Japanese Discourse Markers: An Analysis Of Native And Non .

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PALACKÝ UNIVERSITY OLOMOUCPhilosophical FacultyDepartment of Asian StudiesJapanese Discourse Markers: An Analysis of Native andNon-native Japanese DiscourseDiploma thesisAuthor: Jana BelicováField of study: Japanese studies – English studiesSupervisor: Mgr. Ivona Barešová, Ph.D.Olomouc 2011

I hereby certify that the present thesis is based on my own research work. I further declarethat all reference materials contained therein have been duly acknowledged.Olomouc 15 May 2011

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI wish to express my sincere gratitude to the supervisor of this paper, Mgr. Ivona Barešová,Ph.D., who provided me with numerous critical comments and insightful suggestions. I amalso indebted to all of those who had kindly agreed on helping me with distribution andcompletion of the questionnaires for their invaluable assistance. Furthermore, this thesiscould not have been completed without the encouragement and motivation of my friendsand family.

TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTIONSJapanese personal names which appear in the text are written according to Englishconventions, that is to say, the forename is represented first, surname last.The revised version of the Hepburn Romanization system was used fortranscription of Japanese script throughout the work.Illustrative examples of Japanese language conversation were presented accordingto the following format: (1) Japanese text was transcribed and rendered in italics in the firstline (2) with the English translation in single inverted comas following in the second line.Slovak language discourse examples are rendered in Slovak orthography.Transcription generally complies with the conventions based on Gail Jefferson‟snotation system, represented in the table below.Transcription conventionsA:indicates speaker[]overlapping of speech in contiguous lines, [ denoting beginningof the simultaneous speech, ] its end:::lengthened syllablesCAPindicates louder voicea-abrupt stop ellipsis,continuing intonation.falling intonation?rising intonation@indicates laughter non-verbal expressions

List of tables and figuresTable 1Discourse markers by rate of occurrence (NS)51Table 2Distribution of selected discourse markers by gender (NS)53Table 3Frequency of discourse markers use by age group (NS)54Table 4Occurrence of discourse markers in conversations (NS)56Table 5Occurrence of most often used discourse markers in narrative (NS)61Table 6Discourse marker use: Native speakers vs. learners64Table 7Discourse markers by rate of occurrence (NNS/NS)65Table 8Amount of discourse markers used per person by different factors (NNS) 68Table 9Occurrence of discourse markers in conversations and narrative (NNS)70Table 10Accuracy of use of discourse markers (NNS)70Figure 1Rate of discourse marker use by different speech context (NS)62

Table of contents123456INTRODUCTIONDISCOURSE MARKERS: AN INTRODUCTION2.1 Previous research on discourse markers2.1.1 Halliday and Hassan‟s approach: Conjunctive items as cohesive devices2.1.1 Deborah Schiffrin: Discourse analysis perspective2.1.3 Bruce Fraser: Pragmatic approach2.1.4 Diane Blakemore: Relevance Theory2.2 Note on terminology2.3 Characteristics of discourse markers2.3.1 Connectivity2.3.2 Non-truth-conditionality2.3.3 Optionality2.3.4 Orality2.3.5 Position within a discourse unit2.3.6 Multi-categoriality2.4 Functions of discourse markers2.4.1 Contribution to coherence, Organisation of discourse segments2.4.2 Discourse markers as constraints on interpretation2.4.3 Mediators of mental processes2.5 Definition of discourse markersDISCOURSE MARKERS IN JAPANESE3.1. Survey of the major works in the field3.1.1. Onodera: Synchronic and diachronic approach to Japanese discoursemarkers3.1.2. Other significant studies of Japanese discourse markers3.2. Sources and categories of Japanese discourse markers3.3. Position of Japanese discourse markers3.4. Clustering of discourse markers3.5. Functions of Japanese discourse markers3.6. Socio-pragmatic aspects of using discourse markers in JapaneseDISCOURSE MARKERS IN SLOVAKDISCOURSE MARKERS AND SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION5.1. Functions of discourse markers used by native speakers and by learnersof a foreign language5.2. Causes of possible problems with acquiring discourse marker use5.3. Previous research on discourse markers within the second language acquisitionframework and its findingsMETHODOLOGY APPLIED IN THE ANALYSIS6.1. Method of data collection6.1.1 Questionnaire6.1.2 0222426282829313637383941414143

