INCQS-FIOCRUZ ISSN: 2317-269X Vigilância Sanitária Em Debate

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Vigilância Sanitária em DebateISSN: 2317-269XINCQS-FIOCRUZArrais, Tadeu Alencar; Oliveira, Adriano Rodrigues de; Viana, Juheina Lacerda; Alencar,Diego Pinheiro; Salgado, Tathiana Rodrigues; Morais, Jorge Pires de; Souza, Maria Ester deCeleiros da pobreza urbana: suplementação de renda e isolamentosocial em ambientes metropolitanos nos tempos pandêmicosVigilância Sanitária em Debate, vol. 8, no. 3, 2020, July-September, pp. 11-25INCQS-FIOCRUZDOI: in: 570566811003How to citeComplete issueMore information about this articleJournal's webpage in redalyc.orgScientific Information System RedalycNetwork of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain andPortugalProject academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative

n poverty barns: income supplementation and socialisolation in metropolitan environments in pandemictimesCeleiros da pobreza urbana: suplementação de renda e isolamentosocial em ambientes metropolitanos nos tempos pandêmicosABSTRACTTadeu Alencar ArraisI,*Adriano Rodrigues de OliveiraIJuheina Lacerda VianaIDiego Pinheiro AlencarIITathiana Rodrigues SalgadoIIIJorge Pires de Morais NetoIMaria Ester de SouzaIVThe metropolitan regions registered on March 19th 2020, 85.71% of deaths and 93.3% ofoccurrences of COVID-19, a percentage that persisted with few variations until May 18th2020. The combination of high density, lack of urban infrastructure and labor market witha strong dependence on the informality demonstrated vulnerability of the metropolitanperipheries, from the point of view of the contagion of COVID-19. In this context, theimplementation of policies of recomposition and supplementation of income is necessaryto, at the same time, ensure the subsistence of families and facilitate the policies ofsocial isolation.KEYWORDS: Metropolitan Regions; COVID-19; Public PoliciesRESUMOAs regiões metropolitanas registraram, em 19 de março de 2020, 85,71% dos óbitos e 93,3%das ocorrências da COVID-19. Esses percentuais persistiram, com poucas variações, atéo dia 18 de maio de 2020. A associação entre alta densidade, carência de infraestruturaurbana e mercado de trabalho com forte dependência da informalidade demonstrou avulnerabilidade, do ponto de vista do contágio da COVID-19, nas periferias metropolitanas.Nesse contexto, a implementação de políticas de recomposição e suplementação de rendaé necessária para, ao mesmo tempo, garantir a subsistência das famílias e facilitar aspolíticas de isolamento social.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Regiões Metropolitanas; COVID-19; Políticas PúblicasIUniversidade Federal de Goiás,Goiânia, GO, BrasilIIInstituto Federal Goiano, Iporá,GO, BrasilIIIUniversidade Estadual de Goiás,Porangatu, GO, BrasilIVPontifícia Universidade Católica deGoiás, Goiânia, GO, Brasil* E-mail: [email protected]: May 14, 2020Approved: May 21, . sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 11

