Race And The Construction Of Human Identity Author(s): Audrey Smedley .
"Race" and the Construction of Human Identity Author(s): Audrey Smedley Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 100, No. 3 (Sep., 1998), pp. 690-702 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/682047 Accessed: 13/11/2008 10:24 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at s.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at rCode black. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Blackwell Publishing and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Anthropologist. http://www.jstor.org
AUDREYSMEDLEY Departmentof Sociology and Anthropology VirginiaCommonwealthUniversity Richmond,VA 23284-2040 "Race"and the Constructionof Human Identity Race as a mechanismof social stratificationandas a forrnof humanidentityis a recentconceptin humanhistory.Historical recordsshow thatneitherthe idea nor ideologies associatedwith race existed before the seventeenthcentury.In the UnitedStates,racebecamethemainformof humanidentity,andit has hada tragiceffect on low-status"racial"minorities andon those people who perceive themselvesas of "mixedrace."We need to researchandunderstandthe consequences of raceas thepremiersourceof humanidentity.This paperbrieflyexploreshow racebecamea partof ourcultureandconsciousness and arguesthatwe must disconnectculturalfeaturesof identityfrom biological traitsand studyhow "race" erodedandsupersededolderformsof humanidentity.It suggeststhat"race"ideology is alreadybeginningto disintegrate as a resultof twentieth-centurychanges. [race, identity,history,ethnicity,culture] Scholars in a variety of disciplines are increasingly holding that "race"is a cultural invention, that it bears no intrinsic relationship to actual human physical variations,butreflects social meaningsimposed uponthese variations.If sucha perspectiveis to be widely accepted, we are challenged to explore its ramifications andconsequences."Race"emergedas the dominantform of identityin those societies where it functionsto stratify the social system. Scholarsin psychology, anthropology, and other social fields need to examine in much greater depth the realityof"race" as identity in our society. We need to explorenotonly the consequencesbuttheparametersandsocial correlatesof"racial"identity. Within the last several decades we also have seen numerous studies on "ethnicity"and "ethnic"differences. Most often we see titles of publicationsthat cover both "race"and"ethnicity."Some studies treat the two as if they aresimilarphenomena,perhapsdifferingonly in degree. Others, such as Stephen Steinberg's The Ethnic Myth,and Ronald Takaki's various publications(1987, 1993) make a cleardistinctionbetween the two. My purpose in thispaperis to do severalthings.One is to dramatize the significanceof"race"as distinctfrom"ethnicity" by referringto historicaldataon humaninteractionsin the past. The second is to raise to greaterclaritythe realityof raceas a formof humanidentityby delving intosome contemporaryissues seldom confrontedeitherby the public, themedia,orthe scholarswho writeaboutthem. P blems and Issues of Identity: Ethnicily and Race Readingthe historiesof societies in the ancientworld can be very enlighteningfor those of us who do compara- tive studies in history and anthropology.These histories revealan extraordinaryamountof interactionamongpeoples of differentethnic groupswho occupiedcity-states, villages, and towns. Throughoutthe known Old World, tradewas extensive, much travelwas undertakendespite enormous hardships,battles were fought among ed,and treatiesof peace were made. Duringthe expansionof imperial states, armies marchedon foot or rode on camels, asses, horses, or elephants over tremendousdistances. The imageof Alexanderof Macedonmarchinghis arrnyto the plains of Afghanistan, or sailing nearly halfway aroundthe worldto India,in the absenceof steamengines and air power, seems an astonishingaccomplishment.In times of relativepeace, some individualstraveledwidely and for many differentreasonsandthey were received in alien landswith hospitality.They tradedwithone another, intelmarried,and spreadculturalknowledgefrom region to region. All of this atteststo the fact thatinterethnicinteraction has a long history.We humansarenotnew to thechallenge of tryingto get along with "alien"others.Whatstrategies were used in ancienttimes to accommodateor transcend differences? How did ancestral societies perceive and deal withhumanswho differedfromthemselves,bothculturally andlor physically? In contemporarytimes many areasof the world arereeling with "ethnic"conflicts, and "ethnicity"seems to be a relativelynew notion abouthuman identities encumberedwith elements of exclusivity, opposition, competition, and antagonism.Some groups define themselves in termsthatappearrigid and unyielding and in opposition always to "the others." In many AmericanAnthropologist100(3):690-702. Copyright(C)1999, AmericanAnthropologicalAssociation
