Sport And Crime Prevention: Individuality And .

Volume 1. Edition 2. December 2013.2 Ekholmstress first the demarcations of the literature reviewed andsecond the utilisation of analytical method (33).Literature reviewed: searches and selectionThe literature reviewed consists of some 55 researchpublications, including scientific articles, research reports,book chapters and monographs. The literature has beenchosen using two methods of selection – database searchesand a systematic review of references in the literatureselected. First, social science databases including Scopus,the Social Science Citation Index, Sociological Abstracts,ERIC and Swedish Libris were used to gather mainlyarticles in scientific journals and dissertations. Thefollowing keywords were used in various combinations inthe international databases: (a) sport, athlet* and “physicalactivity”, respectively; (b) “social problem*”, crim*,delinquen* and devian*, respectively, thus generatingsearches such as sport AND “social problem*” AND crim*or athlet* AND devian*. Furthermore the keywords (c)“social work”, (d) leisure and (e) “sport program*” wereused in combinations with the other keywords. The keyword(f) idrottssociologi (English: sociology of sport) was used inthe Swedish database Libris. The research literatureidentified was then selected based on two criteria – whetherthe text deals with research on sport relative to crime andcriminality or delinquency, or on sport as a method of crimeprevention or related social objectives in social work.Second, the literature selected was then subjected to asystematic review of references. The selection criteria notedabove were also applied to the latter selection method.Saturation was reached given that the references reviewedreferred to a satisfactory degree to literature alreadyidentified.From the database searches, 25 publications (of a total 55),predominantly peer-reviewed articles, were identified andselected. From the systematic review of references, another30 or so publications were selected. In all, 38 peer-reviewedinternational articles in English, 9 book chapters, 8 researchreports (from the US, the UK, Australia, Canada andSweden) and 6 monographs, were included. All publicationsincluded are in English, except for 3 cases in Swedish. 25 ofthe international peer-reviewed articles are empiricallydriven and target questions such as whether sport works toprevent crime, what aspects of sport work, and how sportshould further be designed to work. Qualitative andquantitative designs each represent half of the peerreviewed articles. Furthermore, the empirically drivenapproach is dominant in the research reports. In addition,about 12 of the peer-reviewed journal articles are moreJournal of Sport for Developmenttheoretically driven, emphasising sport as a socialphenomenon, often critically assessing sport as a means ofexternal objectives. The monographs and book chapterscover both empirically driven approaches and moretheoretically oriented designs. The literature included coversa broad spectrum of methodological approaches. These alsoinclude literature reviews and meta-theoretical studies. Theliterature reviewed further covers research from variousdisciplines such as sociology, social work, pedagogy andeducation, criminology, sport studies and political science.Analytical procedures: descriptive analysis and analyticaldiscussionThe themes, modes and discourses in this article emergedfrom an inductive process aimed at structuring thecomplexity in the literature reviewed, from a manifest levelto a higher abstract level. This could be illustrated in threesteps.First, concrete articulations that were part of the descriptiveanalysis (corresponding to the what question) werethematised and categorised in three steps, emphasisinginductive category development (34). (a) Reading ofliterature: the literature selected was read thoroughly andimportant aspects regarding aims, theoretical setting andresults were noted systematically in a list; (b) Thematisationof literature: the literature was thematised based on itscontent regarding the two questions What researchquestions are articulated? What central themes emerge inresearch? and (c) Categorisation of literature: certainpatterns emerged in the thematisation, from whichcategories could be developed. Examples among thecategories that emerged and which were apparent in theliterature reviewed were for instance the question of “howcan sport contribute to positive development?” and thetheme of “empowerment”.Second, themes in various categories were structuredprimarily in two modes of prevention, based on the rationaleof prevention articulated. Themes expressed in thedescriptive analysis and themes reflected upon in theanalytical discussion are both structured as either avertingcrime or facilitating social change. That is, manifest themessuch as “empowerment” and “education” address differentaspects of social change and are thus considered part of thesocial change-mode. The social change-mode is an abstractconcept and a theoretical construction not explicitlymanifest in the literature reviewed, although it is used in thisarticle to structure complexity and to contribute to furtherdiscussion.www.jsfd.org

