MIGRATION & DEVELOPMENT - Collective
A review of migrationissues in PakistanHaris GazdarCollective for Social Science Research,Karachi, R POLICY CHOICES&IN ASIA
The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s)and do not necessarily correspond to the views or policies of theDepartment for International Development (DFID), UK.This paper is one of twelve prepared for and presented at theRegional Conference on Migration, Development and Pro-PoorPolicy Choices in Asia. The Conference was jointly organisedby the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit,Bangladesh, and the Department for International Development,UK, and took place on 22–24 June 2003 in Dhaka, Bangladesh.This and all other conference papers are available from thewebsite: www.livelihoods.org
A review of migration issuesin PakistanHaris GazdarCollective for SocialScience Research,Karachi, PakistanSUMMARYThis paper aims to provide a strategic overviewof issues relating to migration and poverty inPakistan. According to 1998 census records,some 10 million people, or 8% of the populationof Pakistan, consisted of internal or internationalmigrants. Savings remitted by Pakistani migrantsabroad constitute the largest single source offoreign exchange earnings for the country. In theearly 1980s, this flow was equivalent to 10% ofGNP. Currently, remittances are US 2.4 billion,or 4% of the GNP.International migrationThere are several types of flows of migration fromPakistan to countries in the EU, North America andeast Asia. First, there are people using formal channels.Secondly, there are those who go to developedcountries as students and remain after finishing theirstudies. Third are migrants – mostly young men – whoenter developed countries illegally and finally, thosewho enter legally and then remain in violation of theirvisa conditions. The first two categories are usually notpoor. The third form of migration is the most difficultto estimate or document, and is also the channel thatmight be open to relatively less well-off people.Migration to the Gulf region took off in the early1970s. By the early 1980s, some 2 million Pakistanishad migrated there. Initially, demand was forconstruction workers; later it switched to workers withskills in sectors such as transport, trade, socialinfrastructure and security services. Unlike migrants todeveloped countries, those in the Gulf included largenumbers of uneducated people from rural areas; theirremittances home directly impacted on poverty.Migration between Pakistan and Afghanistan hasbeen a long-standing feature of the history of theregion. It became highly conspicuous, however, in the1980s with civil war and foreign military intervention inAfghanistan. With over 2.5 million people fromAfghanistan, Pakistan was host to the largestpopulation of refugees anywhere in the world. Therefugees have been among the poorest people inPakistan.There has been a steady flow of Muslim migrationfrom other Asian countries – such as India, Bangladeshand Burma – to Pakistan since 1947. The earlymigration of Muslims from India was state-sanctionedand supported. The second round of Asian MuslimA REVIEW OF MIGRATION ISSUES IN PAKISTANmigration began in the 1970s and intensified in the1980s; it consisted of people from poor communitiesmany of whom are illegal or semi-legal in Pakistan.There are no reliable estimates – but guesses rangefrom 1 to 3 million.Internal migrationAccording to the population census of 1998, urbanareas accounted for two-thirds of all in-migrants.According to the census, 43% of lifetime migrantsgave ‘moving with household head’ as their reason formigration. The second most frequent reason (17%)was marriage, followed by employment (12%) andbusiness (9%). The majority of migrants, therefore, arepeople who migrate for ‘family-related’ reasons.Patterns of migration in Pakistan – from labourabundant rural areas of North West Frontier Provinceand Punjab to urban centres of Punjab and Sindh –conform to a basic poverty-migration linkage. Theregions of out-migration are parts of the countrywhere incomes are low and uncertain. The linkbetween poverty and migration rests on certainassumptions about how the labour market operates.First, there are more opportunities for male migrantsthan for females. Moreover, there are significantdifferences in demand for workers in the formal publicsector, formal private sector and the informal sector,and each is manifest through distinct social networks.Third, the greatest demand is for cheap labour (casualdaily wage labour in construction and) workers foroccupations on the social margins (eg sex work,begging ).There are several types of rural-rural migration:displacement due to projects; migration from aridareas; migration of share-tenants; pastoralists; andseasonal migrants.UrbanisationIn most of the major cities planning has been reactiverather than anticipatory. Migrant communities haveestablished themselves in squatter settlements withoutinfrastructure support, and slowly legalised them. Overthe years, settlements have been evicted for variousreasons, including making way for upper-incomehousing, construction of infrastructure and to restoregovernment and other public land. Current policy inthis area is uncertain.i