SMEDLEY / cases we have seen populationsassert an almost permanentattachmentto anethnicorreligiousidentity,as if such featuresof our social selves are determinedby our DNA and cannot be transformedor diminished by any social mechanisms.We have seen the hardenednatureof ethnic boundaries in places like the former Yugoslavia and Uganda traIlsformneighbors and even kinspeople into hated enemies, subjectedto unimaginablebrutalities.At the same time more societies than ever before have become seeminglymuchmoremultiethnicsince WorldWar II as variouspeoples from largely ThirdWorldcountries began searchingfor job and educationalopportunitiesin the nations of WesternEuropeand the United States. In some cases, populationsthatwere once deemedgenerally ethnically homogeneousare now unambiguouslyand irrevocablyheterogeneous. The mediaportraysa popularconceptionof these phenomenaas if they weresomethingnew in thehumanexperience, andmanyscholarsin the social sciences treatmllltiethnicityas not only a modernphenomenonor a novel condition, but one that inevitably creates problems and potential,if not real, hostilities.Two broadcategoriesof problems can be identified:one having to do with how people of differentgroupsget along with one another;the other is the problemof how individualsand groupsperceive who they are-the problemof"identity."The sets of problemsareclearlyinterrelatedbutnot identical. In the f?st categoly, there seems to be an underlying premise or assumption that people of different ethnic groupsarein competitionwith one anotherso thatconflict andhostility areinevitable.Anotherrelatedandoften unstatedassumptionis thatdifferentethnicgroupscan have no common interestswhich makes any form of unity or even amityimpossible. It is the second problematicthat this paperaddresses, the one involving identity,an arenaof problemsthatmay be morepeculiarto Americans,in termsof theirindividual conceptions of who they are, thanto peoples of othernations. Thereseems to be a psychologicallybasedassumption in our society thatpeople must know who they are, thata solid andpositive sense of one's individualselfness (or "identity")in a widerworldof other"selves"is a necessary condition for good psychological health. We humans are apparentlythe only animal thatanguishesover the question,"WhoamI?"Perhapsthe questionarisesbecause in industrialsocietieswe lack a sense of bondingto a kinship group,a village, or othermore limited territorial entity, andbecauseourheavy focus on individualismdisconnects us from others and fosters an abiding sense of isolation and insecurity.Whateverthe cause, some lessons from history might provide a broadercontext in which to comprehendthedilemmasof humanidentitythat we experiencein themodernworld. RACE AND THE CONSTRUCTIONOF HUMAN IDENTITY 691 HistoricalConstructionsof Identity Historicalrecords, including the Old and New Testamentsof the Bible, evince scenariosof interethnicinteraction thatsuggest some very differentprinciplesin operation throughoutmuch of human history.' Ethnic groups havealwaysexisted in the sense thatclustersof peopleliving in demarcatedareas develop lifestyles and language featuresthat distinguishthem from others and they perceive themselves as being separatesocieties with distinct social histories.Althoughsome conflicts amongdifferent groupshave been characteristicfromtheearliestrecorded histories,hostilities were usually neitherconstantnor the basis on which long-termrelationshipswereestablished. One factorseparatesmany in the contemporaryworld, at least some of ourunderstandingsof it, fromearlierconceptions of humanidentity.That is that"ethnic"identity was not perceivedas ineluctablyset in stone. Individuals and groups of individuals often moved to new areas or changedtheiridentitiesby acquiringmembershipin a differentgroup.People of the ancientworld seemed to have understoodthatculturalcharacteristicswere externaland acquiredforms of behavior, and that "barbarians'could learnto speak the language of the Romansor the Greeks and become participantsin those cultures,and even citizens of these states. Languages were indeed avenues to new social identities, and ethnic identityitself was fluid andmalleable. Untiltherise of marketcapitalism,wage labor,theProtestantEthic, privateproperty,andpossessive individualism, kinship connections also operatedas majorindices thatgave all peoples a sense of who theywere.Even in the technologicallyandpoliticallymost advancedsocieties of the ancientworldsuch as in Rome, kinshipwas the importantdiacriticof connectednessto the social system. In all of the mostly patrilinealsocieties of the MiddleEast,Africa,andthe Mediterranean,the norrnalpersonwas identified by who his orherfatherwas. The long list of namesof who begatwhom in the Old Testament(Book of Genesis) atteststo the importance,especially at thetribalandchiefdom levels, of genealogicalidentity. Anotherimportantdiagnostic of identitywas occupation.Whetherone was a sman,philosopher,governmentofficial, senator, poet, healer, warrior, or harlot, was significantlysalientin the eyes of the ancientworldto require the label. Occupationsdeterminedto some extent how people were viewed and treated,as well as underscoredtheircontributionto the society. Throughoutmuch of the period of the early imperial states,numerousgroupswere in contactwithone another, andindividualsoften traveledfrom one regionto another as traders,warriors, craftsmen, travelers,geographers, teachers,andso forth.Fromone end of the Mediterranean
