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NourishinglivelihoodsRecognising and supportingfood vendors in Nairobi’sinformal settlementsGrace Githiri, Regina Ngugi,Patrick Njoroge and Alice SverdlikWorking PaperJanuary 2016UrbanKeywords:Urban food security, enumerations,informal settlements, livelihoods,gender, urban poverty
About the authorsAcknowledgementsGrace Githiri is an Urban Planning and GIS Consultant atMuungano wa Wanavijiji and is completing a MSc in SustainableUrban Development at the University of Nairobi. She isalso a Certified public accountant, part 3 of Kenya and anEnvironmental Impact Assessment/Audit Lead Associate.We are immensely grateful to Kenya’s Federation of the UrbanPoor (Muungano wa Wanavijiji) for inspiring, spearheading,and supporting this project. We especially appreciate the keyroles played by vendors Nancy Njoki, Julia Washera, ChristineMwelu, Milka Njeri and Vivian Amoit, as well as Muungano’sleaders Rashid Mutua and Joseph Muturi. We are also verythankful to Jack Makau, Jane Weru, Shadrack Mbaka, KillionNyambuga, Edwin Simiyu and Jason Corburn for their insightsand sustained guidance.Regina Ngugi is a programme officer at Akiba MashinaniTrust. She is a CPA and is completing a BA in sociology andeconomics at the University of Nairobi.Patrick Njoroge is a programme officer at Akiba MashinaniTrust, with a Bachelor’s of Science in public relations from MoiUniversity and a CPA Part I and II.Our partners at APHRC and ILRI offered essential contributionsduring data collection and ensured our progress on theground. We gratefully acknowledge Eric Fevre, James Akoko,Alice Sverdlik is a PhD student in city planning at the University and Victoria Kyallo at ILRI, and at APHRC Djesika Amendah,Nicholas Ngomi, Richard Rotich, Rukiah Nyambura, Jacquelineof California, Berkeley, and a former research assistant at IIED.Ratemo, Beatrice Njeri, Francis Maina, Edwin Mwangi, JenniferRegina Ngugi and Patrick Njoroge facilitated the focus groupKatumbi, Hawa Hassan, Naomi Murage, Angeline Muendo,discussions (FGDs) with food vendors, while Grace Githiri ledand Margaret Wanjiru. Last, but definitely not least, Ceciliathe mobile application, base-mapping, and cognitive mappingTacoli (IIED) and Sohel Ahmed (University College London)with support from Muungano and APHRC. Alice Sverdlik helpedhave provided endless encouragement and incisive feedbackto synthesise and analyse the findings.throughout the process.Produced by IIED’s Human SettlementsGroupThe Human Settlements Group works to reduce poverty andimprove health and housing conditions in the urban centres ofAfrica, Asia and Latin America. It seeks to combine this withpromoting good governance and more ecologically sustainablepatterns of urban development and rural-urban linkagesThe project was made possible by funding from the Departmentfor International Development (UKAID). We also acknowledgethe Medical Research Council, Natural Environment ResearchCouncil, Economic and Social Research Council, andBiotechnology and Biosciences Research Council for thefunding received for this project through the Environmental andSocial Ecology of Human Infectious Diseases Initiative (ESEI),Grant Reference: G1100783/1.Partner organisationMuungano wa Wanavijiji is Kenya’s federation of the urban poorthat mobilises residents of informal settlements to participatein saving schemes, advocacy, and community-led processes. Itrepresents over 80,000 members in 300 informal settlementsfrom 19 counties. Muungano started in 1996 as a movementto resist unlawful evictions, land-grabbing and discrimination,but it has evolved to pioneer community-led planning solutionsto poverty and underdevelopment. Its main objective is toimprove the dignity and well-being of all residents of informalsettlements. Muungano works closely with its financial supportorganization, Akiba Mashinani Trust (AMT), and technical teamat Shack/Slum-Dwellers International Kenya (SDI-K).International Institute for Environment and Development80-86 Gray’s Inn Road, London WC1X 8NH, UKTel: 44 (0)20 3463 7399Fax: 44 (0)20 3514 9055email: IIEDDownload more publications at www.iied.org/pubsPublished by IIED, January 2016Grace Githiri, Regina Ngugi, Patrick Njoroge and Alice Sverdlik2016. Nourishing livelihoods: recognising and supporting foodvendors in Nairobi’s informal settlements. IIED Working Paper.IIED, London.http://pubs.iied.org/10762IIEDISBN 978-1-78431-276-3Printed on recycled paper with vegetable-based inks.
