Morphology: What S In A Word? - UC Santa Barbara
72.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:40 Page Number: 72Marianne Mithun explain the difference between possible and actual words; define the term productivity; explain what is meant by the terms “lexeme” and “lexicalization.”4.1 Introduction to morphologyAs speakers, what do we know about our mother tongue? Much of our linguisticknowledge is unconscious. When we start to learn a new language, we often come toappreciate just how much speakers must know in order to talk, whether they areaware of it or not.It seems obvious that knowing words is a critical part of knowing a language, butwhat does it mean to know a word? A recent newspaper advertisement claimsUnbelievable weight loss breakthroughs! Most English speakers recognize each of thewords in this phrase as part of the vocabulary of English. They may or may not realizethat words can have meaningful parts of their own. The first word, unbelievable, hasthree parts. It is based on the verb root believe. With the addition of the ending -ablewe have another word believ-able ‘able to be believed.’ If we add un- to that wordbelievable, we have yet another word, this one with the opposite meaning: un-believable ‘not able to be believed.’ Each of the meaningful parts of a word, like believe, -able,and un-, is called a morpheme. The study of howmorphemes are combined to form new words is calledmorphology.SIDEBAR 4.1Morphology is one of the areas in whichTRANSCRIPTION NOTEEngenni symbolPhonetic descriptionlanguages can differ the most from eachvowel with grave low toneother. Compare the two sentences below. The first isaccent (e.g., ù)from Engenni, a Kwa language spoken in Nigeria. Thevowel without an high tonetop line in the example shows the sentence as it wasaccentvowel with acuteaccent (e.g., Á)upstepped (extrahigh) tonespoken, the second line shows the meaning of eachword, and the third line shows a free translation of thewhole.(1) Engenni (Thomas 1978)Átanawaọmù.onegotoseekhouse‘Let’s go look for the house.’The second example is from Mohawk, a language of the Iroquoian family spoken inQuebec, Ontario, and New York State. Here again the top line shows the sentenceas spoken; note that the whole sentence is expressed in a single Mohawk word.The second line shows the parts (morphemes) of the word. The third identifies themeaning of each morpheme. The fourth provides a free translation of the word asa whole.
73.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:41 Page Number: 73Morphology: what’s in a word?(2) d.I-two-house-seek-go.and‘Let’s go look for the house.’The Engenni and Mohawk sentences mean roughlythe same thing, but the two languages differ consider-SIDEBAR 4.2TRANSCRIPTION NOTEMohawk symbolonen: (colon)’ (apostrophe) (acute accent) (grave accent)IPA[ũ][ʌ ][ː] (vowel length)[ʔ]high or rising pitchfalling toneably in the way they distribute information over theirwords. In the Engenni example, each word containsjust one meaningful part, or one morpheme. In theMohawk example, all of the same information is packaged into a single word.What is a word?How do we know that the Mohawk sentence in (2)contains just one word? The most obvious way to find out is to ask a speaker.Mohawk speakers have clear ideas about where one word stops and the next begins,whether or not they have ever read or written their language. All would readily agreethat (2) is a single word. Let’s look at a longer sentence. Compare the Mohawksentence in (3) with its English translation. The amount of information containedin each word is different in Mohawk and English: the Mohawk sentence containsseven words, and the English translation fourteen. But all Mohawk speakers wouldagain divide the sentence into words in the same way.(3) Mohawk: Konwatsi’tsaién:ni Rita Phillips, owin.factone-say-snowin factone says‘Now then, they ther-FACTUAL-they-all-run-to.there-alongplace in the forestthey started running thither into itthey raced off into the hey-all-fruit-pick-go.andthey went to pick fruitto go pick it-fruit-big-isapple