Arrais TA et al.Urban poverty breeding groundsINTRODUCTIONShe wasn’t retired because she hadn’t saved enough forDISCUSSIONthat yet. So, despite her obesity, diabetes, hypertension,and urinary tract infection, she continued to work. Sheneeded the money (Testimony from the brother of the firstcoronavirus victim in the municipality of Miguel Pereira,Brazil. UOL Notícias, 3/19/2020).¹The limits of social distancing in a metropolisThe debate on cash transfers as a measure to mitigate the economic impacts of social distancing reappeared in the politicalarena. The idea of a Citizen’s Basic Income in Brazil originatesThe evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic and the reluctance offrom a bill proposed by Senator Eduardo Suplicy in 2006.6 Crisespart of the population to adopt social distancing have demol-of this magnitude directly affect production, work, and income,ished the idea that the effects of the crisis—death toll, growingdemanding income replacement programs from the State. In aunemployment, and reduction in family income—are social-country like Brazil, however, nothing is ever that simple, espe-ized. The crisis has exposed the equivalence between spatialcially when we correlate the regional profile of employment andinequality and social inequality. It is naive to believe that allincome with the presence of basic sanitation and the provisionspaces will be affected at the same pace and intensity, as wellof public health services in Brazilian cities, in general, and inas to imagine that all social groups have suffered, suffer or willmetropolitan areas, in particular.suffer in the same way. The touching image of collective gravesin the city of Manaus, Brazil, does not reveal the content ofthe coffins, usually poor people deprived of their individuality.²Only at the end of this war will we be able to count casualties and learn the fate of the spoils. On an urban planet filledThis foreshadowed metropolitan tragedy should have beenpreceded by the search for answers to simple questions,starting with: How will the crisis, with its disruption of both formal andwith social inequality and concentrated poverty, the effectsinformal labor markets, affect the family income of the poorof the crisis can be apocalyptic. In 2006, Mike Davis, authorliving in metropolitan areas?of The Monster at Our Door: The Global Threat of Avian Flu,prophesied: “[.] economic globalization without concomitant Given the federative context with different attributions forthe Union, states, and municipalities, and considering taxinvestment in a global public-health infrastructure is a certainformula for catastrophe”.³collection and public investments, how can the unmet needsThe pandemic has disrupted fragile health systems and laborworsen the effects of the crisis?markets in the dense urban environments of the planet. First,therefore, it requires integrated investment in scientificresearch, and second, State interference in different fields ofthe economy, which is defended even by some heralds of liberalism.4 This dispute has been taking place for some time in thefollowing areas: Funding of production through instruments of direct cashtransfer and tax exemptions for companies and corporations; of sanitation and health infrastructure in metropolitan areas In view of the different levels of living costs and income erosion, how will the poor of metropolitan outskirts manage tosurvive without the conditional cash transfer of BRL 600.00for 3 months?Our hypothesis is that the pandemic, which caused the loss offormal jobs and a dramatic decrease in the income of informal workers, will have different effects on different Brazilianregions, exacerbating the problems of metropolitan areas and,Funding and/or renegotiation of the public debt of states andat the same time, posing new challenges for emergency policiesmunicipalities to pay operating expenses, especially payrolls;in health and income supplementation. Since they are spatiallydifferent, income replacement and supplementation policies Funding and expansion of direct cash transfers to citizensshould also address different territories and focus their effortsthrough new and/or old bureaucratic instruments.on metropolitan areas and their outskirts.Understanding this environment of conflicts is essential toMetropolitan areas concentrate population, consumer market,avoid the naivety of imagining that, due to the pandemic crisis,and the supply of hospital and medical services to meet regionalthe State has changed its constitutive nature. The State contin-demands, albeit inefficiently. Therefore, these areas also con-ues to perform the functions of accumulation and legitimationcentrated the largest number of cases of COVID-19 (Figure 1). Indescribed by O’Connor.5 The crisis only enabled some sort ofthe past, the availability of beds in Intensive Care Units (ICUs)truce, a pause so that political players can produce new weap-was already concentrated in metropolitan areas. The crisis isons and devise new strategies. After all, the experiences ofincreasing this concentration, since the demand is now mul-Hurricane Katrina (USA) in 2005, on a regional scale, as well astiplied and will continue to be attracted to the metropolitanthat of the avian flu pandemic, on a global scale, have provencores. The so-called free rider is a reality in metropolitan andthat the consequences of crises of this magnitude are neverregional spaces. In 2019, state capitals concentrated 42.89% offully socialized.the ICU beds of Brazil’s Unified Health System (SUS) and il. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 12

