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Copyright 2012 by SAGE Publications, Inc.FOR INFORMATIONSAGE Publications, Inc.2455 Teller RoadThousand Oaks, California 91320E-mail: order@sagepub.comSAGE Publications Ltd.1 Oliver’s Yard55 City RoadLondon, EC1Y 1SPUnited KingdomSAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd.B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial AreaMathura Road, New Delhi 110 044IndiaSAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd.33 Pekin Street #02-01Far East SquareSingapore 048763Acquisitions Editor: David RepettoEditorial Assistant: Lydia BalianProduction Editor: Astrid VirdingCopy Editor: QuADS Prepress (P) Ltd.Typesetter: Hurix Systems Pvt. Ltd.Proofreader:Indexer:Cover Designer:Marketing Manager: Erica DeLucaCover image: Entrance to the ExpositionUniverselle, 1889 (oil on canvas) by JeanBeraud (1849-1935) Musee de la Ville de Paris,Musee Carnavalet, Paris, France/ Giraudon/Bridgeman Art LibraryAll rights reserved. No part of this book maybe reproduced or utilized in any form or byany means, electronic or mechanical, includingphotocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, withoutpermission in writing from the publisher.Printed in the United States of AmericaLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-PublicationDataTurner, Jonathan H.The emergence of sociological theory / JonathanH. Turner, Leonard Beeghley, Charles H.Powers. — 7th ed.v. cm.Rev. ed. of: The emergence of sociologicaltheory. 6th ed. c2007.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 978-1-4522-0623-3 (cloth) — ISBN 9781-4522-0624-0 (pbk.)1. Sociology—History. 2. Sociology—UnitedStates—History. 3. Social theory. I. Beeghley,Leonard. II. Powers, Charles H. III. Turner,Jonathan H. Emergence of sociological theory.IV. Title.HM445.T97 2012301.0973—dc232011031071Permissions Editor: Adele Hutchinson/Karen EhrmannThis book is printed on acid-free paper.11 12 13 14 15 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
ContentsAbout the AuthorsxiiiPrefacexv1. The Rise of Theoretical Sociology1The Enlightenment and New Ways of Thinking3The Intellectual Revolution3The Political and Economic Revolutions6Early Sociological Theory, 1830–19308The First Masters10Conclusion122. The Origin and Context of Auguste Comte’s Sociology 15The Strange Biography of Auguste Comte15The Intellectual Origins of Comte’s Thought17Montesquieu and Comte18Turgot and Comte19Condorcet and Comte22Saint-Simon and Comte23Conclusion26Liberal Elements in Comte’s Thought27Traditional Elements in Comte’s Thought273. The Sociology of Auguste Comte29Comte’s Early Essays30Comte’s Course of Positive Philosophy31Comte’s View of Sociological Theory32Comte’s Formulation of Sociological Methods34
Comte’s Formulation of Sociological Methods34Comte’s Organization of Sociology35Comte’s Advocacy of Sociology40Critical Conclusions424. The Origin and Context of Herbert Spencer’s Thought 43Biographical Influences on Spencerian Sociology43The Political Economy of Nineteenth-Century England46The Scientific Milieu of Spencer’s England47Influences From Biology47Influences From the Physical Sciences49Spencer’s Synthetic Philosophy and the Sociology of Comte50Why Read Spencer?515. The Sociology of Herbert Spencer53Spencer’s Moral Philosophy: Social Statics and Principles of Ethics 53Spencer’s First Principles56Spencer’s The Study of Sociology57The Methodological Problems Confronting Sociology58The Theoretical Argument60A Note on Spencer’s Descriptive Sociology61Spencer’s Principles of Sociology64The Superorganic and the Organismic Analogy65The Analysis of Superorganic Dynamics66The Analysis of Societal Institutions79Domestic Institutions and Kinship82Ceremonial Institutions82Political Institutions83Religious Institutions84Economic Institutions85Critical Conclusions6. The Origin and Context of Karl Marx’s ThoughtBiographical Influences on Marx’s Thought868989Hegel and the Young Hegelians90Paris and Brussels91The London Years93G. W. F. Hegel and Karl MarxHegel’s Idealism9595
Marx’s Rejection of Hegel’s Idealism96Marx’s Acceptance of Hegel’s Dialectical Method98Ludwig Feuerbach and Karl MarxThe Young Hegelians and Marx’s ThoughtFeuerbach and Marx’s ThoughtAdam Smith and Karl Marx9999100101Political Economy and Marx’s Thought102Adam Smith’s Influence102Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx106Engels’s Critique of Political Economy106Engels’s Analysis of the Working Class1077. The Sociology of Karl MarxThe German Ideology113114The Nature of Social Theory114The Characteristics of All Societies115Marx’s Theoretical Methodology117The Communist Manifesto120Bourgeoisie and Proletarians120Proletarians and Communists124Socialist and Communist Literature126Communist and Other Opposition Parties127Marx’s View of Capitalism in Historical Context128Marx’s Model of Stratification and Class Conflict129Capital133The Labor Theory of Value133Surplus Value135The Demise of Capitalism137Capitalism in Historical Context138Critical Conclusions140Substantive Contradictions140Where Prophecy Fails141Is Marx Still Relevant?1438. The Origin and Context of Max Weber’s Thought145Biographical Influences on Weber’s Thought145The Early Years145Before the Breakdown147
