Economy: Challenges And Options - Productivity Commission

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Measuring the “gig”economy:Challenges andoptionsLynn Riggs, Isabelle Sin and DeanHyslopMotu Working Paper 19-18Motu Economic and Public PolicyResearchNovember 2019

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsDocument informationAuthor contact detailsLynn RiggsMotu Economic and Public Policy Researchlynn.riggs@motu.org.nzIsabelle SinMotu Economic and Public Policy Researchisabelle.sin@motu.org.nzDean HyslopMotu Economic and Public Policy s research was supported by the Productivity Commission. We thank Judy Kavanagh andJohn MacCormick for helpful discussion and comments on the research.Motu Economic and Public Policy ResearchPO Box 24390info@motu.org.nzWellingtonwww.motu.org.nz 64 4 9394250New Zealand 2019 Motu Economic and Public Policy Research Trust and the authors. Short extracts, not exceedingtwo paragraphs, may be quoted provided clear attribution is given. Motu Working Papers are researchmaterials circulated by their authors for purposes of information and discussion. They have notnecessarily undergone formal peer review or editorial treatment. ISSN 1176-2667 (Print), ISSN 11779047 (Online).ii

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsAbstractThe increase in internet-based services has raised policy interest in gig work, which is workdone outside formal employer-employee relationships. Given the dearth of information aboutthe nature and magnitude of gig work and the extent of its growth in New Zealand, it is unclearwhether current regulatory institutions adequately regulate it. There is also concern amongpolicymakers about the effect of gig work on the financial stability of gig workers. In this paperwe provide a New Zealand-specific typology for identifying gig work, and discuss conceptual andpractical issues related to measuring it. We describe how existing New Zealand data can be usedto learn more about gig work and make suggestions for improving its measurement in thefuture.JEL codesJ21, J40, J46, J81, J83, J88KeywordsGig work, Gig economySummary haikuIs gig work growing?What do we know about it?More data will helpiii

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsTable of Contents1Introduction12Background22.1Understanding gig work22.2Policy interest in the gig economy52.3Classifying types of work in New Zealand63Defining gig employment104Measuring gig employment124.1Literature on measuring gig employment134.2Different answers from different measures174.3Recommendations for measures of gig work and the gig economy204.4Data currently available in New Zealand214.5Next steps295Conclusions30References31Recent Motu Working Papers33Tables and FiguresFigure 1: Self-employment rates using US household survey and administrative data18Figure 2: Trends in US self-employment: household survey data vs. administrative data19Figure 3: Self-employment in New Zealand using HLFS22Figure 4: New Zealand employment types using HLFS23Figure 5: New Zealand businesses by business type using business demography statistics25Figure 6: New Zealand zero-employee businesses using business demography statistics26Table 1: US work arrangement types and characteristics3Table 2: New Zealand work arrangement types and characteristics7iv