Volume 1. Edition 2. December 2013.3 EkholmThird, the analytical discussion (corresponding to the howquestion) comprises a reflective, critical examination. Thisdiscussion is based on the results of the descriptive analysis(research objects, questions and findings) and abstractconcepts of prevention modes. The analytical discussionresults in the identification of two prominent discourses (onindividuality and transferability) in the social change-mode,which are abstract concepts supporting the idea of sport as ameans of crime prevention with respect to aspects of socialchange. The analytical discussion is inspired by aconstructionist view of discourse (35) and of socialproblems (30). This means that the discussion is aimed atexamining how objects, questions and findings described inliterature, abstracted as modes of prevention, becomemeaningful through prominent discourse and moreoverconstitute the idea of sport as a means of crime prevention.Accordingly, these discourses are vital for framing themeaning of social problems and corresponding solutions.This approach can be understood as a second-orderobservation (36-38) in examining and thus observing howresearch observes and how these observations arearticulated.The constructionist approach provides a perspective fromwhich descriptions that generate scientific discourse –which in turn influence policy-making and the organisationof sport initiatives with social objectives – can be exploredand critically assessed in terms of their underlyingassumptions and implicit notions. Such a constructionistapproach is embedded in the aim and further researchquestions of this article.Journal of Sport for Developmentand crime prevention (3,32). Second, there is nothinginherent in sport that makes it suitable for crime prevention(5,6,8,25,40,41). Third, activities are difficult to evaluatedue to poor theorisation (3,41), and furthermore relationsare considered mediated (1,3,8,22,42-44).Quantitative studies accordingly show shifting findings.Most notably, some studies stress a lack of support forcausal relations between sport and crime prevention(2,3,5,25,45), while other studies emphasise a relationshipbetween participation in sport and lower levels of crime(46-49). Moreover, some findings suggest that participationin power sports, such as boxing, wrestling, weightlifting andmartial arts, which focuses on elements of fighting andstrength, could lead to increased antisocial involvement(50).How can sport contribute to positive development regardingcrime prevention?Though evidence is lacking, evaluations are problematicand no inherent essence in sport is identified, certain aspectsin sport practices are highlighted as potentially mediatingthe relation with crime prevention. Two categories of crimeprevention are discernible in the literature reviewed. Theyare presented here as two modes of prevention. First, theaverting-mode stresses only the goal of averting antisocialinvolvement or crime and is defined by the absence ofdeviance. Second, the social change-mode stresses changein various circumstances that could cause criminality and isaccordingly defined by the presence of progression (i.e.more than just averting a specific behaviour or activity).Descriptive analysis: the literature reviewedResearch on sport as a means of crime prevention isarticulated through three categories of distinct researchquestions. First, does sport prevent or reduce crime orcriminal behaviour? Second, how can sport contribute topositive development regarding crime prevention? Third,how can sport be designed in order to be successful withrespect to crime prevention? These questions reflect anempirically driven emphasis in the reviewed literature (39).The literature features perspectives that are both supportiveand critical of the potential of sport as a means of crimeprevention. Literature emphasising a critical view isreported in a separate subsection.The averting-mode: Two aspects focused on avertingcriminal or anti-social activities stand out. First, theliterature reviewed stresses that participation in sport couldconstitute diversion for youth in two ways. In one sense,sport can physically divert young people from criminal ordeviant activities: one cannot simultaneously be engaged incriminal activities outside the sport setting and performsport activities (22,31,43). However, deviant behaviour isobviously possible within the sport setting (51). In the othersense, sport – being fun, exciting and entertaining – candivert attention from criminal environments and activities(8,31,41,43,44,52-54). Sport may also offer its participantsstructure and a framework and thus divert youth fromrestlessness (43).Does sport prevent or reduce crime or criminal behaviour?A review of the literature yields three findings. First, there isa lack of clear evidence on the relationship between sportSecond, the literature reviewed suggests deterrence as acrime-preventive mechanism. This emphasises that youthwould be deterred from criminal or deviant behaviour whenwww.jsfd.org