The Transition to Sociology148Karl Marx and Max Weber150The Nature of Science151The Inevitability of History151Economic Determinism152The Methodenstreit and Max Weber152Methodological Issues Dividing Historical and Theoretical153Weber’s Response to the Methodenstreit154Wilhelm Dilthey and Max Weber155Dilthey’s Methodology of the Social Sciences156Weber’s Response to Dilthey’s Work157Heinrich Rickert and Max Weber157Weber’s Response to Rickert159Weber’s Theoretical Synthesis1599. The Sociology of Max Weber161Weber’s Methodology of the Social Sciences162The Problem of Values162Ideal Types164Weber’s Image of Social Organization167Weber’s Analysis of Domination170Types of Domination170Social Stratification: Class, Status Group, and Party174Weber’s Model of Social Change180Weber’s Model of Stratification and Geopolitics181Weber on Capitalism and Rationalization182Weber’s Study of Religion184The Quasi-Experimental Design185The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism187Weber’s Comparative Studies of Religion and Capitalism192Weber’s Outline of the Social System194Critical Conclusions19510. The Origin and Context of Georg Simmel’s ThoughtBiographical Influences on Simmel’s Thought197197Simmel’s Marginality197Simmel’s Intellectual Career198
Intellectual Influences on Simmel’s Thought200A Note on Simmel and Weber200Herbert Spencer, Social Darwinism, and Simmel’s Thought201Immanuel Kant and Simmel’s Thought202Karl Marx and Simmel’s Thought205The Enigmatic Simmel11. The Sociology of Georg SimmelSimmel’s Methodological Approach to the Study of Society207209209What Is Society?210How Should Sociology Study Society?211What Are the Problem Areas of Sociology?213The Web of Group Affiliations216The Web of Group Affiliations as a Social Form216Structural Changes Accompanying Social Differentiation217The Consequences of Differentiation218Conflict220Conflict as a Social Form220Conflict Within Groups221Conflict Between Groups223The Philosophy of Money226Exchange as a Social Form226Simmel’s Assumptions About Human Nature227Money in Social Exchange229Money and Its Consequences for Social Relations230Critical Conclusions23512. The Origin and Context of Émile Durkheim’s Thought 237Biographical Influences on Durkheim’s Thought237Charles Montesquieu and Durkheim240Montesquieu as the First Social Scientist240Montesquieu’s View of “Laws”241Montesquieu’s Typology of Governments242The Causes and Functions of Governments243Jean Jacques Rousseau and Durkheim245Rousseau’s Doctrine245Specific Influences on Durkheim247
Auguste Comte and Durkheim249The Science of Positivism250The Methodological Tenets of Positivism250Social Statics and Dynamics251Science and Social Progress251Alexis de Tocqueville and Durkheim252Tocqueville’s Democracy in America253Specific Influences on Durkheim254Herbert Spencer and Durkheim255Durkheim and Spencerian Utilitarianism255Durkheim and Spencerian Organicism256Durkheim and Spencerian Evolutionism256Karl Marx and Durkheim256Anticipating Durkheimian Sociology257Methodological Tenets257Theoretical Strategy258Substantive Interests258Practical Concerns25813. The Sociology of Émile DurkheimThe Division of Labor in Society259260Social Solidarity260The Collective Conscience261Social Morphology262Mechanical and Organic Solidarity262Social Change264Social Functions266Pathology and Abnormal Forms267The Rules of the Sociological Method271What Is a Social Fact?271Rules for the Observation of Social Facts272Rules for Distinguishing Between the Normaland the Pathological273Rules for the Classification of Social Types273Rules for the Explanation of Social Facts274Rules for Establishing Sociological Proofs274
Suicide275Types of Suicide275Suicide and Social Integration278Suicide and Deviance278Suicide and the Social Organization of Organic Societies279The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life279An Overview of Durkheim’s Argument281Some Further Implications of Elementary Forms284A Science of “Morality”287What Is Morality?288Critical Conclusions29014. The Origin and Context of George HerbertMead’s Thought293Biographical Influences on Mead’s Thought293Mead’s Synthesis of Schools of 96Behaviorism298Wilhelm Wundt and Mead301Wundt’s View of Gestures302Wundt’s View of “Mental Communities”302William James and Mead303James’s Pragmatism303James’s View of Consciousness303James’s View of Self-Consciousness304Charles Horton Cooley and Mead306Cooley’s View of Social Organization307Cooley’s View of Interaction307Cooley’s View of Self307Cooley’s View of Primary Groups309John Dewey and Mead310Dewey’s Pragmatism310Dewey’s View of Thinking311Mead’s Synthesis311
15. The Sociology of George Herbert Mead313Mead’s Broader Philosophy313Mind, Self, and Society314Mead’s View of the “Life Process”314Mead’s Social Behaviorism315Mead’s Behavioristic View of Mind317Mead’s Behavioristic View of Self321Mead’s Conception of Society328The Philosophy of the mation338Critical Conclusions34016. The Emergence of ContemporaryTheoretical PerspectivesNine Theoretical Traditions and Perspectives343344Functional Theorizing344Evolutionary Theorizing346Ecological Theorizing350Conflict Theorizing353Interactionist Theorizing359Exchange Theorizing367Structuralist Theorizing371Cultural Theorizing375Critical Theorizing378ConclusionAuthor IndexSubject Index381