74.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:41 Page Number: 74Marianne MithunIn some languages, the boundaries between some words are not as clear. For example,how many words are there in the English term ice cream or ice-cream? All languages change over time, and many aspects of language can change,including the boundaries between words. When two or more words occurtogether very frequently in speech, especially when they come to represent a singleidea like ‘ice cream,’ speakers may begin to process them as a single unit, rather thancomposing the expression anew, word by word, each time they refer to it. Themerging of words into a single cognitive unit can occur gradually over time. It is insuch cases of change in progress that speakers may be uncertain of word boundaries.Speaker intuitions usually provide the best indication of boundaries betweenwords. (Although in some cases standardized spelling conventions can interfere withintuitions.) But individual languages may provide additional kinds of evidence. Inmost languages, words can be pronounced alone, but individual morphemes often cannot. The Mohawk -rh- in ‘forest’ above would never be pronounced by itself; speakers would not even recognize it if it were. Similarly, if I askedyou what English t means, you probably would not recognize it as the past tensesuffix at the end of look-ed [lʊk-t].Speakers can pause between words: I . . . don’t really want to. But they rarely if everpause between the morphemes inside of a word: Lightn . . . ing was flashing in all direct . . .ions. This is true for Mohawk as well as for English. If Mohawk speakers are interruptedin the middle of a word, they go back and start over at the beginning. Speakerssometimes insert parenthetical information between words: I . . . if you want to knowthe truth . . . don’t really want to. But they do not insert such asides between morphemes:Lightn . . . really scary . . . ing was flashing. This suggests that words are not usuallyproduced morpheme by morpheme as speakers talk; words are stored assingle cognitive units, and selected from memory as wholes for speech.In many languages, it is easy to identify words on the basis of phonological evidence. Perhaps the most obvious type of phonological evidence is thelocation of stress. Recall that the term “stress” refers to the relative prominence of asyllable in the word. A syllable with primary stress will often have special pitch, maybe louder, and/or perhaps longer in duration than an unstressed syllable. In somelanguages, primary stress regularly falls on a certain syllable. In Finnish, for example,stress occurs on the first syllable of each word: aasi ‘donkey,’ perhonen ‘butterfly,’välimatka ‘distance,’ valokuvauskone ‘camera.’ In Spanish, primary stress (apart fromspecific exceptions) falls on the second-to-last syllable: burro ‘donkey,’ mariposa ‘butterfly,’ biblioteca ‘library.’ Mohawk shows the same pattern as Spanish. The accentmarks in the Mohawk examples in (2) and (3) above indicate stressed syllables. Othertypes of phonological evidence can provide clues to the boundariesbetween words as well, though these differ from language to language.Does wordhood matter? It can. Often what can be said in one word in a languagecan also be said, more or less, with multiple words in the same language. But there areusually differences in meaning, although they may be subtle. A number of the
75.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:42 Page Number: 75Morphology: what’s in a word?morphemes in the Mohawk word in (4a) could be expressed with separate words. If,for example, you and I had been looking for something else beforehand, and I wantedus to shift the goal of our search, it would be more appropriate to name the houseseparately, as in (4b).(4) Mohawka. Teninonhsihsákha.‘Let’s go look for the house’let’s go house seekb. Kanónhsote’it house standstenihsákha.let’s seek‘Let’s go look for the house’Another example can be seen in Lakota, a Siouan language of the Plains. Both (5a) and(5b) could be translated ‘I made it black.’(5) Lakota (Stan Redbird, speaker p.c.)a. Sabwáye.