6.1.3 Preliminary qualitative research of the accuracy of the usage of discoursemarkers by Slovak learners of Japanese436.2. Limitations of the data collection method applied in the present study437 ASSUMPTIONS FOR THE ANALYSIS467.1. Objective of the analysis, Research questions467.2. Factors expected to affect the use and distribution of discourse markers bynative speakers477.3. Factors expected to influence the use of discourse markers by non-nativespeakers of Japanese488 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION518.1. Native speakers‟ use of discourse markers518.1.1 Frequency and distribution of discourse markers across different contexts 528.1.1.1. Distribution of discourse markers and gender528.1.1.2. Discourse marker distribution and age548.1.1.3. Discourse marker use with respect to social role of speakers,formality and intimacy of the situation558.1.1.4. Discourse marker use and speech context558.1.1.4.1Distribution and frequency of discourse markersin conversation568.1.1.4.2Distribution and frequency of discourse markers 60in narrative8.1.2. Summary of findings for the native speaker data628.2. Non-native speakers‟ use of discourse markers638.2.1 Frequency638.2.2. Factors influencing the learners‟ use of discourse markers638.2.2.1Proficiency and length of formal education638.2.2.2Degree of exposure to the Japanese language outside class 668.2.2.3Opportunities for a practical use of discourse markers678.2.2.4The learners‟ experience with studying abroad678.2.2.5The learners‟ use of discourse markers across contexts688.2.2.6The learners‟ use of discourse markers in conversationand narrative698.2.3Accuracy of the learners‟ discourse marker use708.2.4Summary of findings for the learners of the Japanese language719 CES77APPENDICES87List of appendices87

1IntroductionOccurring frequently in various contexts, ranging from formal lecture to casualconversation between close friends, discourse markers are generally said to bean indispensable part of spoken language. Their high occurrence in spoken language is notaccidental, since they fulfil multiple socio-pragmatic roles, their employment resultingin facilitating interaction among people and mitigating face-threatening acts.Discourse markers are especially frequent in the Japanese language, which,reflecting the specificity of Japanese culture, conceptualized in key values like omoiyari„empathy‟, enryo „reservedness‟, wakimae „discernment‟, giri „obligation‟, amae„dependence upon another‟s benevolence‟, respectability, or interdependence, is said topursue the maintenance of harmonic relationships, eventually seeking consensus and“unification of understanding between the speaker and addressee” (Goto 1998: 1; also see,Wierzbicka 1997; Doi 2002). Thus, taking into account all these factors, it might be saidthat the Japanese formulate their discourse in order to avoid confrontation, so as to complywith the group conventions, and expressing themselves rather indirectly while displayingaffection by means of emotional appeal.Let us now illustrate how these culture-specific aspects might be projected intothe Japanese spoken language in practice, with a particular focus on discourse markers asindexes of these features. For these purposes, a sample of natural spontaneous conversationwas chosen as the representative mode of the category of spoken discourse (see Halliday1989).1 The sample features two Japanese native speakers, presumably friends, living inthe United States engaged in casual conversation discussing a part-time job experienceof one of the speakers.C:A: dakara nanka sa::, . kotchi ichinenkan kite::„so, umm, I came here for one year aaand‟. nihon ni kaetta no ne. natsuyasumi.„I went home to Japan, you know? (For) summer vacation.‟ nn.„ uh huh.‟13Halliday claims that the ideal form spoken language is dialogue, which, on the other hand, more often than not involvesembedded sequences of monologue. Halliday further argues that spoken language, as delimited against the written variety,is characterized by relatively low lexical density, higher proportion of speech fragments, or elliptic utterances. In addition,rather than by means of clauses, spoken language is organized by means of tone units, whose boundaries are signalled bydiscourse markers, unfilled pauses or intonation (see Halliday 1989; cf. Flowerdew & Tauroza 1995: 435)1