About the AuthorsJonathan H. Turner (PhD, Cornell University) is Distinguished Professor of sociology at the University of California at Riverside and University Professor for theUniversity of California. He is the author of 35 books, which have been publishedin 12 different languages, and many research articles in journals and books.Leonard Beeghley (PhD, University of California at Riverside) is a professor ofsociology, emeritus, at the University of Florida. He is the author of a numberof books, primarily in the area of stratification and social policy issues. He haswritten many articles in research journals and has served in editorial positions forseveral publishers. He has served on committees within the American SociologicalAssociation.Charles H. Powers (PhD, University of California at Riverside) is a professorof sociology at Santa Clara University. Under his leadership, the sociology program at Santa Clara won the American Sociological Association’s DistinguishedContributions to Teaching Award in 1998. He is the author of several books andresearch articles focusing on sociological theory and on change management inorganizations.xiii
PrefaceThe first edition of The Emergence of Sociological Theory was published in early1981. At that time, our goal was to examine the first 100 years of sociological theorizing—roughly the period between 1830 and 1930. Over the years, the goals of thebook have remained unchanged: to summarize the basic works of each theorist.This book has always summarized each theorist’s ideas in great detail. We havenever “watered down” the reviews of a theorist’s basic works; rather, we have triedto present ideas in their full complexity, although we have also sought to do so insimple language.There is a temptation in the revisions of books, especially ones that have gonethrough several editions, to keep adding new materials. In the last edition, we didjust the opposite and took away text to make the book more accessible and usablein a wider variety of teaching contexts. In this seventh edition, we have added a fewnew materials. First, there is a new and longer introductory chapter, and there is anew last chapter (Chapter 16) that reviews the works of the early masters in a morecontemporary perspective. The last chapter summarizes nine contemporary theoretical perspectives and variants within these with an eye to documenting how thetheorists of sociology’s first 100 years continue to inform contemporary theorizing.We also tried to retain the modular structure of the two chapters on each theorist.These two chapters on each theorist can stand alone, the main chapter on eachtheorist can also stand alone, and all chapters can be read in a different order fromthat in the book. In the end then, the book is still relatively short, lean, and focused.It can be used in both a quarter and a semester system. In this way, instructors canuse the book in a short, focused course where they will examine only the key works,or they can use it in a longer course where they want students to understand theideas in a historical context.Jonathan H. TurnerLeonard BeeghleyCharles H. Powersxv
CHAPTER 1The Rise of TheoreticalSociologyHe became the toast of Europe in 1830. Twenty years later, this once famousFrenchman was ridiculed and regarded as a fool. He had always been a difficultperson; he had been arrogant, rude, and unpleasant. He announced that hewould now engage in “cerebral hygiene” and no longer read the works of those whomhe felt were his intellectual inferiors. He proclaimed himself to be “the Great Priestof Humanity” and the founder of the new “Universal Religion.” His followers werea rather odd and ragtag assortment of workers, third-rate intellectuals, and otherhangers-on. He would send messages, like the Pope, to his followers; and in fact, heeven sent missives to the Pope himself that, in all likelihood, were ignored. The finalvolume of his great multivolume work—the same work that had made him famousin Europe in 1830—did not receive a single review in the French press in 1842.Who was this pathetic figure? He was the titular founder of sociology, AugusteComte, whose life and works will be examined in Chapters 2 and 3. Perhaps it issomewhat embarrassing to have the founder of sociology be a person who clearlywent a bit insane. Yet the early Comte had been brilliant and did much to carve outa niche for a new discipline. He wanted to call this new discipline “social physics”because the term physics in his time meant to “study the fundamental nature ofphenomena”; and so the new discipline would study the fundamental nature ofsocial phenomena. To Comte’s dismay, the label “social physics” had been previously used by a Belgian statistician, with the result that he constructed the Latin andGreek hybrid: sociology. He did not like this name, but he felt that he did not havea choice. Still, the first volume of his Course in Positive Philosophy (1830)—the volume that made him famous—was a brilliant analysis of how science had advancedto the point where the social universe could be systematically studied. Sociologycould not emerge, he argued, until the other sciences had advanced and until science in general had become widely accepted as a legitimate mode of inquiry. Withthe pervasiveness of science today, it is perhaps hard to recognize that science hadto fight its way into the intellectual arena because it represented a challenge to1