Volume 1. Edition 2. December 2013.4 Ekholmthey recognise a higher risk of detection by supervisingadults, coaches, police (22,55) or staff (52,53) in thesporting setting (31).The social change-mode: Four aspects focused on changingcircumstances with regard to crime prevention emerged inthe literature review. First, research suggests that voluntaryparticipation in sport creates good conditions forcontributing to the development of personal and socialrelations. This has been considered to constitute forms ofsocial capital in sport (though not explicitly related tocrime prevention) (56,57). Sport is thus considered anarena where different youth of different social standingsmeet and interact. In this respect, it is debated whetherdevelopment of personal and social relations could promotecrime prevention through community development, whichimplies that sport can lead to relations in the communitybased on trust and reciprocity and that this could benefitcrime prevention efforts (25). Furthermore, this emphasisessport as a means of community development since itcontributes to collective identities and facilitates activecitizenship, which in turn contribute to the establishment ofsocial networks in civil society (8,57). In addition, effortsto prevent crime by integrating ethnic minorities can beviewed as community development (58,59). Research alsostresses that sport can promote personal relations withequals from different social contexts (31,60), betweenyouth and staff in social projects (52,53), coaches(10,25,31,61), parents and other adults (62), and positiverole models (31,41,43,59,60).Second, sport is often referred to as a hook – a way to reachout to individuals or enter environments that wouldotherwise be inaccessible. This is especially prominent ininspiring young people to take part in and continue socialprojects aimed at crime prevention (10,31,61). A hook canthus be described as using sport to change the socialenvironment for youth.Third, empowerment can be considered from twoperspectives. First, empowerment for individual activityand responsibility is presented as strengthening thefunctions and abilities of individuals to become sociallymobile in an established society. Education is emphasisedhere (61). This view of empowerment could be understoodas an expression of a more common focus on activecitizenship in public policy (1,8,57), with an emphasis onindividual autonomy to handle social problems (57).Second, empowerment for societal change (2,10) ispresented as a means of education, to stimulateemancipation and prevent youth from being subjected toJournal of Sport for Developmentinjustice and marginalisation in a social structure, which inturn is the cause of social problems (10). Possibly in thissense, sport could offer activities that question ideologiesthrough which an unfair society is reproduced (10).Fourth, three aspects of pro-social development are evidentin the reviewed literature. First, the self-image ofindividuals emphasises that success in the sporting effort,though not possible for everyone (31), can lead toimproved self-confidence, self-esteem and self-control(8,41,43,53,62-65), which in turn could lead to reducedimpulsiveness and risk-taking (8) and also enhanceeducational skills and promote employability (8). Second,life skills emphasise how sport can offer skills and valuesnecessary in life. Skills acquired in sport, such ascommunicative and cognitive skills, goal attainment,aggression control, problem solving and learning to giveand receive feedback, could be transferred to other spheresof life. Hence it is argued that sport helps young peopleplay “the game of life” (40,66). There are also claims thatactive leadership could be developed in deviant youththrough sport, based on the notion of using leadership traitsin criminally experienced youth within a sport setting (58).Third, the relation between physical health and mentalhealth stresses that sport leads to good physical health(41,43,52,57), which subsequently improves mental health(43,63). Developing a sound lifestyle is essential inrehabilitation from deviant or criminal lifestyles (49,66).How can sport be designed in order to be successful inpreventing crime?Sport practices can be organised in different ways topromote a positive development in terms of crimeprevention. First, one must recognise the value of non-sportcomponents since sport itself has no inherent or essentialvalue with respect to crime prevention (2). This could, forexample, be education (10) in non-violence, the importanceof good health and self-control, and a sense ofresponsibility for oneself and for others (2). Second, sportpractices need to de-emphasise competitive elements andthus stress non-competitive components (8,52,54,62,64).Sport practices instead should emphasise personal andsocial relations with other youth and adults(31,52,54,60,62,67); they should consist of a minimum offormal rules and limitations (31,52,54); be performedindividually or in smaller groups where participantsexperience independence and participation (8,31,52); andemphasise internal motivation and individualised standardsof success (31,54) in a task-oriented setting (64). Third,sport practices should have a rational, explicit developmentwww.jsfd.org