692 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 100, NO. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 to another,in spiteof thelackof modernformsof transportation,manymen andwomenwere interactingin an interethnicmelange thatincludeda wide rangeof culturesand peoples.Fromtime to time,a conqueststatewouldexpand outwardand incorporatesome or most of this greatvariety. Populationsdid not necessarilylose any form of ethnic identity,but change was clearly understoodas virtually inevitable as each society learned something new fromthe culturesof others.Judgingfromthe Greekhistorians such as Herodotus, Strabo, and Thucydides, the Greeks were conscious of their borrowings from other cultures(see Godolphin1942). When Alexanderconqueredpeoples and lands all the way to the Indus Valley in India,interactingwith villagers, and a varietyof huntingandfishing peoples, he exhorted his warriorsto intermarrywiththepeoples theyconquered in orderto learntheirlanguagesandcultures.Garrisonsof military men were stationedall over the Roman world, from Brittanyto the Danubeandthe Black Sea, from Gibraltar to the Tigris/Euphratesvalley and the Indian Ocean, and soldiers often took local women as wives. Whenthe arrniesof the Moroccanking broughtdown the Songhai empire in 1591, his soldiers stayed on in the WesternSudanfrontierareaandintermarriedwith the local people. Most of northernAfrica, including Egypt of the Delta, has beenperiodicallyinvadedandruledby outsiders for the last threethousanclyears or so. Hittitesand Hyksosfromthe mountainousareasof Turkey,Assyrians, mans, and various more recent Turkish and Arabian groups have settled in the towns of the coasts and interacted with the indigenousBerbersand otherpeoples like the Libyan groups, the Garamantes,the Carthaginians, Syngambrians,and many others.Less well known is the fact thatboth the Greeksandthe Romansused mercenaries from inner Africa (Nubians, Ethiopians, Kushites, among others) in conflicts such as the Persian and Peloponnesianwars(Herodotus,in Godolphin1942).2 Peoples of differentculturescoexistedfor themostpart without strife, with alien segments often functioning in distinctroles in the largercities. One-thirdof the populationof Athenswereforeignersas earlyas the Classicalperiod, five hundredyears before the Christianera (Boardmanet al. 1986:222).And thecity of Alexandriawas (and still is) a heterogeneous,sophisticated,andcomplex communityunderthe Greeks,Romans,Christians,andArabs. Carthagewas foundedin NorthAfricaby Phoenicians,but peoples from all over the Mediterraneanworld and other partsof Africamadetheirresidence,or servedas slaves, in this greattradingcity. Moreover,men and women of different ethnic groups intermarriedfrequently,largely because malTiagewas often used as a political or economic strategy. Men gave their daughtersand sisters to other men, the historianstell us, because they desired political and/or economic alliances with powerful and wealthy men, withoutregardto ethnicorigins.Timotheuswas the son of a Jewish motherand a Greekfather.Samsonmarried a Philistine woman; Moses married an Ethiopian woman;andmany leaders,andlesser men, of the Greeks andRomansmarriedwomennot fromtheirown societies. Differentsocieties andlocalized segmentsof largersocieties were known eitherby theirethnic name for themselves or by the region, town, or village of theirorigins. That identitiesof tlliStype were fluid is indicatedby the depictionsof individuallives. Paulof Tarsustraveledand preached extensively throughout much of the known Mediterraneanworld duringthe early Christianera and encounteredindividualsof differentethnic backgrounds. He even identifiedhimself as a Romanon occasionwhen it was useful to do so. There are other examples of individualsin ancientwritingswho changedtheirethnicidentitiesforpersonalor privatereasons. Scholarswho havestudiedAfricansocieties,especially Africanhistory,have also been awareof the malleability of ethnic identity on that continent. New ethnic groups have emergedout of the colonial period, and individuals have been known to transformthemselves accordingto theirethnicorreligiousmilieus. One maybe a Christianin one context,anda Muslimin another,withno senseof ambivalenceordeception.I