Arrais TA et al.Urban poverty breeding groundsof private ICU beds, which gives us an idea of how metropolitanThe statistics confirm something that is obvious in our urbanareas also concentrate regional demands for ventilators.7landscapes. The demographic density in “Subnormal Agglomer-What stands out, considering the Brazilian territory, is the demographic density of the metropolitan areas and their respectiveoutskirts. But this density does not reveal the essence of thephenomenon. Density, like appearance, is a potential starting point for explaining the different effects of the crisis. Wehave to consider the relationship between density and sanitation infrastructure, which dramatically increase the devastatingeffects of modern epidemics. Of Brazil’s estimated population of210,147,125 people in 2019, 121,996,741 lived in metropolitanareas.8 However, metropolitan areas are just a starting point inthis game of large-scale consequences. For example, let’s con-ates” is higher than the average of the respective municipalitiesin which they are located, as shown in the Table. Density, however, is only part of the equation. In 2018, 15.1% of the population lived without water supply, with whites totaling 11.5%, andblacks and pardos, 17.9%. The absence of sanitary sewer throughcollecting or rainwater network was verified in the householdsof 35.7% of the population, i.e. 23.5% of the white populationand 42.8% of the black or pardo population.11 In addition to anyinconsistency in supply not recorded in the statistics, the problem lies in the fact that scarcity is concentrated in the metropolitan outskirts.sider the “Subnormal Agglomerates”, an institutional toponymThe association between the ecological conditions of urbanthat tries to define several forms of occupation usually markedsites and the provision of basic sanitation infrastructure andby illegal land tenure, irregular urban patterns, and lack of ser-public services offers a distinct image of this Brazilian drama.vices. In every metropolis, depending on its urban ecology, theSocial distancing is, therefore, different in the stilt houses ofconcept of “Subnormal Agglomerate” can be replaced by squat-Belém (PA) or Manaus (AM), in the hills of Salvador (BA) or inting, shanty towns, stilt houses, blighted areas, slums. In 2010,the valleys of Goiânia (GO). The concepts of thermal and acous-there were 15,868 “Subnormal Agglomerates” in Brazil, totalingtic comfort, adequate ventilation, frontal and lateral clearance3,224,529 households and 11,425,644 inhabitants, equivalent toand retreat are unknown to the architecture of survival. The5.98% of the country’s population.10reproduction of life on a household scale, because of the verySurinameGuianaVenezuelaColombiaFrench GuianaNWSAPRRELegendEstimated population, 2019781 - 19,99820,024 - 57,66557,943 - 213,223215,186 - 530,598568,873 - 1,379,182AMMAPA1,483,771 - 6,718,903CERN12,252,023PBPIACTOSEROCases confirmeduntil eruMetropolitan areasPESPParaguay5,460RJPR1SCArgentinaConfirmed casesDeathsRSUruguay0 140 280560840kmSource: Prepared by the authors based on data from IBGE8 and State Health Departments.9Figure 1. Brazil: Population of metropolitan areas; occurrence of cases of COVID-19; and number of deaths by igil. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 13

Arrais TA et al.Urban poverty breeding groundsTable. Total population of municipalities, in 2019, and data from the “Subnormal Agglomerates” of selected municipalities, 2010.Total population- 2019Municipaldemographic density(km2)Total populationliving in “SubnormalAgglomerates” - 2010Total of “SubnormalAgglomerates” - ederal 9MunicipalityDemographic density of the“Subnormal Agglomerates”,km2 - 2010Goiânia1,516,1131,776.743,4951,066Porto 1,645,6277,039.64349,420102,39212,321.12Rio de o urce: IBGE8.10.density of the occupation, turns social distancing into someFrom the point of view of income, the task of characterizingtype of torture. The lack of money to meet basic food and per-our metropolitan areas will never be complete. Approaching it,sonal hygiene demands also forces a significant part of the pop-however, is necessary, since, as announced in our hypothesis,ulation to cross the entire city to look for means of subsistencethe crisis affects and will continue to affect the most vulnerablein either formal or informal jobs, which are also scarce. Thispopulations of metropolitan areas in different ways. It is import-engineering increases the chances of contagion and consequentant not to lose sight of the changes in labor, as well as the emer-community contamination.gence of what Ricardo Antunes called the new service proletar-A significant portion of the poor live in situations that can, inthe eyes of ordinary observers, be understood as options or evenchoices resulting from community habits. Washing hands beforemeals, a banal habit, may not be common in environments without water supply network. In the metropolitan areas of Belémand Macapá, for example, 35.70% and 43.01% of households,respectively, did not have access to water via the general supply network in 2010.12 For someone who lives in the districtsof Leblon, in Rio de Janeiro, or Jardins, in São Paulo, leavingor not leaving home may indeed be an individual choice, sinceiat.15 Although these changes can have a stronger impact on thecommerce and services of metropolitan areas, they will affectthe labor market as a whole. Vulnerability, therefore, is foundboth in the space of the formal intra-market (industry, civil construction, public administration, commerce, services etc.) andin the global space of informality. This can be demonstrated bythe structural reform agenda, including the Labor Reform andthe Social Security Reform, both of which eliminate the hope ofvertical social mobility through work, something common in theFordist accumulation regime.their means of subsistence, i.e. their income, are guaranteed.Figure 2 shows the total of formal jobs as of December 31, 2018.For the poor, this choice often poses an appalling dilemma: per-It is important to understand what sectors are most vulnerableishing at home, enduring the hardships imposed by the densityto the crisis. Vulnerability is closely related to the geographi-and absence of public services, or taking their chances on thecal distribution of some sectors. Of the 46,631,115 formal jobs,streets in search of income, as was the case of the housekeeper26,448,347 were concentrated in the commerce and servicefrom Miguel Pereira infected by her Leblon-resident employersectors, which, in turn, are, from a relative point of view andwho had recently arrived from Europe.1from the point of view of overall volume, the most relevant inmetropolitan areas.16 Overall, we dare say that the more popu-The survival of the metropolitan poorA street vendor in Pirambu (Fortaleza – CE) can be proud to seethe sun rise before a bricklayer who lives in Paraisópolis (SãoPaulo – SP). The distance of 3,098 km conceals the proximity oftheir social realities, in the same way that the sun announcesdifferent destinations for tourists and countless workers who livein the outskirts of coastal cities. The street vendor from Pirambuand the bricklayer from Paraisópolis are part of different networks of monetary income. The income from the informal workof the street vendor and the formal work of the bricklayer are, intheir household cores, complemented by income resulting fromcash transfer programs, temporary and/or permanent welfare,lous the municipality, the more proportionally relevant are thecommerce and service sectors for the generation of formal jobs.The spatialization of this sector can be seen in Figure 3. Theopposite occurs when we consider the participation of publicadministration in the total of formal jobs, which is more important—from a relative point of view—in less populous municipalities. It is no coincidence that, in 2018, in the municipality ofSão Paulo, these two sectors accounted for 71.62% of the totalformal jobs, more than the 56.71% registered in Brazil.16 In bothsectors, the average pay is only higher than that of the agricultural sector and, with the exception of public administration,women earn less than men.16and by indirect cash transfers, like subsidized services (e.g. sub-However, the low remuneration in the formal sectors that employsidized electricity tariffs). The Table shows the volume of thethe most in metropolitan areas is still far from reflecting themain cash transfer benefits in Brazil in 2019.increasing levels of precarious work. The increase in /Vigil. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 14

