Demographic Constraints On Behavior And Social Organization Chapter 3

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/--ri s /lo11 rl i1)re. IJ. u. V -\ ( l.I'\f r'"""-'.J.Chapter 3Ed. I .s., ) ' l(1rwnditure.iri s: Galli-' )(J ll/lllm(l/lofEd s.I heory1!lu . y .Prt!ss. 1 nclan bu1:DemographicConstraints on Behaviorand Social OrganizationStuart A. AltmannJeanne AltmannPenguin aniza t ionf. llt!prod .Id(l lld do-" Chicago :.ming, fly, / environ-nft!ld andIs in I ropi-d is pt!rsal11 1\'t!rsi I y111a wood./ i11ln1rg h :' Trop1e(I /.J phic ob \; 1 ti" ll ii I:. c:.,,llp.I . li111p ; 111l 1i I -:J I I.Y\)Ge.r"sf.e. ,.,. E. o : . . 1 1-i./Jo tc:s con-·r ,11, Row.nonhumanlThe quo/ity of the habitat may influence population densitiesond the sizes of groups, but factors such as birth intervals.longevity, and the duration of the period prior to sexual maturitywill olso influence the demographic composition of a group.Altnrnnn and Altmonn call our attention to the feedback mechanisms that relate life history processes to demography to socialorganization to ecological pressures and back to life historyprocesses. If selection is considered to be operating on lifehistory processes, then these parameters will influence demogrnphic rate processes, which, in turn, set the limits on socialstructure.The reproductive performance of an individual in any oneyear must not be considered to be a direct reflection of evolutionary selective forces in animals such as the primates. It should bec:lcor that it will be reproductive success over the individual'sentire lifetime that will determine genetic fitness . Short-termcross-sectional studies may inadvertently focus our attention onshort-term processes, causing us to neglect the more significantlong -term consequences.Crucial examples arc provided by the few longitudinalstudies of nonhuman prinwtes that are available. -Such studiesrnvenled the importance of kinship to social organization and ourattention was then riveted to this parameter by recent advancesin population genetics theory and the resulting attention to kinselection . Altmann and Altmann remind us, how e ver, that most47

u/ 1111: /011g1t11cli1wl studies of primoles hove taken place otprovisioned sites ond tlwt, given unlimited food nnd protectionfrom vorious sources of mortolity. even K strategists like theprinwl !S con show r sl rategy type exponsion. When this oc:c11rs,mot rili1ws pro/ift:rnte ond large numbers of surviving kin surround t:och 1ww infnnt.The Altrnonns contrast this with their own long-termobs1!rvolions of lrnboons ot Amhoseli, living in o more undisl11r/Jed slote. und point 011t the consequences of provisioning to110111rul life history proc:1!sses . \Vht!n pop11lolions ore ot equilibrium. 1vlwt hinds of group str11c:l11re rcs11lt? How mony kins11rro1111d tlw infont 11nder these conditions? How do life historyproc:t!SS !S inf l11em:e the effects of liinship on p/oymote selection,infont ossoc:inlion and core patterns, female nssociotion andogonislic niding polterns? i\ small c:hangc in foctors influencingdemogrnphy mny thus have profo11nd consequences on socialorgonizot ion .IntroductionThe thesis that we shall develop can be stated very simply. First,the size and composition of social groups. in terms of age, sex,and kinship, affect behavior and social relationships. Second,demographic processes provide delayed feedback on behaviorbecause they affect group size and composition and are altered,in turn, by the effects of b1 havior on demographic parameters.This cycle of effects-of behavior on demographic processes, of the latter on group size and composition, and of these last,in turn, on behavior-is loosely coupled because behavior andother life history processes are affected not only by demographicand behavioral factors. respectively, but by other environmentalfactors as well [Figure 1). Consequently, an environmentalchange may have both short-term effects on behavior, throughdirect responses of individuals to it, and long-term effects,through responses of these individuals or their descendants tothe altered demography of the local population.First we shall consider briefly the two better-known links inthe cycle, traditionally regarded as part of a unidirectional chainof influence. We then turn to the effects of group composition onbehavior, thereby completing the cycle. The existence of twowi.ly causal relationships between demography and behavior hasno doubt been tacitly assumed by many people, but has rarelybeen discussed in the literature (cf. Mason, 1978). The ramifications of this duality are virtually unexplored .Life History TacticsincludingBehavior and Social InteractionsPopulation and GroupCompositionincludingAge, Sex, KinshipLife H,istory StrategiesincludingBirths, Deaths, MigrationsFigure 1.The CycleLife History Processes Affect DemographyIn 1954, Lamont Cole published a remarkable paper that succinctly laid out many demographic consequences of life historyprocesses. The significance of that paper was largely unrecognized at the time, and for over a decade, it