‘I made it/them black.’I blackenedb. Sápablackwakáǧe.I made‘I made it/them black.’SIDEBAR 4.3TRANSCRIPTION NOTELakhota symbolIPA (acute accent)ǧ[ˈ][ɣ]Phoneticdescriptionprimary stressvoiced velarfricativeWhen asked about the difference, the speaker,Mr. Redbird, explained that if he had just polishedhis boots he would use (5a). If he had hung a kettleover the fire to start a stew cooking, then returnedsome time later to find that the flames had come upand eventually left soot on the bottom of the kettle,he would use (5b). The first sentence indicates a single,direct action, while the second is appropriate for alonger string of events and indirect consequences.4.2 Kinds of morphemesMorphemes, the building blocks of words, can be classified in several ways. Onedistinction is between what are called free morphemes and bound morphemes.Free morphemes are those that can standSIDEBAR 4.4HYPHENSA hyphen on the left of a morpheme, as in theplural -s, indicates that that morpheme mustattach to something on its left. A hyphen onthe right, as in un-, indicates that themorpheme must attach to something on itsright. Bound morphemes always have ahyphen on at least one side.alone as words. In the English phrase we saw at theoutset, the morphemes believe, weigh, loss, break, andthrough are all free, because they can be used as wordson their own. All of the morphemes in the Engennisentence in (1) are free: á ‘one,’ ta ‘go,’ na ‘to,’ wa ‘seek,’and ọmù ‘house.’ In the Mohawk sentence in (3), thewords ó:nen ‘now’ and ki’ ‘in fact’ are free. Boundmorphemes are morphemes that never occuras words on their own. The English morphemes
78.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:44 Page Number: 78Marianne MithunTEXTBOX 4.1 CIRCUMFIXESLike infixes, circumfixes are relatively rareamong the languages of the world. Oftenthey originated as a combination of a prefixand a suffix that, over time, came to have ameaning of its own. In Example (7) we saw thesuffix -an that is used to form nouns inIlocano. Ilocano now has several circumfixesthat form terms for places, which must haveoriginated as a combination of some prefix withthe nominalizer suffix -an. The locativenominalizer pag- . . . -an creates names of placesfrom verbs that denote the kind of activitytypically done there. The locative nominalizerka-. . .-an creates names of places fromnouns referring to objects characteristic ofthose places.TABLE 4.1 Ilocano locative nominalizers (Rubino ��swim’pag-langoy-an‘swimming nd’ka-darat-an‘sandy ia‘pineapple’ka-pinia-an‘pineapple field’mangga‘mango’ka-mangga-an‘mango plantation’.TEXTBOX 4.2 PRODUCTIVITYProductive morphological processes arethose that speakers use to create new words.Noun-noun compounding is very productivein English: it is a constant source of newwords. Some affixes are highly productive aswell, like the nominalizer -ness of words likeshortsighted-ness. Others are less productive,like the nominalizer -hood in woman-hood.Some are no longer productive at all, like thenominalizer -t of weigh-t. To see just howproductive noun-noun compounding isin English, listen to the speech aroundyou for a noun-noun compound that is newto you.4.3 Finding morphemes: morphological analysisHow do we know what the morphemes are in a word? Speakers themselves are rarelyconscious of morphological structure unless they have studied grammar. They obviously have some unconscious knowledge of morphology – we see this when they
79.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:45 Page Number: 79Morphology: what’s in a word?create new words – but few could explain it. If we cannot ask speakers about morphology, how can we discover it in a language?Morphological analysis is usually done by comparing sets of words, as we did forthe Ilocano examples on the last several pages. If we find two similar words,one with a particular sequence of sounds and one without it, we cancompare the meanings of the words and hypothesize that the additional sequence of sounds adds the additional meaning. Consider thefollowing examples from English:(11) English word pairshappyunhappycooluncoolThe meanings of the words with un- are the opposite of those without. We canhypothesize that English has a prefix un- meaning ‘not.’Now examine the pairs of words below from Karo, a language of the Tupi-Guaranífamily spoken in the Brazilian Amazon.