IIED Working paperVendors in African informal settlements play vital butoverlooked roles in alleviating food insecurity. Manyvendors are women selling affordable food to theirfellow residents. Using participatory research, weoffer a gender-sensitive analysis of how food vendingintersects with environmental hazards, insecurity,and governmental neglect in Nairobi’s informalsettlements. We argue that improving food securitymust form part of a wider set of upgrading initiativesto promote jobs, community safety, and politicalempowerment. Food vendors in informal settlementsare a key entry-point for such interventions. Bynourishing and recognising these livelihoods, vendorscan lead the way towards equitable food systems.ContentsAcronyms 41 Introduction: Food security and vendors inAfrican informal settlements 52 Methodology 73 Study setting 9Viwandani 9Findings: a profile of Viwandani’s food vendors 10Categories of foods sold in Viwandani 11Areas of operation 12Gender and food types 12Food vending and access to infrastructure 12Environmental hazards and food vending 14Korogocho 15Findings: profiling food vendors in Korogocho 16Vendors’ gender and age profiles 16Types of food 19Gendered typology of food vendors 21Location 22Food vendors and access to infrastructure 23Environmental hazards to food vending 24Number of years in food vending 25Earnings for vendors by food type and gender Income fluctuations and gender in Korogocho Insecurity and food vending 2526264 Comparing vendors’ socioeconomic profilesin Korogocho and Viwandani 275 Focus group discussions findings inViwandani and Korogocho 28Advantages to food vendors and consumers inViwandani 28Disadvantages and challenges to vending inViwandani 30Summary of FGDs in Viwandani 34Advantages to food vendors and consumers inKorogocho 35Disadvantages and challenges to vending inKorogocho 37Summary of FGDs in Korogocho 406 Summary and conclusions 41References 44www.iied.org3
Nourishing livelihoods recognising and supporting food vendors in Nairobi’s informal settlementsAcronymsAPHRCAfrican Health and Population Research CentreCBDCentral business districtFAOFood and Agriculture Organization of the United NationsFGDFocus group discussionFVAFood Vendors’ AssociationIIEDInternational Institute for Environment and DevelopmentILRIInternational Livestock Research InstituteKsh.Kenyan shilling - 1 British pound is equivalent to 149 Kenyan shillings4www.iied.org
1IIED Working paperIntroduction: Foodsecurity and vendorsin African informalsettlementsWhile the urban poor face several challenges inaccessing safe, affordable food, vendors in Africaninformal settlements play vital but rarely-appreciatedroles in alleviating food insecurity. Food security isdefined as “when all people, at all times, have physical,social and economic access to sufficient, safe andnutritious food that meets their dietary needs and foodpreferences for an active and healthy life” (FAO 2010:8), which is often viewed as solely a rural problem. Yetfood insecurity has become an acute concern in urbanareas, requiring new approaches to promote accessible,affordable, and nutritious meals. In African cities, foodinsecurity is pervasive due to widespread poverty andunemployment, “rather than because of food productionand supply constraints” (Crush and Frayne 2014:110). Instead of focusing on rural food production andurban agriculture, as in African food policies to date,improved “urban food security hinges upon access tofood” (ibid., p. 115, emphasis added). For low-incomehouseholds seeking access to affordable food sources,informal providers are a mainstay. With rising foodprices outpacing the meagre incomes of the urban poor,they often rely heavily upon informal markets and foodsellers. These informal workers lack official recognitionor licences, but are typically located near residents;they “offer credit and [are] often better equipped tosell products in volumes low-income customers canafford” (Battersby and McLachlan 2013: 717). Suchadvantages of proximity, cost, and selling on creditcan all bolster household food security, particularlywhen vendors operate in the same informal settlementswhere their customers reside. This study exploresthe contributions and challenges of food vendors inNairobi, using participatory mixed methods researchin two contrasting informal settlements of Korogochoand Viwandani.Food vendors in informal settlements offer a range offoods throughout the day, and we highlight how womenplay a central role in vending while combining theirlivelihoods with household duties. Vendors providemeals to workers, schoolchildren, and passers-by, inaddition to affordable meats, vegetables, and snacks.As a recent study recognised, “the informal food marketnever seems to sleep”, and in Nairobi workers can enjoyan early morning “steaming cup of masala tea ‘snacks’such as samosa, corn cobs or nyama choma (roastmeat) are always available. Once back home fromwork, it is more convenient to go next door to buyvegetables” (Grace and Roesel 2014: 13). Furthermore,informal markets and vendors offer “a wide range ofproducts at a cheap price compared to shopping mallswww.iied.org5