seldom received morethan token citations in the literature. Matters changed quicklythereafter. Publications by Lewontin (1965), Gadgil and Bossert(1970), and Emlen (1970) were among the first substantialcontributions to life history theory after Cole. In the last fewyears the blossoming of this holistic approach to biology hasresulted in the publication of several theoretical papers, as wellas extensive research on life history phenomena in many pecies.Cole's approach was to measure the evolutionary impact of alife history phenomenon by its effect on the intrinsic rate ofincrease of the population, and that approach has been followedby most subsequent authors. An alternative approach, measuring the effect on reproductive value (Fisher, 1930). was proposedby Medawar (1952), but Charlesworth's recent analysis (1973)suggests that Cole's approach is preferable.The life history concept has come to include two closely. -,'

50Stuart A. Altmann I Jeanne fl/tmcmnrelated sets of phenomena: the basic demographic variables(primarily natality, mortality, and dispersion rates) and thebiological means by which the values of these variables arealtered or maintained. This distinction between means and endsis significant. For example, it might be biologically important toknow whether a decline in fertility with age results from reducedaccess to mating partners, from decreased frequency of ovulation, reduced litter size, higher rates of spontaneous or inducedabortion, or, in humans, from increased use of contraceptives.For most demographic purposes, however, only the resultingage-specific birth rates matter. To distinguish between lifehistory means and ends, we shall call them life history tacticsIand strategies, respectively. (Demographers regard the latter asdemographic indices or parameters.) Sheps and Menken (1973)have explored some of the relations between the two: thereaction of natality indices to variation in reproductive physiology. Stearns (1976) reviewed literature on the adaptive significance of life history tactics, which he defines as sets of coadaptedtraits that are designed, by natural selection, to solve particularecological problems.Evolutionary biologists analyze the adaptive significance oftraits at various levels of organization, for example, biochemical,histological, anatomical, and behavioral. The development of lifehistory concepts has meant recognition that selection may act onlife history components as well. The life history approach has amuch greater significance, however. Differential reproductionbetween genotypes-that is, natural selection-depends on differences between genotypes in one or more components of aspecies' life history strategy, and this, in turn, requires adifference in the underlying Ii fe history tactics. For some of thelatter, such as litter size and age at menopause, a change will, inthe absence of compensating changes in other components,directly affect one or more of the demographic variables. Others,including most forms of behavior, will affect life history strategies less directly. In either case a change in life history tactics is aprerequisite to natural selection.As a result, natural selection acts simultaneously on lifehistory parameters and on the heritable component of any traitsthat affect them. Suppose, for example, that in a population ofanimals some individuals are, for genetic reasons, more aggres-. sive, that they thereby get more lo eat, and thus have largerlitters and raise more offspring to maturity. The result issimultaneous selection for greater aggressiveness anJ for larger/J1:mogruphic; Constrnints on Bdinvior and Soc:io/ Organization51litter size. Changes in life history param e ters are the chann elthrough which selective evolutionary changes are broughtabout. regardless of level of organization.The implications for behavioral biology are clear: th e sP lec tive advantsge of one mode of behavior over another d epend s o nits effects on life history strategies . Thus, it is not surpri s in g tha'tin recent years behavioral biologists have plac ed in c reas in gemphasis on the life history consequences of be ha v ior and soc ia lorganization. King (1973) and Gauthreau x {19 78) hav e summ a rized what is now known about the effect s of ago nis tic behavi or onage at sexual maturity. fertility. age- spec ific m ortalit y. andpatterns of dispersion . Unfortunately, no comparable surveysare available for other modes of behavior.Demographic Processes AffectGroup Size and CompositionThe number and distribution, according to age. sex, and kinship,of potential social partners are produced by demographic processes through effects of the latter on group size and groupcomposition. Changes in the size and composition of a group arebrought about by just seven processes: birth. death, emigration .immigration, maturation, group fusion, and group fission. eachof which is susceptible to small-sample fluctuations (demographic "drift"). At present, we do not have a formal model forpredicting group size and composition from all of these processes. A model that predicts the equilibrium distribution ofgroup size [but not composition) from the first four of theseprocesses, that is, birth, immigration, death, and emigration(hence, the BIDE model}, was developed by Cohen (1969, 1972),based on earlier work by Kendall (1949} and others. The BIDEmodel predictions are close to those observed in several popula tions of wild primates, including colobus (Co/ohus gucrezo},lnngurs (Pn!s/Jytis entc//us}, howlers (1\/ouot!n po//ioto), gibbons (I lylolwtcs /or and ngi/is}, and baboons (Popio cynoccp/rn/us. ursinus, and onubis} [Cohen. 