowners in reference to selling land to Negroes?[Answer] The object which the freedman has most at heart is the purchase of land. They alldesire to get small homesteads and to locate themselves upon them, and there is scarcely anysacrifice too great for them to make to accomplish this object. I believe it is the policy of themajority of the farm owners to prevent Negroes from becoming landholders. They desire to keepthe Negroes landless, and as nearly in a condition of slavery as it is possible for them to do. Ithink that the former slaveholders know really less about the freedmen than any other class ofpeople. The system of slavery has been one of concealment on the part of the Negro of all hisfeelings and impulses; and that feeling of concealment is so ingrained with the very constitutionof the Negro that he deceives his former master on almost every point. The freedman has no faithin his former master, nor has his former owner any faith in the capacity of the freedman. Amutual distrust exists between them. But the freedman is ready and willing to contract to workfor any northern man. One man from the North, a man of capital, who employed large numbersof freedmen, and paid them regularly, told me, as others have, that he desired no better laborers;that he considered them fully as easy to manage as Irish laborers. That was my own experiencein employing several thousands of them in cultivating the soil. I have also had considerableexperience in employing white labor, having, as quartermaster, frequently had large numbers oflaborers under my control.[Question] If the Negro is put in possession of all his rights as a man, do you apprehend anydanger of insurrection among them?[Answer] I do not; and I think that is the only thing which will prevent difficulty. I think if theNegro is put in possession of all his rights as a citizen and as a man, he will be peaceful, orderly,and self- sustaining as any other man or class of men, and that he will rapidly advance.[Question] It has been suggested that, if the Negro is allowed to vote, he will be likely to voteon the side of his former master, and be inveigled in the support of a policy hostile to thegovernment of the United States; do you share in that apprehension?[Answer] I have positive information from Negroes, from the most intelligent freedmen inthose States, those who are leaders among them, that they are thoroughly loyal, and know theirfriends, and they will never be found voting on the side of oppression.I think it vital to thesafety and prosperity of the two races in the south that the Negro should immediately be put inpossession of all his rights as a man; and that the word "color" should be left out of all laws,constitutions, and regulations for the people; I think it vital to the safety of the Union that thisshould be done.Source: Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction (Washington, 1866)

Reading #5Jourdan Anderson, an ex-slave from Tennessee, declines his former master’sinvitation to return as a laborer on his plantation, August 7, 1865:Dayton, Ohio, August 7, 1865To My Old Master, Colonel P.H. Anderson, Big Spring, TennesseeSir: I got your letter and was glad to find you had not forgotten Jourdon, and that you wanted meto come back and live with you again, promising to do better for me than anybody else can. Ihave often felt uneasy about you. I thought the Yankees would have hung you long before thisfor harboring Rebs they found at your house. I suppose they never heard about your going toCol. Martin's to kill the Union soldier that was left by his company in their stable. Although youshot at me twice before I left you, I did not want to hear of your being hurt, and am glad you arestill living. It would do me good to go back to the dear old home again and see Miss mary andMiss Martha and Allen, Esther, Green, and Lee. Give my love to them all, and tell them I hopewe will meet in the better world, if not in this. I would have gone back to see you all when I wasworking in the Nashville hospital, but one of the neighbors told me Henry intended to shoot meif he ever got a chance.I want to know particularly what the good chance is you propose to give me. I am doingtolerably well here; I get 25 a month, with victuals and clothing; have a comfortable home forMandy (the folks here call her Mrs. Anderson), and the children, Milly, Jane and Grundy, go toschool and are learning well; the teacher says grundy has a head for a preacher. They go toSunday-School, and Mandy and me attend church regularly. We are kindly treated; sometimeswe overhear others saying, "The colored people were slaves" down in Tennessee. The childrenfeel hurt when they hear such remarks, but I tell them it was no disgrace in Tennessee to belongto Col. Anderson. Many darkies would have been proud, as I used to was, to call you master.Now, if you will write and say what wages you will give me, I will be better able to decidewhether it would be to my advantage to move back again.As to my freedom, which you say I can have, there is nothing to be gained on that score, as I gotmy free- papers in 1864 from the Provost- Marshal- General of the Department of Nashville.Mandy says she would be afraid to go back without some proof that you are sincerely disposedto treat us justly and kindly- - and we have concluded to test your sincerity by asking you to sendus our wages for the time we served you. This will make us forget and forgive old scores, andrely on your justice and friendship in the future. I served you faithfully for thirty- two years andMandy twenty years. At 25 a month for me, and 2 a week for Mandy, our earnings wouldamount to 11,680. Add to this the interest for the time our wages has been kept back and deductwhat you paid for our clothing and three doctor's visits to me, and pulling a tooth for Mandy, andthe balance will show what we are in justice entitled to. Please send the money by AdamsExpress, in care of V. Winters, esq, Dayton, Ohio. If you fail to pay us for faithful labors in thepast we can have little faith in your promises in the future. We trust the good Maker has openedyour eyes to the wrongs which you and your fathers have done to me and my fathers, in makingus toil for you for generations without recompense. Here I draw my wages every Saturday night,but in Tennessee there was never any pay day for the Negroes any more than for the horses andcows. Surely there will be a day of reckoning for those who defraud the laborer of his hire.