PoliticsRecommended next stepsMigration issues are politically important. State policies,historically, have been influenced by ethnic and castestereotypes and preferences. Groups that have feltdiscriminated against have, in turn, protested againstwhat they perceive as unjust discrimination againsttheir ethnicity or caste.Given the diversity in types of migration in Pakistan,it is not surprising that there is no single, coherentmigration policy. However, it is possible to identifythree important broad areas, which need to be betterunderstood in formulating policy. These are how to:1 Build on the supporting role of informal socialnetworks, extended families, kinship groups andethnic identity, in migration planning and policies;2 Change laws and regulations to legalise practices,which are, strictly speaking, illegal but are widelyviewed as socially legitimate;3 Improve the access of poor migrants to housing,infrastructure and services in urban areas.Recommended next stepsIt is possible to rank different forms of migration in anorder of priority based on the following criteria: thevulnerability of migrants; the number of peopleaffected; impact on overall economic conditions;and feasibility of effective policy action. This has beendone in the following table:iiIn general, there is a need for more in-depth andfocused policy-oriented research on both internal andinternational migration.Internal: rural-urbanVulnerabilityof the poorLowNumber ofpoor affectedHighImpact onoverall economyHighDirect impacton povertyHighInternal: rural-ruralInternal migrationof womenInternational:Other Asian countriesInternational:Gulf regionInternational:developed countriesVery high in casesPossibly highvulnerabilityModerate tovery highLow except fortrafficked peopleVery lowcurrently lowLowHighLowNot knownLowNot knownNot knownNot knownNot knownModerateHighLowHighFormerly high,currently, moderatePotentially high,Possible policy actionSupport regularisation; Urban planning;Labour market issues; Political dialogueCommunity mobilisation of vulnerable groupsRaise profile of issueRegularisation; Political dialogue;Inter-country dialogueRegularisation; Labour market issues;Inter-country dialogueRegularisation; Labour market issues;Inter-country dialogueA REVIEW OF MIGRATION ISSUES IN PAKISTAN
A review of migration issuesin PakistanINTRODUCTIONThis paper aims to provide a strategic overviewof issues relating to migration and poverty inPakistan. Migration is approached from theperspective of vulnerability, rights and politicalsustainability. This study is interested in theproblems of migrants as well as non-migrantswho might be affected by migration. An attemptis made to answer three broad questions. First,what are the main forms of migration that aresignificant from the point of view of poverty andpublic policy? Second, how have researchers,activists, and policy-makers dealt with theseforms of migration? And, finally, what are thekey issues for future research, activism andpolicy for the main types of migration?Definitions of migrationMigrants, non-migrants and migration are defined inmany different ways in Pakistan, depending on whodefines, who is defined, and for what purpose. It isnatural that many different terms are used for theexperience of ‘leaving home’, since both ‘leaving’ and‘home’ can be understood in many different ways.Terms relating to migration affect large numbers ofpeople and pertain to significant issues concerningpoverty. Moreover, these different terms anticipatecertain types of policy responses. This study will try tobe as inclusive as possible in capturing the experienceof leaving home as it relates to Pakistan. It will attemptto examine the genesis of different forms of migrationas they affect Pakistan, while maintaining the policyfocus on current and anticipated issues and problems.In this paper, the terms immigration andemigration and their derivatives are used for bothinternational migration as well as for internal (withincountry) migration.Methodology1 For an earlier review, see: Frits Selierand Mehtab S. Karim eds. (1986)Migration in Pakistan: Theories andFacts (Lahore: Vanguard).2 Sources for these observationsinclude UNDP’s Human DevelopmentReport 2002 and the World Bank’sWorld Development Report 2002.The methodological approach consisted of threesteps. The first involved identifying the main formsof migration on the basis of received wisdom. Thesecond was to review existing material in order tosummarise the state of knowledge and action on themain forms of migration.1 This step included theidentification of sources of information on the variousforms of migration that are of interest. The third stepidentified conceptual, empirical and policy gaps inA REVIEW OF MIGRATION ISSUES IN PAKISTANreceived wisdom and suggested ways of overcomingthese gaps in the future.Structure of reportThis report is divided into five sections. Section 