Refugee, Asylum Seeking And Roma Families During The COVID .
Refugee, asylum seeking andRoma families during theCOVID-19 pandemic:Insights from frontline workersin GlasgowDecember 2020Children’s Neighbourhoods Scotland
AcknowledgementsWe are very grateful to all frontline workers who took part in this research, especially giventhe work pressure they were under during the time of the fieldwork. Their participationprovided a unique opportunity to gain insights into the experiences of vulnerable migrantfamilies, children and young people during the COVID-19 pandemic.Thank you also to the wider CNS programme and research team at the University of Glasgow,for their guidance, support and encouragement. We would also like to acknowledge thesupport and help of our local and national funders.AuthorsMaureen McBride, Elaine Feeney, Claire Bynner, Jennifer McLean.How to cite this report:McBride, M., Feeney, E., Bynner, C., McLean, J. (2020) Refugee, asylum seeking and Romafamilies during the COVID-19 pandemic: insights from frontline workers in Glasgow. Glasgow:Children’s Neighbourhoods Scotland.Accompanying literature reviewPirie, C. (2020), Migrant families and the COVID-19 pandemic: a review of the literature onpre-existing vulnerabilities and inequalities is a CNS briefing that accompanies this report. Itsummarises the recent academic evidence on the systemic risks that make migrant familiesparticularly vulnerable to a crisis such as a pandemic.2
Table of ContentsAcknowledgements. 2Authors . 2How to cite this report: . 2Summary . 4Key messages. 41.Introduction . 5Research approach and methodology . 5Contribution of study . 72.Research findings . 7Exacerbating existing poverty . 7Housing inequalities and health . 11Educational inequalities . 13Family wellbeing and social isolation . 15Access to services . 183.Discussion, conclusion, and recommendations . 21Key insights . 21Poverty and the labour market . 21Housing inequality . 22Educational inequality . 23Family wellbeing and social isolation . 23Access to services . 24Implications of these findings for policy, practice, and research . 24Appendix 1 – Definitions . 26Definitions - refugee, asylum seeker, and migrant . 26Appendix 2 Demographics . 27References . 283
SummaryThe COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected those living in areas with highlevels of deprivation. The pandemic has also exposed the high levels of inequality affectingmigrant families in Glasgow. Children’s Neighbourhoods Scotland (CNS) has conductedresearch on the perspectives of frontline workers who have supported vulnerable migrantfamilies in local neighbourhoods during this time. The findings from this research providenew insights into the impact of COVID-19 on children and families who are living in povertyand who are further disadvantaged on account of their insecure immigration status.Key messages Families without secure citizenship status faced various additional barriers compared toother families living in high-poverty areas during the COVID-19 pandemic.Higher levels of poverty left migrant families vulnerable to the economic impact of thepandemic. Insecure employment and a lack of access to social security resulted insignificant loss of income for many families.Migrant families’ experience of the pandemic was further compounded by poorerhousing conditions, with a reliance on the private rental sector or home office asylumseekers accommodation.Social isolation, the disruption of routine and activity, and the loss of formal andinformal support networks during lockdown period strongly influenced the mentalhealth and wellbeing of migrant families and individuals seeking asylum.Third sector organisations played a valuable role in supporting migrant families duringthe pandemic, including acting as an intermediary between families and statutoryservices.4
1. IntroductionThe COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected those living and working in areaswith high levels of deprivation. Children’s Neighbourhoods Scotland (CNS) works withchildren and young people in high-poverty neighbourhoods and was well-placed to capturethe early lessons from this unprecedented public health emergency through its relationshipswith strategic and frontline workers who support families. Initial research carried out by CNSin Glasgow (Bynner et al., 2020) identified higher levels of vulnerability amongst certainmigrant groups, namely refugees and asylum seekers and Roma families. A separate researchstudy was undertaken to understand the experiences of new migrant families in Glasgowduring the COVID-19 lockdown.This report presents the findings from the CNS research exploring the insights of frontlineworkers supporting migrant families in Glasgow during the pandemic. The findings from thisresearch suggest that vulnerable migrant families have been impacted disproportionately bythe COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown. The level at which they were affected was higher thanthe rest of the population due to the added layer of inequalities and oppression faced bysome migrant communities, particularly those with insecure immigration status and norecourse to public funds. Language barriers and racism further exacerbated migrant families’experiences during the pandemic.Research approach and methodologyThis exploratory research sought to understand the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic onvulnerable migrant families (including refugee, asylum-seeking and Roma families – seeAppendix 1 for definitions). Early in the lockdown period a ‘rapid review’ of existing researchand literature was conducted to identify and understand the risk factors faced bymarginalised groups which may be exacerbated by the impact of the pandemic (see briefingpaper). An empirical research study was then carried out with a small sample of frontlineworkers to gain insight into the experiences of refugee and migrant families during thepandemic.Nine interviews were conducted between May and June 2020, all with third sector frontlineworkers who support vulnerable migrant families in Glasgow (see Table 1). One intervieweehad a city-wide remit, and the rest were located at neighbourhood level in differentneighbourhoods in Glasgow, with both high levels of poverty and high populations of asylumseeking, refugee and Roma families (see Appendix 2 for demographic information).Interviewees were recruited through existing CNS relationships and by contactingorganisations with a specific remit for supporting these groups.5