Nourishing livelihoods recognising and supporting food vendors in Nairobi’s informal settlementsor supermarkets” (ibid., p. 14). Our research confirmedthat vendors in informal settlements provide an arrayof low-cost foods all day, either as stationary or mobilesellers. Main roads and footpaths are often importantsites for vendors, although some working mothers mayprefer to sell near home to help care for their children.Additionally, we found that women comprise the majorityof food vendors: 63 per cent and 81 per cent of vendorsare female in Viwandani and Korogocho respectively.We underscore the pivotal role of female vendors inparticular sub-sectors, such as cooked foods and freshvegetables, and we analyse the gendered, cost-saving,and other advantages of selling in informal settlements.may be inadequate in both settlements, as indicatedby vendors’ reselling of leftovers or leaving their itemsuncovered. However, we argue that many food safetyconcerns are beyond the vendors’ control and insteadreflect the Kenyan government’s systematic neglectof informal settlements. Moreover, supporting vendorsand improving their working conditions can offer widerbenefits for their fellow residents.We argue that enhancing food security in Africaninformal settlements must form part of a broader setof upgrading interventions to promote jobs, improvedsafety, and political empowerment for residents. Foodvendors are an unusually promising entry point for suchFurthermore, we examine how food vending intersectsinitiatives, as they have close links to local environmentalwith the profound environmental hazards, insecurity, and hazards, but also strong potential to foster food securitygovernmental neglect in African informal settlements.for their fellow residents. As discussed below, ourFood vendors’ efforts to promote hygiene “may becontrasting cases of Viwandani and Korogocho indicateundermined by the inaction of public authorities [who]that merely providing infrastructure and services cannotseldom provide vending spaces with clean water pipes, ensure that food vendors can thrive. Korogocho’sdrainage system, public toilets, or garbage collectors”upgraded infrastructure has reduced vendors’(Vieira Cardoso et al. 2014: 3). Inadequate infrastructure environmental challenges, yet vendors still struggle withand services like rubbish collection not only pose major low incomes, insecurity, and political marginalisation.threats to food safety, but can also hamper vendors’Upgrading strategies will not only need to improvelivelihoods (especially in informal settlements withinfrastructure and support food vendors’ livelihoodssevere shortfalls in provision). Yet past studies usuallyin informal settlements, but also promote security,overlook food vending in African informal settlements,youth employment, and more responsive governance.preferring to focus on markets or food vendors in the city Gender-sensitive strategies to support vendors willcentre. Our earlier research provides a rare explorationagain be crucial, given women’s predominance inof food vendors in three of Nairobi’s settlements (Ahmed selling food alongside their extensive time burdens.et al. 2015), and this paper continues examining theAbove all, we argue that vending in informal settlementsspatial constraints, environmental hazards, and security already creates key livelihoods and sources ofthreats facing food vendors (see also Simiyu 2014).affordable food, which deserve greater support fromCompared to Viwandani, Korogocho residents typically city planners, elected officials, and other stakeholders.have higher levels of food insecurity and childhoodBy recognising the centrality of vendors to the urbanstunting (Mutisya et al. 2015). In other key differences,poor, policymakers can create holistic interventions thatViwandani has more extensive environmental hazardsnourish food vendors’ livelihoods while fostering broaderthan Korogocho, a highly insecure settlement that alsoimprovements in well-being across their settlements.has recently-upgraded infrastructure. Food handling6www.iied.org
2IIED Working paperMethodologyAs explained below, our participatory study utilised threemain methods of 1) baseline mapping, 2) focus groupdiscussions (FGDs), and 3) a mobile application survey(‘mobile app’), capturing a wide range of food vendors.Residents and vendors were engaged in all aspects ofdata collection, while community forums have sharedfindings and also begun developing the next stepsfor advocacy.settlements. Additionally, ‘cognitive mapping’ duringthe FGDs involved the vendors identifying on a mapwhere their businesses are concentrated, floodprone zones as well as other hazardous locations,and related issues arising from the session. FGDshelped capture key contextual information that wouldotherwise be missed, and it also complemented ourmobile app with vendors.1. Baseline mapping: This entailed mapping thesettlements’ physical infrastructure (including toilets,water points, transport routes, drainage and solidwaste disposal points) and social amenities, such asschools, religious institutions, and community halls.3. Mobile app: In Viwandani, we utilised aquestionnaire on Epi-collect (Aanensen et al. 2009),while in Korogocho we used KoBo Collect.1 TheseAndroid phone applications asked food vendorsabout their social, economic and environmentalcharacteristics; the software was also usedto determine vendors’ locations through GPScoordinates.2. FGDs: These typically involved 10–12 food vendors,who were asked to explore the social, economicand environmental aspects of their businesses.Participants were selected to represent a range offood types, and they explained the key advantages,challenges and policy priorities for vendors in their1KoBoToolbox is a suite of tools for field data collection: http://www.kobotoolbox.orgwww.iied.org7