(12) Karo verbs (Gabas 1999)kətakəkettaketnogatanoga‘walk’‘make (someone) walk while walking alongside of him or her’‘sleep’‘put (someone) to sleep and sleep alongside him or her’‘eat’‘feed (someone) while eating with him or her’Each of these verbs can occur with or without the element ta. The addition of ta tothe verbs changes their meaning in a systematic way. It looks like we have amorpheme: a recurring sequence of sounds (ta) with a recurring meaning. As faras we can tell from the data in (12), this morpheme never appears on its own as aword: it is bound. Since it appears before roots (rather than after them or inside ofthem), it is a prefix. Semantically, it adds a sense of causation, causing someone towalk, causing someone to sleep, and causing someone to eat. It is thus a causative.But it adds a more specific meaning than the Ilocano causative we saw earlier. Herethe causer is also participating in the caused activity: walking, sleeping, or eating.This Karo prefix ta- has been termed a comitative causative. These examplesillustrate an important principle of morphological analysis. We cannot expectthat every word in the free translation will correspond to a specificmorpheme in the language under analysis. Skillful morphological analysis can require the ability to think beyond the translation to imagine what theactual meaning might be. (Linguists generally use the term gloss rather than“translation,” because they recognize that morphemes and words in one language
80.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:46 Page Number: 80Marianne Mithundo not always have perfect semantic equivalents inanother. A gloss is simply the best approximationto the meaning. See Sidebar 4.7 for glossingSIDEBAR 4.7GLOSSING CONVENTIONSWe write the gloss of a morpheme insmall caps if it is a grammatical term likePLURAL (PL), NEGATIVE (NEG),CAUSATIVE (CAUS), or NOMINALIZER(NMLZ). If it is a translation, we write itbetween single quotation marks, like for theMohawk suffix -ontie’ ‘along.’ Material in thetarget language, that is, the languageunder study, is usually given in italics, or,when handwritten, underlined.For this chapter (and all subsequent chaptersand language profiles) of this book, a full list ofthe glossing conventions used in each chaptercan be found at the end of the chapter, just priorto the Exercises.conventions.)In conducting morphological analysis, we may notalways find pairs of words like those in (11) and (12):one without an affix and one with it. Fortunately,there is another strategy for detecting morphemes.We may find sets of words that all contain a particular element, or a certain sequence of sounds. Wecan then compare the meanings of those words tosee what they have in common. When a recurring form matches up with a recurringmeaning, we can hypothesize that we havea morpheme with that form and thatmeaning.Compare the Karo words in (13).(13) Karo verbs (Gabas left’saw myself’am angry’walked’All of these words begin with o, though otherwise they areSIDEBAR 4.8TRANSCRIPTION NOTEKaro symbol’ (apostrophe)IPA Phoneticdescription[ʔ] glottal stopdifferent. One involves leaving, one seeing, one being angry,and one walking. One is in the present, and the others are inthe past. But all include the meaning ‘I.’ We can hypothesizethat o- is a morpheme meaning ‘I.’4.4 The meanings of morphemesDo all languages express the same kinds of meanings in their morphemes? Therecertainly are similarities. Many languages have noun roots meaning ‘head,’ ‘fish,’ and‘house,’ just like in English. Many have verb roots meaning ‘eat,’ ‘catch,’ and ‘kill.’But languages also show differences in their inventories of roots. Often roots aresimply not equivalent. Central Alaskan Yup’ik, an Eskimo-Aleut language spoken insouthwestern Alaska, has roots for ‘head’ (nasquq) and ‘house’ (ca), like the languagesin Table 4.2. But the Yup’ik root neqe- ‘fish’ also means ‘food’ and ‘eat.’ Furthermore,for many Yup’ik roots, there is simply no single equivalent English root. They can betranslated only with a complex explanation. (The Yup’ik material in this chapter