Arrais TA et al.Urban poverty breeding groundsChart. Total benefits, value, and percentage of selected benefits and cash transfers.BrazilBenefit typeTarget populationBenefitsGrantedMetropolitan AreasValue (BRL)BenefitsGrantedPercentageValue (BRL)BenefitsGrantedValue (BRL)SingleRegistryFamily with income of up to halfa minimum wage per capita, ortotal monthly income of up to 3minimum wages28,884,000Not applicable12,778,945Not applicable44.24Not applicableFamilyAllowancePoor (monthly income BRL 89.01to BRL 170.00) and extremelypoor families (monthly income upto BRL 80439.8337.74RuralRetirement60 years for men and 55 years forwomen, with 1 minimum inuousCash Benefit*1 minimum wage for people withdisabilities and poor elderly,with per capita income of half aminimum 1219.08Age, length of service ,650,404,97649.7257.39Dependents of workers linked tothe 12,587,210,484Source: MDS , INSS .INSS: National Social Security Institute.*Amounts transferred between January and November.**Total sum, including rural 000Total stryIndustrialServicesof PublicUtilitySource: Prepared by the authors based on MTE ommerceServicesPublicAdministrationAgriculture& livestockTotalEconomic Sectors16Figure 2. Brazil, total formal jobs, by sector, as of December 31, is like a pyramid with an undetermined base, which is whyhairdressing, manicure and pedicure, with 774,256 registrations,it will always be possible to think about new levels of precarious-followed by retail sales of clothing and accessories, with 733,130ness. The spatialization of individual microentrepreneurs (MEIs),registrations, and sales promotion, with 323,148 registrations.17shown in Figure 4, reveals another side of this growing precari-In addition to an intense labor outsourcing process, the dataousness. In the 10-year interval, the total MEIs rose from 116,102reveal the structural erosion of the General Social Security Sys-(year 2010) to 9,749,416 (year 2020).17tem (INSS), since in the case of MEIs, the employer’s share ofIn the municipality of São Paulo alone, in 2020, 795,435 workerswere registered in this modality.17 In comparative terms, despitethe interval of just under two years in the time scale, the civilconstruction sector employed 515,190 workers in São Paulo.16taxes is waived. All these people who are microentrepreneurstoday will be poor without retirement pension tomorrow. If theyare lucky, however, they will still be able to rely on some SocialSecurity welfare benefits.Job insecurity is also a common phenomenon in metropolitanWith formal employment concentrated in metropolitan areas,areas. Nationally, the largest category of MEIs in March 2020 wasit is understandable that the same occurs with br/Vigil. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 15