Table 1. Breakdown of interviewees by role, service area and remit.Researchparticipants(pseudonyms)Service AreaRemitNeighbourhood/ city wideremitCatherineHousingNeighbourhoodColinHealth and social careAlisonChildren and familiesRoselynRefugee supportNickHealth and social careRachelRefugee supportAndreaSocial enterpriseGraceHealth and social careDannyCommunitiesProvides housing and welfaresupport to Romanian Romapeople/familiesBroad remit in area with highpopulation of asylum seekersand refugeesSupports children and familiesin area with high population ofasylum seekersSupports asylum seekers andrefugeesBroad remit in area with highpopulation of Roma familiesSupports asylum seekers andrefugeesSupports asylum seeking andrefugee women and theirfamiliesBroad remit in area with highpopulation of asylum seekersand refugeesBroad remit in area with highpopulation of asylum seekersand oodSemi-structured interviews were conducted by phone or on Zoom video conferencingsoftware and lasted approximately 45-60 minutes. Interview schedules were shaped byfindings from a literature review (see Pirie 2020) and the CNS report on family wellbeing inGlasgow during the pandemic (Bynner et al., 2020). The semi-structured nature of discussionsallowed for practitioners to lead discussion and raise issues that they felt were important forthe families they supported. All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed then codedmanually. Analysis of interviews was data led: thematic analysis was conducted on the basisof data emerging from the first few interviews, and the analytical framework developed asadditional interviews were carried out.The decision was taken to interview frontline professionals who work with refugee, asylumseeking and Roma families in high poverty neighbourhoods. The decision not to engagedirectly with families was influenced by concerns around putting additional pressures onfamilies at an extremely difficult time, as well as practical challenges. Conducting researchwith refugees, asylum seekers and Roma families requires significant input from frontline6
professionals in terms of access to participants and provision of interpretation services.Frontline workers with trusted relationships with families were considered best placed toprovide insights into their experiences during the pandemic, without causing additional stressto families themselves. The research met the highest standards of ethical research conduct,research integrity, data management and data protection, as approved by the University ofGlasgow.Contribution of studyThe findings from this exploratory study come from the perspective of frontline workers andare not based on direct research with families. However, practitioners who work closely withfamilies are well placed to offer in-depth information about their experiences during thepandemic. CNS was able to feed this real-time evidence into policy making through rapidintelligence sharing in the form of insight papers and briefings. An Insight paper based on theearly findings from this study (July 2020) is available on the CNS website.This report provides insights to support COVID-19 recovery at local and national levels inScotland and the UK with respect to migrant families and migrant and refugee integrationmore broadly. The recommendations highlight the action that is required in key policy areasincluding social security, housing, education and mental health and wellbeing.2. Research findingsThis section of the report draws on findings from interviews with nine frontline practitionerswho work with refugee and migrant families. It is presented in five sections: exacerbatingexisting poverty levels; housing inequalities and the impact of these on health; educationalinequalities; social isolation and family wellbeing; and access to services. Quotations are usedto illustrate how the frontline practitioners interviewed for this research made sense of theevolving situation during the early phase of the pandemic. In particular, they illuminate theperspectives that motivated their actions and how these practitioners positioned themselvesand the role of their organisations in relation to broader socioeconomic processes.Exacerbating existing povertyLoss of incomeRecent research has emphasised the increase in financial distress for many families as a resultof the COVID -19 crisis and lockdown, and that this has been disproportionately felt by thoseengaged in low-paid and/or precarious employment, particularly BME groups and disabledpeople (Bynner et al., 2020; Poverty Alliance, 2020a). Many Roma individuals were unable toaccess the UK Government’s support when they lost their jobs due to the pandemic. A third7