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and options1IntroductionThe increasing use of internet-based services in recent years has raised policy interest in thepotential growth in employment that is done outside of formal employer-employeerelationships.1 Such non-formal work, performed on-demand and with no expectation of an ongoing relationship, is commonly termed “gig work”, and the broader institutional setting inwhich gig work occurs is referred to as the “gig economy”. There is considerable concern aboutthe adequacy of existing labour market and other related regulatory institutions associated withthe gig economy, as well as the possible implications for the labour market outcomes of workersinvolved in gig work. For example, there is potential risk for the sustainability and viability ofNew Zealand’s tax revenue collection system and of ACC institutions in the face of increasing gigwork. Similarly, there are concerns around the employment and earnings prospects of gigworkers, with possible flow on effects to the welfare system and workers’ ability to accumulateadequate retirement savings.However traditional employment measures do not necessarily capture gig work well, andso relatively little is known about the extent of gig work in New Zealand, its recent growth,potential future growth, or the likely policy implications. This paper provides a New Zealandfocused review of these issues.We begin in the next section by discussing the background to, and policy interest in, gigwork and the gig economy. There are at least two important issues to consider for the policyimplications associated with any growth in gig work. First, it is important to understand theextent to which growth in gig work represents new or ‘additional’ work in the economy asopposed to substituting for existing work, particularly that done within formal employeremployee relationships. New work may occur either from changes in workers’ labour supply orfrom changes in employers’ labour demand. For example, to what extent does the work createdby Uber increase employment by adding new drivers to the labour force (e.g., students, retirees)rather than simply substituting away from regulated taxi services? Second, it is important toconsider behavioural responses on the part of either employers or workers to possibleincentives in the regulatory settings. For example, in the case of Uber, to what extent is theincrease in gig work driven by arbitrage opportunities associated with the high burden ofregulation in the taxi industry? We also review the international literature that documentscharacteristics of gig work commonly used to distinguish gig work from other forms ofemployment, and discuss how these differ in the New Zealand context.In section 3 we discuss alternative approaches to defining gig work, since this poses thelargest challenge to measuring the gig economy and is a fundamental component of doing so. WeOf course, this type of arrangement includes casual employees and labour-hire worker arrangements that longpredate the existence of the internet.11

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsalso discuss the distinction between ‘gig work’ and the ‘gig economy’, which can include non-gigwork that provides the institutional support for gig work.Section 4 focuses on measurement issues. In this section, we review the literature onmeasuring gig work, discuss alternative survey and administrative data sources, and considerthe data availability in New Zealand. The paper ends with a few concluding remarks in section 5.2BackgroundIn this section we first outline the origins of the term “gig work”, and discuss the characteristicsof gig work that distinguish it from formal employer-employee relationships. We then discussthe reasons for policy interest in the gig economy; and finally discuss the types of workarrangement that exist in New Zealand and characterise their differences.2.1Understanding gig workThe term “gig” comes from the music industry, where independent musicians would record onesong or play in one performance with no expectation of future work (Abraham et al. 2018). Inthe early days of the term “gig economy”, it tended to refer to work obtained through an onlineplatform (e.g., Uber) with work doled out in bits and pieces.2 However, more recently, the termgig work has become associated with or representative of alternative, less structured workarrangements with a specific focus on non-employees. These alternative arrangements havereceived increased scrutiny recently due to a perception that new technologies (e.g., onlineplatforms) are accelerating changes in the way work is organised and also due to theimplications that these more precarious work arrangements have for workers. Moreover, thereis concern that the regulatory landscape has not kept up with the technological advancements,which have given these new companies an unfair advantage over their traditional competitors,which are governed by existing regulations (Davidson and Infranca, 2016).3In the literature these types of alternative work arrangements are referred to using avariety of terms, including informal, precarious, non-traditional, or contingent work, and theterm gig work is used with varying shades of meaning. In fact, only one paper, Abraham et al.(2018), appears to explicitly define gig work, and in so doing establishes a typology for differentwork arrangements that shows those types the authors consider to be gig worker arrangements(i.e., independent contractor/freelancer, and on-demand/platform worker). This matrix,reproduced in Table 1, is a useful basis for thinking about which types of work arrangementsand which specific characteristics distinguish gig work from other types of work.In the literature, this is also referred to as the sharing, online platform, or on-demand economy.Uber and AirBnB are two key examples. Uber avoided fairly stringent regulations to which hackney services weresubject, and AirBnB avoided many of the taxes and other regulations required of traditional hoteling services.232