1969; Keiding. 1977) . Distributions predicted by the BIDE model are those of the negativebinomial and poisson distributions . According to the BIDEmodel a population in which the per capita annual rates of birth,death, and emigration are 0 .177 , 0 .173 and 0.55, respectively. andin which the immigration rate is 0 .548 individuals per group-allre a sonable values for Amboseli baboons (Popio cynocepha-

'"jdJ I.I . dllll/tlllllIJc 'UIJtll: .· uftJ l( ll)IJ/us)-will have an average group size of about 50. However, insuch a population about 9% of all individuals will be in groupssmaller than 30, and 11 % will be in groups larger than 140.Therefore, any effects on behavior and social relations of suchvery large and very small groups will be recurring phenomena, apoint to which we shall return. The literature on primate socialgroups contains numerous speculations about the adaptivesignificance of group size. In the BIDE model the chances that anindividual gives birth, emigrates, or dies in any time period areassumed to be constant, regardless of group size, and thus thegroup rates for these processes are proportional to the number ofindividuals in the group. Additionally, immigrants are assumedto ignrm group size, so that all groups in a population acquireimmigrants at the same rate. Thus none of these processes wouldcorrect, except fortuitously, for any deviations of a group's sizefrom any optimum, if any optimum exists. The equilibriumdistribution in the BIDE model is not a dynamic equilibrium,with compensating feedback, but a long-term, large-sample,statistical eq u iii bri um, the result of many replications of groups,each developing independently. That is, in the BIDE model,group size is a consequence of autonomous birth, death, andmigration processes. If the BIDE model is correct, naturalselection must act on the birth, death, and migration rates ratherthan on group size per se, and thus it is these rates, not group size,for which it is appropriate to seek evolutionary explanations.Alt hough Cohen's modelling of group demography needs to beextended in several ways (Altmann, 1972), it is by far the mostelegant attempt yet made to account for the size distribution ofsocial groups on the basis of the underlying demographicprocesses.Perhaps more important than group size as a determinant ofbehavior is group composition, that is, the age-sex distributionand kinship relationships within social groups. The generalproblem of how natality, mortality, and dispersion determine thedistribution of surviving kin of each class, by age and sex, in asystem of groups has not yet been solved. However, recentdevelopments in demographic theory (Keyfitz, 1977, Chapter 10)make it possible to estimate the expected number of survivingkin of each type in a population, foran individual of specified ageand sex.A few rough estimates, calculated under simplifying assumptions, will serve to illustrate the great potential for largedifferences in social milieu. We look first at the kin compositionof a social group. The expected numbers of any class of relatives., ./J e111oi.:rnp/11c Co nslrn111ls 011 IJ1:lun·1111 '" "' :::",,."'' u1. '""'"'""'available in a group depends on that group 's rec en t demographichistory. In a population in which births greatly exceed deathsand dispersal from natal groups is low, each individual will grnwup surrounded by relatives. That is exactly what happens inrapidly expanding primate populations. By contrast, consider agroup of primates at or near a stationary co ndition, 'Alto'sbaboon group in Amboseli as of '1975 . In such a group, what is thechance that a liveborn neonatal infant has a living next-oldersibling? From our data (J. Altmann et al., 1977 and in preparation) on mean interbirth interval and female life expectancy, weestimate that on the average the number of offspring in an adultfemale's lifetime is eight. Since one out of eight infants thereforewill be the offspring of a primiparous female, only seven out ofeight individuals have any older sibling, living or dead. Theprobability that such a sibling will survive from conception toage 22 months (the mean interbirth interval with a survivinginfant) is 0.46. Thus the probability that a liveborn infant willhave a living next-older sibling is L (0.46) M 0.40 . In such astationary primate population, most adult females will notsurvive long enough to be grandmothers. Thus, an infant'savailable playmates usually will not include either siblings,nieces, or