81.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:47 Page Number: 81Morphology: what’s in a word?TABLE 4.2 Roots in several different languagesSome noun ipka’a.Some verb rioIlocanokaantiliwPatayKaro‘o‘ɨywĩ.comes from the speech of Elizabeth Charles, Elena Charles, and George Charles, andfrom Jacobson (1985).)(14) Some Yup’ik front part of a parka cover, gathered up and used as a means of carryingthings’‘world, outdoors, weather, universe, awareness, sense’‘to have one’s legs so cramped by cold that one cannot move’‘to skin a seal or other animal starting from the head and pulling the skinback over the body, rather than splitting the skin’‘to swat oneself or another in a steambath to tone muscles and stimulatesweating’‘having shoes on the wrong feet’‘to act against accepted standards of behavior’
82.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:47 Page Number: 82Marianne MithunWhen we compare the meanings of affixes across languages, we find the same kindsof similarities and differences. Some affix meanings show up in language afterlanguage. For example, many languages have past-tense affixes, comparable toEnglish -ed. Many have plural affixes, comparable to English -s. Many have nominalizers, like the Ilocano suffix -an we saw in giling-an ‘grind-er’ and the Englishsuffix -er. Many have causatives like the Ilocano circumfix in pag-ragsak-en ‘makesomeone happy.’As seen in Textbox 4.3, affix meanings can vary across languages. Look at themeanings of the Yup’ik suffixes in (15).TEXTBOX 4.3 THE MEANINGS OF AFFIXESAlthough different languages can havesimilar affix categories, languages exhibitinteresting differences. Some languages haveno affixes that mark past tense, while othershave elaborate sets of past-tense affixes,distinguishing degrees of remoteness, suchas ‘immediate past,’ ‘recent past,’ ‘remotepast,’ and ‘mythic past.’ Karo has a basiccausative prefix ma-, as in ket ‘sleep,’ ma-ket‘put someone to sleep’; kət ‘walk,’ ma-kət‘make someone walk’; copɨt ‘be fat,’ ma-copɨt‘make someone fat.’ But as we saw, it alsohas a more specialized kind of causative prefixta- meaning ‘cause and participate in theaction.’ Yup’ik has an unusually rich arrayof causative suffixes, which differ insometimes subtle ways. They add meaningssuch as ‘let,’ ‘allow,’ ‘permit,’ ‘cause,’‘compel,’ ‘force,’ ‘deliberately or intentionallycause,’ ‘try to cause,’ ‘tend to cause,’ and‘wait for’ (as in ‘wait for somethingto boil’).(15) Some Yup’ik suffixes-kuaq‘leftover’-kuar-‘go by way of’-liqe-‘be afflicted in’-illiqe-‘suffer from lack of’-ir-‘have cold’-taq‘caught object’-tar-‘gather from aqmermer-tar-‘dried fish skin’‘uneaten, leftover dried fish skin’‘sea’‘go by sea’‘inside, digestive track’‘have a stomach-ache’‘wood’‘suffer from the lack of wood’‘foot’‘have cold feet’‘thing’‘caught animal or bird’‘water’‘fetch water’The verb mer-tar- is used, for example, for getting water from a river. For gettingwater from a faucet or barrel, a different suffix, -ssaag-, is used. The affixes thatdevelop in languages are no accident. They grow out of distinctions
83.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:48 Page Number: 83Morphology: what’s in a word?TEXTBOX 4.4 YUP’IK IN me-PST-IND-1SG‘I voted.’Figure 4.1 A sticker that reads “I Voted” in Yup’ikTEXTBOX 4.5 MEANINGS IN ROOTS AND AFFIXESMeanings are not always distributed betweenroots and affixes as we might expect. What isexpressed by a root in one language might beindicated by an affix in another. Considerthe Yup’ik word below, which is a sentencein SG‘She hit him in the leg.’SIDEBAR 4.9TRANSCRIPTION NOTE (YUP’IKSTANDARD [ʀ]Phonetic descriptionvoiceless lateral fricativevoiced velar fricativevoiceless uvular stopvoiced uvular trillThis verb has just one root, iru- ‘leg.’ We mightexpect ‘hit’ to be conveyed by a root as well, buthere it is the suffix -art-. But how do we knowthat -art- is really a suffix? In Yup’ik, every nounand verb begins with one and only one root.Only roots can occur at the beginning of a word,and they always appear at the beginning. Allother morphemes in the word are suffixes.Suffixes never appear at the beginning of aword; they can occur only after a root or anothersuffix. Yup’ik also has roots meaning ‘hit.’that speakers have chosen to express mostoften in daily speech, over generations, centuries, even millennia. Some affixes reflect concepts that are important to human beings all over theworld, like causation. Others reflect the environmental and cultural concerns of individual societies.Textbox 4.5 discusses the meanings expressed by rootsand affixes.