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsTable 1: US work arrangement types and characteristicsWork Arrangement CharacteristicPaid wage orsalaryImplicit orexplicit contractfor continuingrelationshipPredictable workschedulePredictableearnings whenworkingWork supervisedby firm payingsalaryGig workerTraditionalYesSomeYesYesYesNoOn-call/varying scheduleYesSomeNoYesYesNoDirect-hire temporaryYesNoYesYesYesNoTemporary help agencyYesSomeYesYesNoNoProf. employer organization (PEO)YesSomeYesYesNoNoOther contract company NoSomeYesSomeN/ANoUnincorporated sole proprietorWork Arrangement TypeEmployeeContract company workerSelf-employedBusiness OwnersIncorporatedNoSomeYesSomeN/ANoIndependent contractor/freelancerNoNoNoNoN/AYesDay labourerNoNoNoNoN/AYesOn-demand/on-line platform workerNoNoNoNoN/AYesSource: Abraham et al. (2018).3

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsThe work characteristics to distinguish traditional employment from other types of workarrangements used in Abraham et al. (2018) include the following: the person is paid a wage or salary, the work relationship is expected to continue,4 the work schedule is predictable, earnings are predictable when working, and on-the-job supervision is provided by the firm paying the worker’s salary.Abraham et al. (2018) assert that gig workers are among the unincorporated selfemployed who are not paid a wage or salary, do not have an implicit or explicit contract forcontinuing the work relationship, and do not have a predictable work schedule or earnings. It isimportant to note that Abraham et al. (2018) do not define gig work in relation to an onlineplatform as gig work is not always mediated by a platform, though gig work and platform workare often conflated.5 For example, in Ireland and the UK, the term “gig” economy generally refersto app-based services done on demand and on location, though in other countries, such as Italy,Finland and Austria, the term “gig economy” is used more in line with the use by Abraham et al.(2018) (Eurofound 2018).6In New Zealand, the line between employee and non-employee appears to be more clearlydrawn than in the US (upon which Abraham et al. (2018) is based). Businesses in New Zealandemploy labour either as employees or as contractors (Hall and Fussey 2018), with the differencebetween the two categories driven by legal tests developed by the courts that are related to thenature of the work performed.7 The legal distinction in New Zealand is applied to ensure therights of employees provided under employment law are not violated.8 In New Zealand,employees are legally required to be covered by a written employment agreement that outlinesthe terms of their employment and have minimum rights that include holiday and leaveentitlements, payment of a wage at or above the legal minimum, KiwiSaver employer subsidies,dismissal protections, and the right to take a personal grievance. Employers must also pay ACClevies based on their employees’ annual earnings, and employers send payroll tax withholdingsThis is used by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics for its definition of contingent work.Eurofound (2018) characterises platform work as paid work, organised through on online platform, with jobs thatare broken down into specific tasks that are outsourced or contracted out and provided on demand. They also notethat the term “gig economy” is used differently in different European countries but that in a number of countries thegig economy also used in place of the term “platform economy”.6 Even amongst these countries, the term “gig economy” is used slightly differently – in Italy, gig work generally refersto precarious work, but in Germany, it generally refers to menial tasks. (Eurofound 2018)7 In New Zealand, courts or labour inspectors will look through the formal contracts and other documentation todetermine the fundamental nature of the employment relationship in deciding if a worker should be considered anemployee or contractor. In NZEmpC 150 Prasad v LSG Skychefs Ltd, an employment court in 2017 found the plaintiffto be an employee of Skychefs despite being employed and paid by a subcontracting labour-hire firm becauseSkychefs acted substantively as the plaintiff’s employer as measured along a number of dimensions, including the factthat on-the-job supervision was done by LSG and not the labour-hire firm. For the full judgement, Ltd.pdf. See the Employment New Zealand website for more information about these f-employedcontractor-and-an-employee/8 These include the Employment Relations Act 2000, the Minimum Wage Act 1983, and the Holidays Act 2003.454