nephews. Cousins (probably offspring of half-sibs} aremore likely. However, even this likelihood will be reducedbecause two reproductively ature sibs may not produce offspring sufficiently close in time.Grandparents, especially of first- or second-born infants,and older siblings, especially of later-born infants, may play animportant role in an infant's life if they survive. Moreover, theoccasional cases of many surviving close kin may be quitedramatic in the impact on the social group as a whole, as well ason the individuals involved. Our aim is to point out thatnumerous surviving close kin will be uncommon, not that theywill be unimportant.The preceding examples were based on mean values, but insmall social groups chance deviations from mean values arelikely to be very large. To illustrate this, we consider gender ofplaymates rather than kinship. What is the chance that an infantwill have in its group a potential playmate of the opposite sexthat is within three months of its age, that is, another infant bornduring the six-month period centered on a given infant's birthdate? Suppose that the infant lives in a group of 50 baboons, asize that would seem to be large enough to be buffered againstsmall-sample effects and that is about average size for stati01 ary baboon populations. Alto's Group is a group of that size.·'

.54Stuart A. AltmannIJeanne AltmannDuring 1975 the 15 adult females of this group gave birth to 5infants per 6-month period, none stillborn. Assuming equal sexratios at birth, the probability that 5 out of 5 infants would be ofthe same sex is about .06, so that even if all infants survived,about 6 infants out of every 100 in social groups of this sizewould not have any available playmate of the opposite sexwithin 3 months of their own age. Furthermore, the probabilitythat exactly 4 out of 5 infants will be of the same sex is about .30,which means that in groups of this size, almost a third of all halfyear cohorts will include an individual with no same-sexassociate. If some of these infants do not survive the first year oflife, the chance that, at the time these individuals enter thejuvenile play groups, some will have no choice in the sex of theirplaymates becomes even greater; mortality during the first yearof life among liveborn baboons in Ambelosi has been 29 % (J.Altmann et al., 1977). Beyond that, lack of a sharply definedbreeding season would further increase the chance that someinfants will be born at a time of year in which few (or many)others are born, thereby exaggerating variability due to smallsample effects.In our discussion of the BIDE model we pointed out that evenif life history parameters are uniform throughout a population,some individuals will, by chance, find themselves in a muchsmaller group than will others . They will therefore be moresusceptible to effects of small-sample fluctuations in number,gender, and kin relatedness of available playmates.Group Size and Composition Affect BehaviorThat brings us to the missing link in the system: the influence ofgroup size and COrIJposition on behavior and social organization .We shall describe some of the few published examples. Perhapsthe paucity of literature on this topic stems primarily from thefact that people have been largely unaware of the likelihood thatdemographic characteristics of groups will influence behavior,and therefore have not looked for such effects until recently .EFFECTS OF HIGH DENSITY AND LARGE GROUPS The most extensive studies of demographic constraints on behavior and otherbiological processes are the experimental rodent populationstudies, pioneered by Calhoun (1963, 1973) and Christian [1961,1971) . These studies have dealt primarily with effe c ts of crowding, and have demonstrated alterations in a wide va riety of· /kmogrnphic C:onsl rni11ls on Rehnvior und Soi:iu/ Org n11iwl 1o n55physiological. behavioral. and social processes \·v hcn po p ulationdensity is high:In general, raising the population density in c r eas 1 s tlu r a t1 ofindividual interactions, and this effect tri g g e rs a co mpl ex s1! qu e nceof physiological changes : increased adreno corti r.a i a c:fi \·it v . d e p ression of reproductive funr.tion , inhibition o f growth . inhibition ofsexual maturation, decreased resistance to di se a se. a nd inhibit ionof growth of nursing young apparently ca u s ed by defi r: ie nt lar:tation . (Wilson: 1975:84)There are, in addition, numerous natural hislor · descriptions of the effects of crowding on many aspects of beha\'ior.including aggression, territoriality , competition , 111;1ling beha\'ior, and so forth. Many species of verlebraies S\\'ilr:h over fromterritoriality to dominance hierarchies when populal ion densitygets above a certain point [Wilson. 1975). If two larg e groups ofblue monkeys meet at a fig tree,? fight ensues, whereas sm illgroups coalesce peacefully (Aldrich-Blake. 