C:A:C:A:C:A:C:A:C:. hajimete kita toki ni . nde, sankagetsu, zutto nihon ni iru aida ni,„The first time I came. And, for the whole 3 months, while I was in Japan,‟. . . sabu @ we:: @ . . sandoitchi?„Subway Sandwich?‟ nn,6„ uh huh.‟asoko de watashi baito shiteta no ne.„I had a part-time job there, you know?‟a sabuwē?„Oh, Subway?‟[nn] nn.9„Uh-huh, uh-huh.‟akasaka:: . mitsuketen„the Akasaka branch.‟ā. hai hai hai,„Oh, yes yes yes.‟[de, sugoi ironna hito ga ki-]12„And, an amazing variety of people ca-„[ja chī bī esu, ne, no mae [da ne].„So, it‟s right in front of TBS, right?‟[so so] SO SO.„Right right right right.‟(Jones & Ono 2001: 9-15)Yet very short, the conversational fragment reflects some of the specificities ofthe Japanese language presented above. The sample is clearly highly interactive.The interaction displays a certain kind of interdependence of the interlocutors. First, bothspeakers are commenting on each other‟s speech, eliciting confirmation, assuring, oracknowledging. In order to negotiate the meaning and reach consensus, the participantsapparently cooperate, yet not only by means of assurance and confirmation-elicitingdevices (the so called aizuchi or „backchannel utterances‟, e.g. nn, hai, or sentence-finalparticles, e.g. no, ne; which both belong to the category of Japanese discourse markers),but they even help each other construct the story chipping in details as in line 13, wherethe speaker A provides information on the whereabouts of the part-time job instead ofthe speaker C, who, indeed, was expected to tell the story. Nevertheless, none of the aboveis perceived to be interruptive by the Japanese native speakers; on the contrary, it is valuedas a sign of concern and involvement on the part of the hearer in relation to the speaker‟sspeech.2

In addition, it is not only the features of Japanese culture the sample exemplifies,moreover, it is also illustrative of the spoken variety of the Japanese language, withthe discussion of which this section opened. It is evident that natural conversation isin many respects a unique speech mode. First, it is characterised by a high degreeof fragmentation. The individual utterances are normally relatively short, so the intendedmessage is delivered only bit by bit. Moreover, these short pieces of information areseparated by pauses. The spoken discourse is usually unplanned and the pauses helpspeakers to save time to plan their following conversational move while still keepingthe floor. Sometimes the pauses are filled with items like discourse markers, lengthenedvowels, or ingressive air. The desired meaning is further negotiated by means of repetition,repairs, postponing, lengthening or intonation (see Jones & Ono 2001).Next, the spoken discourse is normally addressed to a partner. During conversation,the speakers try to appeal to one another emotionally in order to effectively deliverthe message through, employing various devices such as sentence modality, exclamatoryexpressions or interactional discourse markers (see Maynard 1998: 14). In addition,conversation is highly interactive. In fact, it is based on exchanging messages. However, itmust not be viewed as simple delivering and receiving of messages on „the sentence aftersentence‟ basis: the turns often overlap, that is, the turns are uttered simultaneously,the message can even be carried over a number of turns, and can be often interrupted orunfinished. In addition, the speakers even interfere in their partner‟s speech and help eachother construct their discourses mutually, as it was mentioned above.Apart from that, the speakers facilitate the mutual understanding of the proposedmessage by employing various devices like repetition, stress or discourse markers, whichare said to function as textual coordinates or signposts for the addressee in a sense that theyprovide the participants with clues how to interpret the upcoming or the prior discourse.For instance, dakara (therefore, so) in the onset of the conversation can be understood asintroducing a proposition causally related to the previous context or as a reformulation ofwhat has been said; de or nde (and, therefore; lines 12 and 4, respectively) signalthe introduction of additional information as well as the speaker‟s intention to continue.As demonstrated above, discourse markers fulfil different roles within a number ofdomains, namely, textual (signalling relationships between discourse segments),interpersonal (soliciting response, signalling the intention to continue the turn, etc.), orcognitive (implying the speakers‟ mental processes), and their frequent appearancein speech suggest that they are important part of the native speakers‟ talk. Moreover, their3