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsdirectly to IRD on their employees’ behalf (PAYE).9 These rights and benefits generally apply toboth full- and part-time employees, including casual employees. However, some of these rightsdo not apply to newly hired employees. For example, employees are only entitled to sick leave ifthey have been employed continuously for six months with the same employer. In contrast,contractors – and the self-employed more generally – do not receive these protections andentitlements. Hence, gig workers, defined as the unincorporated self-employed, will generallynot have these protections either.2.2Policy interest in the gig economyThere are several reasons for policy interest in gig work. First, if gig work increases at theexpense of more permanent employment without improving worker protections, risks and costswould shift from employers to workers. Instead of employers facing the risk that they will haveto pay the salary of employees whose labour is not currently required, workers bear the cost ofvariable hours and income, and face the risk that demand for their work will fall in the future.This may be inefficient as workers are likely to be more risk averse and have less ability to poolrisk. In fact, a number of surveys have found that many gig workers would prefer to havetraditional jobs. In New Zealand in 2018, Statistics New Zealand reported that slightly more thanhalf of temporary workers preferred a permanent job and that the most frequently given reasonfor working in a temporary job was because no other work was available.10 However, gig workhas benefits for some workers, allowing them more flexibility or autonomy, and may create newactivities and opportunities.11 Even so, the expansion of this type of work to a large number ofworkers without adequate protections may undermine the social safety net provided to offsetthe negative effects of a downturn and may be inefficient if workers underestimate the risksthese arrangements pose.Second, government revenues from GST could also be impacted by an increase in gig orinformal work. According to the Goods and Services Tax Act 1985,12 the self-employed in NewZealand only need to register for GST if they carry out taxable activity and the total gross valuefrom their sale of goods or services is 60,000 or more in the last 12 months (with some minimalexceptions) or if their prices include GST. Hence, if gig work means that the sale of goods andservices are distributed across more individuals or entities to the extent that the GSTIn some cases, businesses will also send payroll tax withholdings directly to IRD on their contractors’ behalf.Moreover, in New Zealand, the effective tax and ACC rates are similar for employees and contractors, so there are notthe same incentives to misclassify workers as there might be in other countries. One concern, however, is thatworkers may not realise or be told that they are liable for ACC levies.10 These results are based on the 2018 Survey of Working Life. For more information, king-life-2018.11 Abraham et al. (2018) provide a more complete summary of the positives and negatives of gig work for bothworkers and businesses.12 See s51(1)(a) in 1/latest/whole.html.95

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsregistration threshold is crossed less often, less GST may be paid.13 Current research from othercountries indicates that most gig workers’ incomes likely fall well below this threshold. Forexample, Collins et al. (2019) find that most online platform workers in the US gross less thanUS 2,500 annually.Without accurate measures of the gig economy, it will be difficult to monitor changes in itsimpact on the aforementioned issues as well as on other aspects of the economy. Hence, it isimportant to understand how gig workers and the value of their labour may be missed bytraditional measures of economic activity, especially since current research indicates that this isthe case.Third, if gig work becomes a more significant component of the economy, missing thisactivity in traditional measures of economic activity has additional implications for monitoringthe economy overall. For example, Bracha and Burke (2016) find that the employment rate inthe US in 2015 would have been 2.5 percentage points higher and the labour force participationrate (LFPR) 2 percentage points higher if all informal workers were classified as employed.Restricting this to informal workers with at least 20 hours of informal work per week would stillmean a 0.5 percentage point increase in the 2015 US employment rate and a 1 percentage pointincrease in the LFPR. This has further implications for accurately measuring labour productivity,multifactor productivity, output, and gross domestic product.2.3Classifying types of work in New ZealandWe now classify various work arrangements in New Zealand to help identify possible gig work,and characterise their differences. In New Zealand, workers may be employed either directly bythe employer for which the work is done (“direct-hire” workers), indirectly through a third partylabour-hire company14 (“indirect-hire” workers), or as self-employed contract workers.In Table 2, we modify Abraham et al.’s (2018) Table 1 to better reflect the New Zealandcontext. This table shows which types of workers may be affected by the various concernsrelated to gig work, providing a better understanding of where these risks may be concentrated.There is still a split between employees and the self-employed, but one work characteristic hasbeen revised – “Implicit or explicit contract for continuing relationship” – since all employeesare required to be covered by a written employment agreement. It has been replaced with “therelationship is expected to continue indefinitely”.There are, however, reasons why an individual or entity may still register for GST before the threshold has beencrossed (e.g., claim back GST on purchases or business set-up costs).14 These companies may also be referred to as temporary help agencies, “temp” agencies, or recruitment agencies.136