sector interviewee from an organisation supporting Roma people suggested that someemployers did not comply with or participate in the Job Retention Scheme (JRS). Someworkers were technically self-employed because their employers did not register them asemployees and because of a lack of understanding of the system, they did not have therecords to prove their previous earnings.We have a lot of people that are either working on more or less the black market, orwork for employers that didn’t have any interest in applying for furlough (Catherine,Glasgow South).This interviewee described this group as a 'challenged community’ due to the shock of havinga sudden loss of income, and a lack of access to support: ‘[they] found themselves from oneday to another without any job, without any means of support, without any way of doinganything’. All interviewees perceived that the crisis had highlighted the marginalised statusof these families:They were already on the margins of society in terms of how much access they had toservices and how much money they had, so I think that it’s probably hit them really quitebadly (Andrea, Glasgow South).Food povertyOrganisations stated that the financial burden of having families at home all day and the lossof free school meals was an additional challenge for vulnerable migrant families. Intervieweesexplained that many refugee and migrant families were reliant on food banks and soupkitchens, and in many areas, these had to close because they were run predominately byvolunteers, many of whom were in the shielding category:So it meant that there just suddenly wasn’t enough resource to go around, and there havebeen families who have told us that they’re really struggling to make sure there’s enoughfood for their children, and then there’s just no additional money to buy anything thatwould help entertain the children (Roselyn, Glasgow City).Interviewees echoed findings from other research that services across Glasgow respondedquickly to the need for emergency food provision (Bynner et al., 2020; McKendrick &Campbell, 2020). However, a small number of interviewees highlighted concerns around thelack of ‘dignity’ and ‘choice’ in access to food for vulnerable migrant families. An intervieweewho works in an area with a high proportion of refugees and asylum seekers suggested thatthe crisis ‘brutally exposed’ how income deprived some families are:8
There’s queues of families that are waiting for a meal a day, Monday to Friday, and Ithink that’s quite stark when you think about it, because that’s something that maybeisn’t always as visible (Alison, Glasgow South West).Interviewees also noted that the lack of choice meant that available food was not alwaysculturally appropriate, with food parcels often containing items that families could not eat.This resulted in some families not having enough to sustain themselves: ‘[a service user] wasdown to her last bit of bread. She’d eaten one bit of bread the whole day because she wantedthe girls to eat’ (Rachel, Glasgow South West).Another interviewee spoke of trying to link up an asylum seeker that she supported with aservice that was providing hot meals to people experiencing food shortages, however thefood was not halal, and therefore the service user could not access it. One organisation spokeof linking up their catering service with a mosque kitchen, to ensure that culturallyappropriate food was available to those who needed it, but this provision was not consistentacross the city.A number of interviewees also noted that language barriers and a lack of understanding ofthe social security system meant that some refugee and migrant families were (at leastinitially) unable to access support offered by the local authority to offset the loss of freeschool meals. For example, an organisation supporting families noticed that some eligiblefamilies had not received the Farmfoods vouchers1 as they had not realised that they wererequired to make an application for means-tested support2:Often families, like asylum seeking families or families where the parents don’t speakEnglish, they’re just not aware of all the entitlements they have (Roselyn, GlasgowCity).Struggling to afford other essentialsAs well as food, interviewees reported that families also struggled to afford basic items likeclothing for growing children, the increased price of fuel, phone/internet costs and items toensure personal safety during the pandemic, including measures that have been deemed asmandatory such as hand sanitiser or masks. The very low income that some refugee families,especially asylum seekers, received meant they were more vulnerable and exposed topotential health risks.1Pre-paid Farmfoods payment cards were issued to the families of 32,000 children who were eligible for freeschool meals in Glasgow.2 In Scotland, primary 1-3 pupils receive free school meals regardless of families’ financial circumstances, butclothing grants and other supports which are means-tested require an application to be submitted.9
Interviewees pointed out that some services were supporting families to meet theseadditional costs by providing phone top ups and fuel cards, but several emphasised that thissupport was not consistent across the city and raised concerns that some vulnerable migrantfamilies did not know what support was available or how to access it.Asylum seekers at risk of destitutionMost interviewees stressed that asylum seekers generally experience the worst levels ofpoverty (see also Scottish Refugee Council, N.D.; Poverty Alliance, 2020b) because theirentitlement to financial support is lower than that of refugees who can claim benefits or work.Interviewees explained that this meant they were unable to afford basic items to keepchildren entertained:There is a sort of ‘hierarchy of opportunity’ which asylum seekers are usually at thebottom of. If you are a refugee, even if you are just getting benefits, that’s still higherand you can spend a little bit more on activities or books, or things like th
of these families: They were already on the margins of society in terms of how much access they had to services and how much money they had, so I think that it’s probably hit them really quite badly (Andrea, Glasgow South). Food poverty Organisations stated that the financial burden of having families at home all day and the loss
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The Refugee Act of 1980 made firm resettlement a statutory bar to refugee status, but not to asylum. 6. Interim regulations were issued soon after that made firm resettlement a bar in affirmative asylum cases. When the final asylum regulations were adopted in 1990, firm resettlement was made a bar to asylum in both affirmative and defensive cases.
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