84.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:49 Page Number: 84Marianne Mithun4.5 The shapes of morphemesOnce we identify a morpheme, can we be confident that it will always show upwith the same form? Let’s consider English plurals. To form a plural, it looks like wejust add -s.(18) English leon-ssalamander-siguana-sgecko-sBut are all of these suffixes really the same? If you pronounce the plural wordscarefully, you’ll notice that they do not all end in the same sound. Some end invoiceless [s], and some end in voiced [z]. Pronounce the plural nouns in (18), checkingwhether you can hear the difference. Are these just allophones in English, or are theyseparate phonemes? To find out, we look for minimal pairs. There are plenty of them:sip and zip are different words, for example, with different meanings. The sounds /s/and /z/ are thus separate phonemes in English.If English speakers hear a new noun, they somehow know which form to usefor the plural. What word would you use to talk about more than one swip?How about more than one grib? Speakers automatically use the voiceless /s/with swips, and the voiced /z/ with gribs, though they have never heard thesewords before.As we saw in Chapter 3, if we look carefully at where each form occurs, we see apattern. The voiceless plural /s/ comes after nouns ending in p, t, and k. The voicedplural /z/ comes after nouns ending in d, g, l, n, r, w, y, and vowels. We can make ageneralization about these contexts: the form /s/ occurs only after voicelesssounds, and the form /z/ occurs only after voiced sounds. The alternate forms of amorpheme, like the /s/ and /z/ plural here, are called allomorphs. (Note that theplural of allomorph uses the voiceless /s/, because this word ends in the voicelesssound /f/.) If we find that a morpheme has allomorphs, we need tomention this in our description of the language, specifying whatthe various forms are and where they occur. For our plural allomorphs,we have two forms so far.(19) -sszPLURALused after voiceless soundsused after voiced sounds
85.Comp. by: Vpugazhenthi Stage: Proof Chapter No.: 4 Title Name: GenettiDate:23/8/13 Time:22:12:50 Page Number: 85Morphology: what’s in a word?SIDEBAR 4.10You will note that the way that rulesare written in morphology is similarto how they are written inphonology, as you saw in Chapter 3.In phonology, the rules representthe relationship between phonemesand allophones; in morphology,they represent the relationshipbetween morphemes andallomorphs.(20) -s-s-sA description like that in (19) is termed item and arrangement: we specify how the items are arranged, that is, whereeach allomorph occurs.Allomorphy can be also described in another style, termeditem and process, using symbols we saw in the chapter onphonology (see Sidebar 4.10). We want to say that the pluralsuffix becomes voiced after a voiced sound. We begin with thebasic sound, here s. We then add an arrow ! for ‘becomes’ or ‘ispronounced.’ To the right of the arrow, we specify how itchanged (in this case by becoming voiced). Next is a slash /,which announces that the context is coming up.
we have another word believ-able ‘able to be believed.’ If we add un- to that word believable, we have yet another word, this one with the opposite meaning: un-believ-able ‘not able tobe believed.’ Eachof the meaningful parts ofa word,like believ
MORPHOLOGY OF FLOWERING PLANTS Morphology: The study of various external features of the organism is known as morphology. Adaptation: Any alteration in the structure or function of an organism or any of its part that results from natural selection and by which the organism becomes better fitted to survive and multiply in its environment.
syllable, foot, PrWord), or regulated by means of constraints dealing with the morphology-prosody mapping. Obviously, the phonologists’ perspective on morphology differs from that of syntac-ticians. 3. Morpho-phonological conspiracies Morphology and phonology strongly interact in th
Introduction to Morphology Farrell Ackerman APM 4101 fackerman@ucsd.edu Office Hours: W 2.30-4 or by appointment . “Morphology is at the conceptual centre of linguistics. This is not because it is the dominant subdiscipline, but because morphology
Independent Personal Pronouns Personal Pronouns in Hebrew Person, Gender, Number Singular Person, Gender, Number Plural 3ms (he, it) א ִוה 3mp (they) Sֵה ,הַָּ֫ ֵה 3fs (she, it) א O ה 3fp (they) Uֵה , הַָּ֫ ֵה 2ms (you) הָּ תַא2mp (you all) Sֶּ תַא 2fs (you) ְ תַא 2fp (you
to class level (salient features and distinguishing features of a few examples of each category). (No live animals or specimen should be displayed.) Unit-II Structural Organization in Animals and Plants Chapter-5: Morphology of Flowering Plants Morphology and modifications: Morphology of different parts of flowering plants: root, stem,
and evolutionary morphology are critical for understanding the development of a concept central to evolutionary developmental biology, evolutionary innovation. Highlighting the discipline of morphology and the concepts of innovation and novelty provides an alternative way of conceptualizing the ‘evo’ and the ‘devo’ to be synthesized.
STAINING AND BACTERIAL CELL MORPHOLOGY I. OBJECTIVES To learn the technique of smear preparation. To learn the techniques of Gram staining, nigrosin staining and KOH test. To use and relate the Gram stain to the study of bacterial cell morphology, and as an important step in the identification of a bacterial species. II. INTRODUCTION
proximity of rock glacier sites to moisture sources such as runoff from glaciers and snowpatches. Maximum yearly totals of potential incident solar radiation at rock glaciers were estimated by means of a computer program (Swift, 1976). MORPHOLOGY Rock glacier morphology was described using a format slightly modified from Johnson (1973).