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsTable 2: New Zealand work arrangement types and characteristicsWork Arrangement CharacteristicProtections and ingswhenworkingWorksupervisedby firmpayingsalaryHoliday meLabour-hire workerYesSomeYesYesNoSomeSomeProfessional employer org.YesSomeYesYesNoSomeSomePAYE/ACC/some KSPAYE/ACC/some KSPaidwage orsalaryRelationshipexpected tocontinueindefinitelyPermanent (full- or part-time)YesFixed-term (full- or part-time)CasualWork Arrangement TypeEmployerpays PAYE,ACC,KiwiSaveror noneTraditionalAlternativeor GigworkEmployeePAYE/ACC/KSPAYE/ACC/some KSPAYE/ACC/some KSTradAltAltContract company workerAltAltSelf-employedBusiness ed sole traderIndependent contractor, filmproduction worker, oSome PAYE§GigNoPAYE§GigOn-demand/on-line platform§NoNoNoNoN/ANoSomeWithin these groups, some contracting firms are required to submit PAYE payments on their employees’ behalf.Source: Based on Abraham et al. (2018) but updated for NZ context using Employee vs Contractor: Know the Difference from Employment New elf-employed-contractor-and-an-employee/7

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsThe new table has additional columns to show which workers are covered by the followingprotections and entitlements: Holiday and Leave Entitlements, Dismissal Protections, Employer payment of PAYE tax, ACC levies, KiwiSaver employer contributions.Direct-hire employees may be employed on either a permanent, fixed-term, or casualbasis, but are required to have written employment agreement in each case. Permanentemployees in New Zealand are most similar to “traditional employees” in Table 1. They are paida wage or salary and have predictable earnings and hours, and their work is supervised by thefirm that is directly paying their salary. In particular, employers are required to send PAYEpayments to IRD, submit levies to ACC, and make employer contributions to KiwiSaver on theiremployees’ behalf. Moreover, permanent employees generally receive at least the minimumentitlements, protections, and benefits required under the law regardless of whether they workfull- or part-time.Fixed-term employees in New Zealand are similar to US direct-hire temporary employeeslisted in Table 1; however, in New Zealand, employers must have a “genuine reason based onreasonable grounds” for not making the position permanent, and the employee must be told ofthis reason. Fixed-term employees include seasonal workers, who can be re-hired at the start ofevery season. Fixed-term employees with less than 12-month terms are also less likely to receivethe full entitlements and benefits provided to permanent employees as these often have someminimum term requirements (e.g, sick or bereavement leave). Moreover, even though fixedterm employees have dismissal protections for the term of the employment agreement, there isno expectation of employment beyond that term. Given the lack of permanency of thesepositions, we classify this type of work arrangement as alternative or contingent (shown in thelast column of Table 2).Casual employees in New Zealand, are employees with no guaranteed hours, regularpattern, or ongoing expectation of work. Despite this, casual employees are still expected to havea written employment agreement and to have some protections and entitlements, although theway in which these are applied will vary. This type of employment is the most precarious of thethree types of employees (permanent, fixed-term, and casual), as each time an employee acceptsan offer of work it is treated as a new period of employment. Given the lack of permanency ofthese positions and the unpredictability of work, we classify this type of work arrangement asalternative or contingent (shown in the last column of Table 2).Most workers in New Zealand are direct-hire employees working for the employer thatpays them. However, businesses may also contract with other businesses for additional indirecthire workers (either on a short- or long-term basis) rather than directly hiring employees8