1provides a brief background of the country, historicalpatterns of migration, main existing sources of data,and organisations dealing with migration issues.Sections 2 and 3 review issues in international andinternal migration respectively. Some key themesand issues emerging from different types of migrationare summarised in Section 4. Section 5 offersrecommendations for future work.In addition, the report contains three Annexes:Annex 1 provides an analysis of population census data,Annex 2 summarises official data on foreign exchangeremittances sent by Pakistanis abroad, and Annex 3reproduces estimates of trafficking into Pakistan from aweb-based search. References are cited in footnotes.SECTION 1: BACKGROUNDThe countryPakistan ranks 138 out of 173 in the UNDP’s HumanDevelopment Index. Other development indicators, suchas those of gender disparity and female disadvantage,place the country on a lower ranking still. The sex ratioof the population – ie the number of females forevery 100 males is 92, one of the lowest in the world.Pakistan’s per capita GNP is around US 420; in termsof purchasing power parity this comes to aroundUS 1,900 or around 13% lower than the average forthe south Asia region. Around 35% of the populationlive in urban areas – higher than for any other southAsian country and one of the highest amongdeveloping countries.2SELECTED INDICATORS, PAKISTANAND SOUTH ASIA, 2000Population (millions)Life Expectancy (years)Adult Literacy Rate (per cent)GDP per capita ( PPP)Per capita GNP annual growthrate 1990–2000 (per cent)Pakistan13860431928South Asia1,326635422381.23.3Source: Human Development in South Asia, 2002PAGE 1
State structurePakistan is an Islamic Republic with a federal structure.Its constitution envisions a democratic republic with asovereign parliament and Islam as the state religionand guiding principle of statecraft and policy-making.The state is a federation of four provinces – Punjab,Sindh, North West Frontier Province (NWFP) andBalochistan. Punjab accounts for around 56% ofthe population, while Sindh, NWFP, and Balochistanhave roughly 20%, 19% and 5% of the populationrespectively. There are four provincial assemblies as wellas a federal parliament consisting of a lower house(Assembly) and an upper house (Senate). There areseveral regions and territories where special legal andconstitutional qualifications apply. The territory of AzadJammu and Kashmir – formerly part of the princelystate of Jammu and Kashmir – is considered a sovereignterritory with its own national assembly and no directrepresentation in the federal structures of Pakistan.The northern areas, also formerly part of Jammu andKashmir princely state, constitutes a special federallyadministered region. There are other federallyadministered tribal areas (known as FATA) wherenational laws apply only partially.Apart from defining the state’s constitutionalstatus, federalism also forms the basis of Pakistan’sadministrative structure. Most of the civil, judicialand social, and some of the economic functions ofgovernment, have traditionally resided at the provinciallevel. The federal level, however, has retained crucialpolitical and economic powers. A third, local, level ofgovernment is also provided in the constitution andthis has remained largely powerless until recently.Reforms are aimed at strengthening representationand authority at the local level.EconomyThe largest single economic sector remains agriculture,accounting for around 25% of value added, and 30%of the workforce. The importance of agriculture hasdeclined as other sectors, notably the service sector,have grown into major contributors to national incomeand employment. Crop cultivation as well as livestockfarming and fisheries are the main sub-sectors withinagriculture. Large parts of the country – especially inBalochistan – are uncultivable due to mountainousterrain, deserts, and the shortage of irrigation water.Over three-quarters of the cultivated area is irrigated,mostly from rivers and canals. Wheat is the main foodcrop, followed by rice, other grains and vegetables.Cash crops include cotton, rice and tobacco. The mainform of tenure is, increasingly, self-cultivation, thoughshare-tenancy continues to be important in some areas.The non-agricultural sectors consist of large-scalemanufacturing, small-scale manufacturing, servicesectors and others. Paradoxically, growth in thesesectors is measured poorly in comparison with thereliable estimates of value added and employment inagriculture. Large sections of the economy remainundocumented or partially documented, and therehas been rapid growth in the ‘informalisation’ andPAGE 2‘casualisation’ of economic activity and labourarrangements. Industries such as textiles and leathermanufacturing, which are based on the processingof domestically produced agricultural raw materials,dominate manufacturing and export.Recent economic trends have not been encouraging.Pakistan enjoyed high growth rates across sectorsuntil the late 1980s compared with other developingcountries in the region. Growth rates remained