2THE EMERGENCE OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORYthe dominance of religion. Indeed, early in the growth of science in Europe, evenGalileo had to renounce his views and suffer legal persecution for the insight thatthe earth was not the center of the universe, nor was the earth the center of oursolar system. And, even after several hundred years of success—indeed, thousandsof years of success if we count the accomplishments of Arab, Persian, Egyptian,and Greek scholarship—science was still not on a secure footing at the beginningof the nineteenth century; and as the controversy over Charles Darwin’s theoryof biotic evolution documented, science still had to fight for its place as the finalarbiter of knowledge about the natural world. In fact, the current controversy inthe United States over teaching evolution in schools attests to the simple fact that,when science contradicts intensely felt religious beliefs, the conflict often becomespolitical—just as it was in the times of Galileo or Darwin.Thus, what Comte tried to accomplish in the first volume of Course of PositivePhilosophy was monumental, and perhaps even risky. The great irony is that Comtehimself began to see himself a few decades later as a quasi-religious prophet ratherthan as a hard-nosed scientist, although a prophet of a more secular religion (perhaps like Scientology or Unitarianism today). In giving the systematic study ofsocial phenomenon a name—albeit a second-choice name—and then it legitimating a science of the social realm, Comte accomplished a great deal. Few read Comtetoday, but as we will see shortly, his arguments were hugely legitimating for a newdiscipline that had to fight its way into academia and science more generally.In one of those cruel ironies of history, Comte became an important figure againin France and the United States at the turn of the twentieth century. Alas, he couldnot enjoy his new fame from the grave, but his advocacy for theoretical sociologyrecaptured the imagination of emerging departments in his native country and inthe United States, with the result that his work was once again in vogue. In fact,almost all of the early sociology textbook in the United States published in the earlyyears of the twentieth century had prominent sections devoted to Comte. And so,the “great priest of humanity” thus had one more brush with fame because, and aswe will see in the following chapters, his advocacy carried a powerful message ofwhat the new science of sociology could become.Long before Comte, of course, humans had thought about the universe aroundthem, even the social universe built up from people activities of adapting to theirenvironments. Indeed, people have always been “folk sociologists,” just as mostpeople are today when they make a pronouncement on the causes of some socialevent, or when they assert what should be done to resolve some problematic socialcondition. Also, very early on in human history, but accelerating dramatically withthe invention of writing, scholars began developing schools and systems of philosophical thought that had many of the elements of sociological analysis. So sociology has existed in one form or another for as long as we have been human, butComte gave this activity a name and tried—with only partial success—to make ita science like any other natural science. This idea of “a natural science of society”11This phrase was borrowed from A. R. Radcliffe-Brown’s 1937 series of lectures at theUniversity of Chicago that were published after his death the book, A Natural Science ofSociety (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
The Rise of Theoretical Sociology3is still controversial in sociology, and we can see the lines of contention in thethinking of the first sociological theorists examined in this book. Some were hardcore scientists—or at least committed to this epistemology. Others were skepticaland, yet, they wanted to study the social world systematically. Thus, the status ofsociology as a science was not only questioned in the classical period of th
The first edition of The Emergence of Sociological Theory was published in early 1981. At that time, our goal was to examine the first 100 years of sociological theo-Leonard Beeghley Charles H. Powers
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Haiti, and Mexico.2 Dr. Turner be-longed to Alpha Kappa Kappa and Alpha Omega Alpha, the honorary fra-ternity for excellence in medicine. In the latter half of his career, Dr. Turner became increasingly more in-volved in program development and the 180 FIGURE 1. Dr. Henry Turner, President, Oklahoma State Medical Association 1940-1941.
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ests, a local past, and a system of ritual replete with symbolic objects and actions which embody a cosmology. They have lived through hard times and good times together. . including theater and other performative genres. Some social events . Victor Turner was an old proletarian Scots immigrant who made vulgar money by manufacturing a cheap .
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