Volume 1. Edition 2. December 2013.5 Ekholmplan and offer arrangements in which participants canreflect on and understand criminal behaviour (31). In thisrespect, sport practices should also acknowledge theimportance of policy-makers and sport organisations(62,68).Critique of sport as a means of crime preventionA considerable body of research articulates a more criticalperspective, highlighting how sport should instead beperceived with a focus on negative aspects regarding itspotential in crime prevention. With respect to this criticismsix different aspects are discernible.First, the literature suggests that since it has been arguedthat sport does not reduce poverty, unemployment or socialwelfare cuts, which are considered to be foundations ofcrime, faith in sport instead obscures structural explanationsof social problems and further legitimises structures insociety that reproduce the foundations of crime(6,8,21,61,69). In this respect, sport alone is considered anall too simple solution (6,8,21), and also contributes to ideasof individual responsibilisation (70).Second, the literature suggests that sport organisations areprimarily interested in sport – not social work; thus sport isnot a social service. There is an exaggerated belief in theinterest and possibilities of sport organisations in attractingand caring for socially excluded or deviant youth (23).Third, aspects of selection and stratification emerge in theliterature reviewed. Sport practices mainly attract youthfrom economically and socially privileged environments(23,43,62,71). This calls into question what groups ofsocially vulnerable youth that sport could reach out to (23).There is also a stratifying function in various sportpractices, exemplified by activities targeting black youthfrom disadvantaged areas that emphasise control anddiscipline while activities targeting white youth fromwealthy areas emphasise prosperity and social mobility.Furthermore, sport practices are more likely to lead toexclusive bonding than to inclusive bridging, strengtheningrather than transcending social boundaries (2). This functionof sport, however, has been conceived as effectuating socialcontrol, normalisation and re-socialisation in a societycharacterised by hierarchical relations throughsubordination and control over bodies, identities and socialrelations (10).Fourth, the literature describes competition andsubordination as a problem because the logic and values ofJournal of Sport for Developmentcompetition seem to dominate (62) and exclude otherpossible ideals in sport (57,72). Conventional sport in manyways reflects the social milieus in which vulnerable youthshave already experienced failure (54). In this regard, sportcan have a negative effect (52). The individual’s drive todefeat others leads to practices that target ranking,subordination and selection (57). The logic of competitioncould also result in doping, use of performance-enhancingdrugs and cheating (73).Fifth, it is suggested that sport ritualises and legitimisesviolence and confrontation in connection with ideals ofmasculinity (62,73,74). The question is therefore whethersport is a suitable means for responding to problems ofdeviancy or crime since it replicates and legitimisesexperiences of excitement that could otherwise be found indrug use or criminality (75). Research also indicates thatpower sports in particular lead to the acquisition ofaggressive skills and behaviours that could be brought intoplay outside the sport setting (50). Moreover, an emphasison violence in sport highlights sexual violence amongathletes (76).Sixth, the literature describes how a belief in socialfostering through sport is often exaggerated, how valuesadopted and skills acquired in sport are not automaticallytransferred to broader society, and how they are notnecessarily needed in society at large (64). There is thus alimited transferability, reducing the potential use of sport forsocial objectives.A brief summary of the descriptive readingExposing disparate directions and outlooks on sport as ameans of crime prevention, the research demonstrates areasonably cohesive imagery. First, the literature emphasisesa lack of evidence, the absence of essential inherent valuesin sport, and the notion that relations between sport andcrime prevention are indirect and mediated. Second, itstresses two modes for sport aimed at crime prevention –however, each is met with criticism. The averting-mode ofdiversion and deterrence could be considered relevant onlyfor certain groups of youth included in sport settings. Thesocial change-mode of developing personal and socialrelations could be viewed as stratifying and promotingexclusive bonding; the hook of sport could be seen asrelevant only to those interested in sport; empowermentcould be said to emphasise individual activity andresponsibility, hence obscuring structural interventions andalso exercising social control; pro-social development couldbe disputed while sport could also lead to the developmentwww.jsfd.org

Volume 1. Edition 2. December 2013.6 Ekholmof anti-social skills such as cheating, violence and abuse.Third, in order to be successful, sport as a means of crimeprevention should emphasise non-sport components such aseducation in non-violence and moral values, de-emphasisecompetition and deploy a rational and explicit developmentplan.Discussion: prominent discoursesThe descriptions and themes presented above provide aninterconnected yet incongruent imagery of sport as a meansof crime preventio

the international peer-reviewed articles are empirically driven and target questions such as whether sport works to prevent crime, what aspects of sport work, and how sport should further be designed to work. Qualitative and quantitative designs each repre