1970) . Numerou sother density-dependent responses have been reviewed byWilson {1975). The single most widespread respons e to increased population density throughout the animal kindgum isemigration.Those interested in potentially adverse affects of cro\\'dingon people living in cities have referred to the effe c ts described inthe literature. Yet Draper {1973) has pointed oul that !Kungbushmen living in their traditional, crowded bush camp s showfewer signs of stress than do those !Kung who live in sedentaryvillages with more personal space and privacy. She sugg es ts thatcrowding per se may not be stressful for humans.Although many anthropological publication s lrr!at population grovvth as an effect of cultural practices, th1!rt' is growingrecognition that the causality may be reversed . that is . thatcultural practices may be a result of population size and growth[Polgar. 1975). For example, it has been \\'iclely acc1 pted that th edevelopment of ngriculture during the Neolithic: Age result edfrom technological advances and may have !wen OIH! caus e of th esubsequent population explosion. hut Uoserup I 1%5) propo se dthat the technology for some agricultural inlen s ifir:alion '.sreadily available lo most primitive. nonagricultur;il peoples . andthat the primitive farmer is inhibited from e111plo · in g thi stechnology by the fact that more inten s iv e land us1! s ystem s a remore labor-demanding in te rms of output per man-hour: "gath er-

tJt:llll J lllJHIH . l.Ull !'t lJUJlil!'t Ull Ut : I HIV JIJIing n!quires only, or primarily, the harvest component ofagrictJlture. Increased population density resulted in an increased demanc.1 for food and a decreased availability of land perperson, creating the pressure for agriculture (compare Bronson,107 .'i) . lmportunl though population size or density may be, inwhat follows \\'e emphasize effects on behavior of the particulurcomposition of the local population or group.EFFECTS OF INCREASED LIFE EXPECTANCY The vast majority ofanimal spe cies do not live for any appreciable period after theyprod11ce zygotes, thereby precluding parental care or any otherfamily-specific relutionships that extend be y ond one generation.FtJrthermore, many species that do outli ve their own zygoteproduction are spatially isolat ed from their offspring becausethe offspring are put into a special habitat (for example, marineturtle eggs) or because the zygotes are s pewed out into theenvironment and dispersed (for instance, most aquatic invertebrates). Parental care is precluded unless there is generationoverlap in time and space. Long life expectancy and lowdispersal rates are prerequisites lo kin-based social systems.EFFECTS OF OVERLAPPING REPRODUCTIVE PERIODSIf overlapbetw een generations extends beyond the onset of reproductionof the filial generation, parent-offspring incest becomes possible. However, Slater (1959) pointed out that for purely demographic reasons, the likelihood of incestuous mating inhumans under primitive conditions is very small : at sexualmaturity, an individual is unlikely lo have a surviving parent, orto have a surviving sibling that is sexually mature and of theopposite sex .Consider, again, Alto's Group of baboons. A female will, onthe average, give birth to her first infant at the age of six. In the10-11 years before her death she will produce about 8 infants atintervals of 19 months . Even if her first offspring is a male whosurvives to maturity (an improbable event: p .10, if m a lemortality rates were as low as females', which is unlikely], amother would be unlikely to live past the age at which even herfirstborn son first reaches full adult status, at about 8-10 yearsof age, and is breeding. Thus, mother-son incest will be rare, evenwith no special mechanisms (migration, taboos, and so on) toprevent such mating.Since daughters breed at a younger age than sons do, itwould at first seem that father-daughter incest would be morelikely. However, by the same token, fathers are older than areU IH I :-Jl JLlf /J l J l ).!,t Jlll Z UlJ tJlla1mothers when they first produce offspring. Moreover, ch a ng e s in ·adult male dominance rank, correlation of rank with reprodu ctive success, and mortality rates that probably are higher thanthose of adult females may make su ch an event at least asunlikely as mother-son incest. The available data indicate that afather is unlikely to be in high reproductive rank positions whenhis daughter matures five to six years later (Hausfater, 1975;Saunders and Hausfater, 1978), thus making father-dau ghterincest even less likely.As a result, the only form of incest that could occur with anappreciable frequency is between brother and sister, pa r ticularly between older brothers and youn ge.r sisters . In a mod e rate ly promiscuous society, such as that of sav a nnah baboon s , th esiblings are usually half-sibs. In monogamous primate species,such as gibbons, Hylobates Jar (Carpenter, 1940) and titi monkeys, Callicebus moloch (Mason, 1966, 1978), in which siblingsare usually full sibs, dispersal of the young before sexualmaturity may be an important mechanism for reducing suchpotentially detrimental inbreeding.EFFECTS OF MALE-FEMALE COMPOSITION Increased levels of aggression among