positivebut more volatile in the early to mid-1990s, and theeconomy has undergone a noticeable slowdown andstagnation since the mid-1990s. It is too soon toevaluate recent optimistic projections, and the impactof economy-wide shocks such as a three-year drought,and events post-September 11, will become clearerover time.Economic management has gone from the debtfinanced profligacy of the 1980s to bouts of controland lenience since then. The last three years have seena tight fiscal programme that has reduced aggregatessuch as deficit/GDP ratios, but also seen a historicdecline in public (and private) investment. In the early1990s, Pakistan adopted various economic strategiesthat might collectively be described as economicliberalisation and structural adjustment. The overalleffects of these policies and programmes have notalways been as anticipated. Growth rates have sloweddown, poverty has stagnated or increased, andinvestment has declined.An overview of fiscal management reveals threeimportant tendencies in Pakistan. First, a largeproportion of fiscal resources is ring-fenced for militaryexpenditure. Second, an even larger proportion needsto be spent in debt servicing: debt servicing and defencetaken together account for around 80% of governmentspending. Third, spending by government on economic,social and development sectors has been declining inrecent years.SocietyPakistan’s social indicators – literacy, mortality, lifeexpectancy and gender disparity – are significantlyworse than those of countries with similar levels ofincome. While these deficits receive prominent attentionin public debate, they are not, as yet, priority areas forpublic policy.Gender disparity and unequal gender relations area particular area of concern. Pakistan has among thelowest female-male ratios in the population – indicatingthat mortality rates for females are considerably higherthan those for males. There is a wide gender gap invirtually all aspects of development and well-being.Female literacy lags behind male literacy by a widemargin, there is a big difference between male andfemale labour participation rates, women’s politicalparticipation is much lower than that of men, andmany laws and policies are tilted away from genderequality. Women’s access to public spaces tends tobe restricted, and this has many adverse consequencesnot just for women but for Pakistani society as well.Pakistan is, formally speaking, an Islamic Republic,and the majority – over 95% – of the population isA REVIEW OF MIGRATION ISSUES IN PAKISTAN
Muslim. This feature of the state and society has hada persistent impact on patterns of migration to, fromand within the country. Islam, however, is not the onlyand perhaps not even the dominant factor in definingindividual and group identity in Pakistan. Most of theprominent sects in Islam are present in Pakistan, and amajority of voters tend to elect non-denominationalrepresentatives in national, provincial and local elections.Besides religion, other markers of identity such aslanguage, ethnicity and class play an important role inpublic life. Indeed, the politics of language and ethnicityhave defined critical junctures in the country’s history.Ethnicity is also important in the way that the manyregions and sub-regions are defined by the various subnational groups, and by migrants and non-migrants.Finally, families, extended families, and kinshipgroups are the microcosm of communities and societyin Pakistan. Hierarchies within these groups – such asthe gender hierarchy noted above – exist alongsidehierarchies between groups. Caste, in the conventionalsouth Asian sense, does exist and operates stronglyin parts of Pakistan. Caste hierarchy is one axis thatinfluences physical and social mobility. In other parts ofthe country, caste identity is strong but not hierarchical.Even in these communities, however, the opportunitiesavailable to individuals are often mediated throughsocial groupings. Social groupings such as caste,kinship groups (biradris) and so on are, paradoxically,ready terms of reference in popular conversation aboutpolitics and economy, but find little representation inmore formal policy discourse or research.Poverty and exclusion3 For a good review, see: World Bank(2002) Pakistan Poverty Assessment.4 See, for example: Gazdar (2002) AQualitative Survey of Poverty inPakistan, mimeo, Collective for SocialScience Research, background paperfor World Bank (2002). See also thenational and regional reports of theparticipatory poverty assessment inPakistan supported by DFID.5 The population census of 1951provided the basis of quantitativework on the subject. See, forexample: Javed Burki (1973)Migration, urbani
patterns of migration, main existing sources of data, and organisations dealing with migration issues. Sections 2 and 3 review issues in international and internal migration respectively. Some key themes and issues emerging from different types of migration are summarised in Section 4. Section 5 offers recommendations for future work.
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