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and optionsthemselves. The main difference in this scenario is that while employees work directly for thelabour-hire company, the client business supervises and controls their work. In New Zealand,these work arrangements are also known as triangular employment arrangements. While theseemployees should be afforded similar legal protections as other employees, additionalprotections are being considered by Parliament that would allow these workers to raise apersonal grievance against the business supervising their work.15 Moreover, these arrangementsare designed to give the client firm more flexibility and so tend to be temporary and precariousin nature, and hence, are classified as alternative or contingent.The lower section of Table 2 applies to self-employed workers in New Zealand. In general,business owners tend be thought of as part of the traditional and permanent labour pool. This isparticularly true for owners of incorporated businesses and partnerships with an establishedclientele that provides fairly predictable work. Unincorporated sole traders straddle the linebetween the more traditional type of work arrangement and the more precarious nature of workfacing the other types of self-employed, which include independent contractors, freelancers, filmproduction workers, and on-demand or on-line platform workers. Abraham et al. (2018) indicatethat independent contractors and freelancers could be categorised as unincorporated soletraders, but their rationale for separating them is that independent contractors and freelancersmay not identify as owning a business. In Table 2, unincorporated sole traders are listedseparately from these other types of self-employment, but they have many similarcharacteristics. These traders are classified as alternative or contingent because they straddlethis line, whereas independent contractors, freelancers, film production workers, and ondemand or on-line platform workers are all classified as gig workers as their employmentgenerally consists of one-off jobs done on a temporary basis.While many measures of the gig economy have been in line with the definition developedby Abraham et al. (2018) and focused on gig workers themselves, Kenney et al. (2018) note thatto comprehensively measure the contribution of gig work to the economy as a whole wouldrequire counting the labour of workers employed by the platforms supporting the gig economy,without whose work the gig economy could not function. Many of these workers are notthemselves gig workers; in fact, they may be any of the types of employees shown in Table 2. Forexample, the firm that develops and runs the platform that intermediates gig work is likely touse both direct employees and contract workers. Employment then generated by the platformitself may also be filled using different types of work arrangements. Hence, a broader measure ofthe gig economy that includes gig work as well as the work done to support its intermediationThis is the Employment Relations (Triangular Employment) Amendment Bill. For further information about the bill,see ls-proposed-laws/document/BILL endment159

Measuring the “gig” economy: Challenges and options(e.g., supporting the platform) may be needed for different types of questions;16 however, this isa departure from what has generally been done in the literature.Kenney et al. (2018) also classify platforms into three types based on what the platformmediates – work, content creation, or funding – with platforms mediating work being those thatare most often associated with gig work. According to this breakdown, platforms mediatingwork include platform-mediated marketplaces (e.g., eBay, Etsy), in-person service provision(e.g., Uber, GrubHub), or remote service provision (e.g., Upwork, Fiverr, Working Nomads). Thiscould also be a useful typology for identifying specific components or industries within the gigeconomy.Eurofound (2018) provides a typology for defining different types of platform work basedon the following characteristics: skill level (low, medium, or high); service provision location(online or on-location); scale of tasks (micro tasks or larger projects); job award selectionprocess (selection of provider determined by platform, client, or worker); and matching form(offer or contest). These characteristics could be used to further classify gig workers within thebroader category. For example, the Eurofound (2018) analysis uses this typology to thencompare and contrast work arrangements for three types of platform work: on-location,platform-determined work (generally low-skilled); on-location, worker-determined work(generally low to moderately skilled); and online contest work (generally high skilled). However,there is some overlap between these characteristics and those already used to distinguish gigwork from traditional work (e.g., the job award selection process can be a proxy for the extent ofcontrol the worker has over the work that is being done).3Defining gig employmentAbr

Measuring the "gig" economy: Challenges and options iv Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1 2 Background 2 2.1 Understanding gig work 2 2.2 Policy interest in the gig economy 5 2.3 Classifying types of work in New Zealand 6 3 Defining gig employment 10 4 Measuring gig employment 12 4.1 Literature on measuring gig employment 13

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