Arrais TA et al.SurinameGuianaVenezuelaColombiaUrban poverty breeding groundsFrench DFBoliviaMGESMSChileRJSPParaguayPRSCArgentinaRS0 140 280560Graphic scale840kmUruguayObservatory ofthe Braziliansocial stateLegendCommerce and services (%)0.28 – 11.6411.65 – 20.7420.76 – 29.9229.96 – 39.6939.71 – 50.5850.66 – 63.4963.57 - 97.65Metropolitan areasSource: Prepared by the authors based on MTE data.16Figure 3. Percentage of jobs in commerce and services in relation to total formal jobs, December 2018.(Figure 5). In this sense, vulnerability in metropolitan areas hasindicates significant asymmetries between the metropolises.18even more daunting prospects. Compared with state averages,In March 2020, the Inter-Union Department of Statistics andthe unemployment rate is higher in all capitals. The differenceSocioeconomic Studies (DIEESE) published that the most expen-between states and capitals, however, does not reveal the com-sive basic food basket in capital cities was that of Rio deplexity of the surge in unemployment rates that affected 11.6Janeiro (BRL 533.65), followed by São Paulo (BRL 518.50), andmillion people.11 In Brazil, the unemployment rate for men wasFlorianópolis (BRL 517.13).19 The lowest average prices were10.6, for women it was 13.8, and for blacks and pardos, 14.1.found in Aracaju (BRL 390.20) and Salvador (BRL 408.06).18 InIn summary, in addition to location, unemployment has a gen-Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, a basic food basket costs 51.36%der and ethnic bias, which perversely affects the most vulnera-and 49.90% of the minimum wage, whereas in Aracaju and Sal-ble groups in the population as a whole. There are capitals likevador, 37.56% and 39.27%.19 Spending on food, medicines, andBelém and Macapá in which the percentage of informal jobs,services reinforces the need to think about specific incomein total employment, exceed formal jobs. In eight other capi-increase policies for these areas. For comparison purposes,tals, all in Northeastern Brazil, the percentage of informal jobstransportation costs are substantially lower in municipalitiesexceeds 40%.with less than 50,000 inhabitants. The average fare charged11for access to conventional buses in Brazilian state capitals isAnother component associated with unemployment is the vari-BRL 4.10. The highest fare in 2020 was found in Belo Horizonte,ation in the cost of living. Unemployment upsurges like thoseBRL 5.60,20 and the lowest was in Recife, BRL 3.45.21 This dif-recorded in recent years do not reduce people’s need to spendference, however, must be considered in view of the differentmoney on food, hygiene products, and services (water, elec-integration systems. The fact is that, in Recife, the estimatetricity, gas, telephone, internet etc.) The variation in themonthly spending on home-work-home transportation, fivecost of living, demonstrated by the historical series of thetimes a week, is BRL 138.00, whereas in Belo Horizonte it is BRLNational Consumer Price Index (INPC), which surveyed families224.00. Therefore, for part of the poor population, looking forwith monthly income between one and five minimum wages,a job entails significant il. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 16