adult males coincide with the onset of estrus inadult females in many group-living mammals, including severalprimate species, for example, rhesus, Macaca mulatto (Chance,1956; Wilson and Boelkins, 1970), baboons, Papio sp. (Hall andDeVore, 1965) and ring-tailed lemurs, Lemur catta (Jolly, 1967).Dunbar (this volume, Chapter 4) has explored some of theconsequences of variations in adult sex ratios for socio-sexualinteractions in gelada baboon groups. Hausfater (1975) showedthat in yellow baboons, the rate of agonistic behavior in adultmales was significantly lower on days when at least one femalewas in estrus than when none were, possibly as a result ofgreater intermale spacing. However, when at least one femalewas in estrus, males were more frequently involved in inconsistent dominance interactions, a prerequisite to rank change, andwere wounded more often; that is, when at least one female wasin estrus, fights involving males were less common but moredangerous. Since the expected number of females simultaneously in estrus is a probabilistic function of the number of females inthe group (Altmann, 1962), the rate of aggression in a group willdepend on its adult composition.,Effects on behavior ofsmall-sample demographic variations are poorly understood,EFFECTS OF SMALL-SAMPLE FLUCTUATIONS

.58Stuart A. AltnwnnIJr.nnn v A/rmonnbut the potential is r.normous. Anyone who has read the recentliterature on the rhesus monkeys of Cayo Santiago cannot but beimpressed by the pervasive influence of kin relationships onalmost every aspect of social behavior and group organization inthese animals (Sade, 1972, 1977). We pointed out above that anabundance of close kin is characteristic of expanding primatepopulations.Consider social play. Among several species of cercopithecine primates, it has been shown that when given a choice,monkeys tend to play with other monkeys of the same sex andsame age class. Conversely, Chivers (1974) believes that the lowfrequency and intensity of play in small, monogamous groups ofsiamangs (Hylobotes syndoctylus) may be attributable to thelarge age gap, at least two or three years, between infants. As weindicated above, the range of available social partners such asplaymates may be sharply curtailed in a small population by therecent pattern of births and deaths. The resulting differences insocial environment may have major effects on behavioral ontogeny. For example, Green (1978) has claimed that in humans theincidence of homosexuality depends on the composition of peerplay groups at age 8-10. Jn a small !Kung band the play groupusually consists of children of both sexes and a wide range ofages (Draper, 1976 ). Draper has suggested that this play groupcomposition determines the type of play that is feasible andexcludes competitive games.Here is another example. By chance, six out of seven of thesurviving 1973 infants in Alto's Group of baboons in Amboseliare female . Furthermore, there are no surviving females whowere born in 1971 or 1972. For several years matters remainedrelatively calm and the female dominance hierarchy quite stable(Hausfater, 1975 and in preparation). This continued until mid1976 , when this entfre cohort of juvenile females reached threeyears of age and began challenging adult females to whom theyhad previously been subordinate. Since then, many changes indominance rank have occurred . The agonistic behavior hasinvolved other individuals as wr.11. including younger siblings ofthese adolescent females. It seems likely thnt these youngersiblings will r.ffe c t thr.ir own dominance chan ge s at a youngerage than did their sisters, partially as a result of their involvem e nt in their older sisters ' intera c tions. Neith e r th e remarkablepeacefulness of the group b efore this time, nor the chnos sin cethen make mu c h sense without knowing th e demog raphichistory of the group .This phenom e non of compo s ition -specifi c soc inl r e la tion-Dvmogrnphic Constraints on lkhnvior and Socio/ Orgciniwlion59ships should temper our comparisons of species or even populations that have been studied at different demogrnphic stages. Forblack and white colobus monkeys (Co!ohus gucrczo) Dunbar andDunbar (1976] have described between-group differr.nc:1 s inbehavior that appear to be related to differences in group sizeand composition. These demographic characteristics of colobusgroups may change in a systematic way over time as one grouptype develops into the next. Altmann (1968] and Altmann andAltmann (1977) have described techniques for using classspecific rates of behavior and interactions obtained from samples on one population to generate expected values for an

This cycle of effects-of behavior on demographic proces ses, of the latter on group size and composition, and of these last, in turn, on behavior-is loosely coupled because behavior and other life history processes are affected not only by demographic and behavioral factors. respectively, but by other environmental factors as well [Figure 1).

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