use encodes various unique aspects of the Japanese communication style involvinginterdependence of the speakers, the strife for creation or maintaining of harmoniousinterpersonal relationships, or the profound sense of empathy and affection.Although there appears to be numerous universals in languages and their ways howto express meanings covered by these items, it can be presumed that each language hasdeveloped its own set of discourse markers. Given they are culture-specific, it might beexpected that they are often untranslatable into other languages. Moreover, their meaningis more often than not such complex that it would be difficult even to paraphrase it. This,in turn, suggests that their acquisition by learners of a foreign language might beproblematic (see Wierzbicka 2003: 341; Yoshimi 1999b).Discourse markers do exist in the Slovak language and they are employed veryfrequently. Nevertheless, Japanese is due to its cultural specificities said to utilizea broader range of these items and with considerably higher frequency (Yoshimi 1999b).Given the situation, Slovak learners of Japanese could be therefore expected to underutilizeJapanese discourse markers in terms of frequency and their repertoire, as well asthe accuracy of the discourse marker use in their Japanese language speech production.Taking this hypothesis as a point of departure, the purpose of this study is thus toinvestigate to what extent the Japanese language learners, whose mother language isSlovak, are able to master the use of discourse markers in Japanese, focussing onfrequency, the range of discourse markers and the accuracy of their use in Japanese.The present work is theoretically and methodologically based on a number ofinfluential studies on discourse markers within the framework of Western linguistics,departing from the pioneering work on discourse markers by Deborah Schiffrin (1987),whose operational definition of discourse markers and the criteria for discourse markermembership are exploited in the present work with a few reservations. In addition,a number of studies of Japanese provenience stemming from Japanese linguistics weretaken into account as well, to establish an analytical framework that would be applicableon the Japanese context, since the category of Japanese discourse markers is significantlyvaried and broader than the English or Slovak one.The present work first introduces the influential studies formulated from the pointof view of Western linguistics and summarizes the outcomes of these studies, focussingprimarily on generally accepted characteristics of English discourse markers, which could,however, be to a certain extent applicable universally. The introductory chapter then closeswith a definition of discourse markers employed in the analysis.4

The two following chapters serve the purpose of clarifying the situation as concernsdiscourse marker use in Japanese and in Slovak, respectively. Referring to the studies ofthe Japanese or Slovak origin, the chapters survey the fundamental function of discoursemarkers in the respective language and provide some suggestions consideringthe motivation of native speakers to employ discourse markers in their talk in bothlanguages.Chapter 5 then considers discourse markers within the framework of secondlanguage acquisition and provides some useful insights on where the problems, learners ofa foreign language usually encounter in acquiring discourse marker use as part ofthe pragmatic competence, stem from.Basing on the theoretical framework established in the previous chapters, the restof the thesis will be devoted to the research conducted by the author. After the necessarymethodological aspects are described along with some limitations of the method employedin present work and the introduction of factors that were hypothesized to influencethe discourse marker use, the attention will then be shifted to the outcomes of the analysisand the discussion of findings. Finally, in the conclusion, the work will summarizethe findings and draw conclusions concerning the learners‟ discourse marker use.5

2Discourse markers: An IntroductionThe purpose of this chapter is to introduce major works which initiated or significantlycontributed to the discussion on discourse markers, along with general characteristicsof discourse markers as described by authors who concentrate on English discoursemarkers. However, as it will be seen later, these characteristics might be applicable, toa certain extent, to many different language contexts universally.2.1Previous research on discourse markersThe body of work on what is most often referred to as discourse markers is undeniablybroad. In what follows an overview of the most influential studies in discourse markersanalysis will be introduced depicting briefly the perspective and method appliedin analysing the phenomenon, as well as introducing definitions, characteristics and rolesof discourse markers presented in these studies.2.1.1 Halliday and Hasan’s approach: Conjunctive items as cohesive devicesIn their seminal work on cohesion in English Halliday and Hasan2 (1976) propose fiveprincipal cohesive devices, i.e. reference, repetition, substitution, ellipsis, atingvariousrelationsin an underlying structure of the text. Among these, expressions conveying conjunctiverelations and their functions in discourse partially parallel items that have currently beenreferred to as discourse markers. Conjunctive items, such as and, but, because, I mean, bythe way, to sum up generally express additive, adversative, causal or temporal meanings.The authors claim that the crucial role of the conjunctive items is to work as a cohesiondevice contributing to coherence of a text. In other words, the importance of conjunctiveitems lies in their capacity “to mark interpretive dependencies between propositions,and thus create texture” (Schiffrin 2003: 56).2Halliday, M.A.K., & Hasan, R. (1976). Cohesion in English. New York: Longman Publishing Group.6

2.1.2 Deborah Schiffrin: Discourse analysis perspectiveSchiffrin‟s pioneering work on discourse markers (1987) represents a discourse analyticapproach and introduces an operational definition of discourse markers. 3 Focussingprimarily on expressions and, because, but, I mean, now,

transcription of Japanese script throughout the work. Illustrative examples of Japanese language conversation were presented according to the following format: (1) Japanese text was transcribed and rendered in italic

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