Arrais TA et al.SurinameGuianaVenezuelaColombiaUrban poverty breeding groundsFrench DFBoliviaMGESMSChileRJSPParaguayPRSCArgentinaRS0 140 280560Graphic scale840kmObservatory ofthe Braziliansocial stateUruguayLegendTotal of individual microentrepreneurs1 - 9971,003 – 3,9884,003 – 9,96810,101 – 26,98827,464 – 97,100132,332 – 198,636489,631 – 795,435Metropolitan areasSource: Prepared by the authors based on data from the Entrepreneur Portal.17Figure 4. Total individual microentrepreneurs (MEI) in January 2020.Without income from formal work or surviving from precarioushad 1,344,588, 553,651, 208,788 and 248,595 families enrolledodd jobs, part of the population supplements their income within the Single Registry and, respectively, 376,460, 221,858, 84,813direct cash transfers and permanent or temporary welfare.and 112,125 families receiving Family Allowance benefits.23 WhatThe mass of family income is therefore highly dependent onis noticeable is that the municipalities of the North and North-public cash transfers, not to mention indirect cash transfers,east regions, in addition to the North of Minas Gerais and thecharacterized, in summary, by access to health and educationWest of Rio Grande do Sul, have a higher percentage of coverageservices, in addition to subsidies. In the Single Registry forby the Family Allowance program. It is important to note thatSocial Welfare, in March 2020, there were 28.48 million fam-the average benefit per family in 2020 was BRL 191.86.23 DespiteIn 2020, ofconcentrating greater demands, from an absolute point of view,ilies, which means more than 60 million people.23this total of families with an income of up to half a minimumwage per capita, or total monthly income of up to three minimum wages, 42% were concentrated in metropolitan areas. Themunicipalities with the highest absolute concentration of people on welfare are, on the other hand, those with the lowestrelative weight, whether when considering the total municipalpopulation or the number of families receiving Family Allow-metropolitan areas had less relative coverage.Two other welfare programs can be characterized as direct cashtransfers and are also less significant in metropolitan areas interms of total beneficiaries. In terms of amounts, however, dueto the nominal value of the benefits, they exceed the resourcesof the Family Allowance program. This means more than BRLance (Bolsa Família) benefits23 (Figure 6).24.39 billion of Rural Retirement benefits and BRL 9.5 billion ofMetropolitan areas concentrated 39.83% of the total Familymetropolitan areas (Figure 7). In 2019, 2,067,645 Rural Retire-Allowance benefits. The regional comparison of coverage, thatment benefits, 1,156,294 Continuous Cash Benefits for the pooris, the percentage of low-income people in the Single Regis-elderly, and 1,151,715 Continuous Cash Benefits for the dis-try who receive Family Allowance, reveals different regionalabled were granted every month to residents of metropolitandemands. In 2020, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Recife, and Belémareas, totaling 4,375,651 benefits.13,14 Both benefits are tinuous Cash Benefits transferred to beneficiaries residing inVigil. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 17

Arrais TA et al.Cuiabá10.5Mato Grosso7.7São Paulo - Capital14.2São Paulo13.0Belo Horizonte14.0Minas GeraisStates and CapitalsUrban poverty breeding grounds10.7Recife16.4Pernambuco16.1Natal14.9Rio Grande do 6Manaus17.4Amazonas13.8Porto .018.020.0PercentageSource: Prepared by the authors based on IBGE data.11Figure 5. Unemployment rate of persons aged 14 and over, by selected states and capitals, 2018.SurinameGuianaVenezuelaColombiaFrench DFBoliviaMGESMSChileRJSPParaguayPRSCArgentinaRS0 140 280560Graphic scale840kmUruguayObservatory ofthe Braziliansocial stateLegendPercentage of Family Allowance coveragein relation to the Single Registry0.93% - 18.67%18.69% - 28.30%28.33% - 37.15%37.21% - 47.08%47.10% - 57.49%57.52% - 67.45%67.47% - 86.57%Metropolitan areasSource: Prepared by the authors based on IBGE22 and MDS13 data.Figure 6. Percentage of Family Allowance coverage in relation to the Single Registry, l. sanit. debate 2020;8(3):11-25 18

Arrais TA et al.SurinameGuianaVenezuelaColombiaFrench uayPRSCArgentinaRS0 140 280560Graphic scale840kmALBAMTPeruRNPBPIROESPAACChileUrban poverty breeding groundsUruguayObservatory ofthe Braziliansocial stateLegendTotal Continuous Cash Benefits granted, 20191 - 599600 – 4,2244,332 – 10,91011,802 – 21,68125,092 – 46,88854,269 – 109,877207,323Metropolitan areasSource: Prepared by the authors based on MDS13 data.Figure 7. Brazil, total Continuous Cash Benefits, by municipality, in the minimum wage. It is interesting to note that 56.49%received up to one minimum wage, 16.31% received above oneof the Continuous Cash Benefits for the elderly and 44.64% ofup to two minimum wages, and 8.36% received above two up tothose for the disabled were concentrated in metropolitan areasthree minimum wages. In summary, more than 91% of beneficia-in 2019.13 These are the most vulnerable populations, scatteredries received very little.14about the outskirts of our big cities. Rural Retirement is fundamental to maintain the

May 14, 2020 · times Celeiros da pobreza urbana: suplementação de renda e isolamento . the Union, states, and municipalities, and considering tax collection and public investments, how can the unmet needs of sanitation and health infrastructure in metropolitan areas . formal jobs