Nourishing livelihoods recognising and supporting food vendors in Nairobi’s informal settlementsFigure 1: Summary of methodologyBaseline mappingWhere?Viwandani andKorogochoWho?Food vendorsHow?FGDMobile App survey8www.iied.org
3IIED Working paperStudy settingAlthough food vending is a common livelihood strategyin both Viwandani and Korogocho, the settlementsdiffer in their levels of insecurity, infrastructure, andservices as well as residents’ food security. Ongoingresearch by the African Health and Population ResearchCentre (APHRC) suggests that food insecurity iswidespread while food expenditure remains extremelyhigh. In Viwandani, Korogocho, and the neighbouringsettlements of Mukuru and Dandora, food expendituretypically comprises 52 per cent of household income,far exceeding just 13 per cent for education and 12per cent for rent (Amendah et al. 2014). But comparedto Viwandani, households in Korogocho were 2.58times more likely to spend a whole day without eatingdue to lack of food and were 1.36 times more likely totake out a loan to buy food and other essentials (ibid.).Additionally, APHRC research indicates that levels ofchildhood stunting are higher in Korogocho than inViwandani, at 52 per cent vs 45 per cent (Mutisya etal. 2015). Korogocho has elevated risks of theft andviolent crime, making it more insecure than Viwandani(see FGD findings below), although insecurity is still achallenge in Viwandani and informal settlements moregenerally. Unlike Viwandani, Korogocho has recentlybenefited from an ongoing slum upgrading programmethat has helped to reduce environmental hazards andimprove vendors’ working conditions. Below we offerfurther contextual details and a socioeconomic profile ofvendors in the two settlements, drawing upon basemapping and mobile app data.ViwandaniViwandani is located 7 km southeast of Nairobi’s citycentre in Makadara sub-county, and the settlementhas thirteen villages (Paradise A, B, and C, Sinali Reli,Sinai, Jamaica, Lunga Lunga Center, Lunga LungaDonholm, Milimani, Riverside, Kingstone and Tetrapak).In Swahili, Viwandani’ means at the industrial zones’,and the settlement accommodates people working inthe adjacent industries. Its history dates back to the1960s when Lunga Lunga Centre was established asa dumping site. The Ngong River, heavily polluted byindustrial waste, is located to the south of Viwandani,while the industries are situated to the north ofthe settlement.The settlement is located on 129 acres of land, withapproximately 21,000 households. The housing typologyis structures built in rows, with an average of six dwellingunits (rooms) per structure. Most structures have tinwalls with iron roofing sheets, but there are emergingdynamics with several permanent apartments beingerected (especially in Kingstone).www.iied.org9
Nourishing livelihoods recognising and supporting food vendors in Nairobi’s informal settlementsFindings: a profile ofViwandani’s food vendorsApproximately 400 food vendors were surveyed, andthey operate at various times and locations throughoutViwandani. Their distribution varies from village tovillage; most vendors are located at the boundariesof Viwandani, with fewer towards the centre of thesettlement (see map below).2 Vendors’ location is mainlylinear, following the main roads/footpaths, and they sellbetween 4am and 11am in the villages that are livelyand secure. Vendors’ operations usually taper off asthe security and lighting of a village declines, causingtraders to close early (see below for further discussionof security). We begin by providing a detailed analysisof vendors’ socioeconomic profile, locations, nearbyenvironmental hazards, and access to infrastructure.Figure 2: Maps showing location of Viwandani2The villages at the eastern end are Paradise, Sinai and Jamaica. Tetrapak, Uchumi and Kingstone are located on the western end the settlement.10www.iied.org
IIED Working paperFigure 3: Distribution of food vendors in ViwandaniCategories of foods sold in ViwandaniOur mobile app survey captured several categoriesof vendors who sell cooked food; uncooked food (drycereals, beans, etc.); fresh vegetables; fruits; meat; fish;and milk (see chart below). Cooked food (39 per cent)and vegetables (31 per cent) are the most commonlyvended items, which are normally available at all timesof the day. However, certain categories of food areonly sold in the evening like frie
livelihoods (especially in informal settlements with severe shortfalls in provision). Yet past studies usually overlook food vending in African informal settlements, preferring to focus on markets or food vendors in the city centre. Our earlier research provides a rare exploration of food vendors in three of Nairobi’s settlements (Ahmed
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