In answering this letter please state if there would be any safety for my Milly and Jane, who arenow grown up and both good- looking girls. You know how it was with Matilda and Catherine. Iwould rather stay here and starve and die if it comes to that than have my girls brought to shameby the violence and wickedness of their young masters. You will also please state if there hasbeen any schools opened for the colored children in your neighborhood, the great desire of mylife now is to give my children an education, and have them form virtuous habits. P.S. -- Sayhowdy to George Carter, and thank him for taking the pistol from you when you were shooting atme.From your old servant,Jourdon AndersonSource: Cincinnati Commercial, reprinted in New York Tribune, August 22, 1865.

The Aftermath of the Civil War Readings #1- Excerpt from “Prose Works” Walt Whitman #2- Excerpt from the Diary of Emma Leconte, 1864- 1865, February 18, 1865 #3- Corporal Jackson Cherry, Company I, 35th Regiment, United States Colored Troops, 1865- a Black Union (North) Soldier #4- Major General Rufus Saxton- Testimony

Related Documents:

Psalm 84 Friday, 20 May Readings: Acts 3 Psalm 85 Saturday, 21 May Readings: Acts 4:1-22 Psalm 86 MAY 2022 Sunday, 1 May (Labour Day) Readings: Psalm 67 . Readings: 1 Corinthians 7 Psalm 68:1-18 Saturday, 8 Oct Readings: 1 Corinthians 8 Psalm 68:19-35 Sunday, 9 Oct Readings: Psalm 69 Psalm 70 Monday, 10 Oct Readings:

of the Aftermath project’s three themes: environment, technology, or society. Applicants are advised to familiarize themselves with the description of the Aftermath project provided on the website (https://aftermath.uab.cat/) and to consider what their proposed research would contribute to the aims of project.

Bockus, John Civil War 0-48 Knapp, Leonard Civil War 0-62 Bryson, Frank T. Civil War 0-6 Lampson, G. W. Civil War 0-25 Burkley, John I. Civil War 0-65A Martin, Jacob A. Civil War 0-49 Carr, Asa M. Civil War 0-39 Martin, Pembrooke Civil War 0-9A Carr, Julius Civil War 0-39 Mather, Jonathan War of 1812 0-78

RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA Racial Violence after the Civil War, 1865-1876 qu ic iativ eserve ar at e reproduce difie ribute or ctr chanical xpr te ermiss qu ic iative. RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA. RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA Racial Violence after the Civil War, 1865-1876 The Memorial at the EJI Legacy Pavilion in Montgomery, Alabama. .

The Iraq war has lasted longer than World War I, World War II, and the Civil War. More than 4,000 Americans have died. More than 60,000 have been injured and wounded. The United States may spend 2.7 trillion on this war and its aftermath, yet we are less safe around the globe and more di-vided at home. With determined ingenuity

Issue #2 for image reconstruction: Incomplete data For “exact” 3D image reconstruction using analytic reconstruction methods, pressure measurements must be acquired on a 2D surface that encloses the object. There remains an important need for robust reconstruction algorithms that work with limited data sets.

statistical reconstruction methods. This chapter1 reviews classical analytical tomographic reconstruction methods. (Other names are Fourier reconstruction methods and direct reconstruction methods, because these methods are noniterative.) Entire books have been devoted to this subject [2-6], whereas this chapter highlights only a few results.

The hooks infrastructure is separatede in two parts, the hook dispatcher, and the actual hooks. The dispatcher is in charge of deciding which hooks to run for each event, and gives the final review on the change. The hooks themselves are the ones that actually do checks (or any other action needed) and where the actual login you