haveencounteredthisphenomenon myself. Most Africans spoke several differentlanguages, and this facilitated the molding of multiple ethnicities by providing immediate access to cultural knowledge.In situationsof potentialor real conflict,alleestablishedwithoutdenialof the giances could be fly extrinsicnatureof sociaVethnicidentities(Connah1987; Davidson1991). In additionto identitiesthatare predicatedon place of birth,membershipin kin groups,or descentin the male or female line fromknown ancestors,languagespoken,and lifestyle to which individualshave been conditioned,anotherfeaturecriticalto individualidentityin the statesystems was social position.Aristocratsseemedto havebeen recognizedeven beyond the boundariesof theirimmediate societies. Andcertainmen were widely famedfortheir specialized skills or crafts that set them above others. Every society had its large body of commonersand usually a greatnumberof slaves capturedin war or tradedin when this enterprisebecame a common regionalfeature. Slaves were usuallyoutsiders,butslaverywas notconsidered by law and custom a permanentconditionas slaves could be manumitted,redeemedby kinspeople,or could purchasetheirownfreedom(Smedley [1993]1999:ch. 6). While enslavement was considered an unfortunatecircumstance and most slaves did the menial and onerous tasks of society, the roles of slaves varied widely. There arenumerousexamplesof slaves rising to politicalpower in the ancientstatesof the Mediterraneanandin the Muslim world. Often they held positions as generalswho led
SMEDLEY / armiesof conquestandwere frequentlyrewardedfortheir successes. Whole slave dynasties like the Mamluks in Egyptreignedin variousareasof the Muslimworld(Hitti 1953). With the appearanceof the proselytizinguniversalreligions, ChristianityandlaterIslam,thatbecamecompetitors with one anotherfor the souls of all humangroups,a new focus of identity was gradually and increasingly placed on membershipin a religious community.During the MiddleAges of Europe,ChristiansandMuslimswere competing not only for land and souls, but for political power and influence. And various sects that developed within each large religious communitycomplicatedmattersby fosteringinternaldissensionandeven warfareinter alia. Whether one was Sunni or Shiite, Protestantor Catholic,was a critical determinantof one's identitylocally andin the widerworld.As with otheraspectsof ethnicity and ethnic differences, individualsoften changed theirreligious affiliation undercircumstancesprompted by self-interest,or self-preservation,as in the case of the 300,000 or moreJews who were forcedto convertto Catholicism in Medieval Spain duringthe Inquisition(Castro 1971). Yet Christians,Jews, andMuslimshadlived togetherin relativeamity,andeven intermarried, for several hundredyears afterthe Muslim conquestsandbefore the rise of the Christian kingdoms to challenge Muslim power. Whatwas absentfrom these differentforms of human identityis whatwe todaywouldperceiveas classifications into"racial"groups,thatis, theorganizationof all peoples into a limited number of unequal or rankedcategories theoretically based on differences in their biophysical traits.There are no "racial"designationsin the literature of theancientsandfew referenceseven to suchhumanfeaturesas skin color. FrankSnowdenhas demonstratedthat ever since at least the second millenniumB.C., the peoples of the Mediterraneanworld have interactedwith other groups having a variety of physical traits that differed from the Italiansand Greeks.Artisticdepictionsof Africans of clear "negroid"featureshave the classical era show that physical variations in different populations were recognized and accurately depicted (Snowden 1983). Exceptfor indigenousAmericans,membersof all three of the large geographicareasthatcame to be categorized as "races"in the nineteenthandtwentiethcenturies(Mongoloid, Negroid, andCaucasoid)interactedin the ancient world. Chinese porcelainvases have been found widely distributedin the East Africancoastaltradingcities, indicating tradebetween these peoples at least two thousand yearsold. Thepeoplesof theMalagasyRepublicrepresent a mixtureof AfricanandAsian (Indonesian)ancestrydating back several thousand years. Greek sailors sailed downtheRed Sea intotheIndianOceanandmetEastAfri- ' RACE" AND THE CONSTRUCTIONOF HUMAN IDENTITY 693 cans long before the Christianera. The peoples of the Mediterraneanregularlytradedwith dark-skinnedpeoples of the upperNile valley (and all those in between), oples of NorthernEurope.Variousstatesof the Mediterranean called upon and used Ethiopianwarriorsas mercenaries in theirarmies,as we have seen. Some of the more desired slaves were very fair-skinnedSlavs (from whom the term slave was derived) who were tradeddown the Danubeby Germantribesmen.NorthernEuropeanslaves were shipped as far away as Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, andthe Muslimcapitalat Baghdad(Davis 1966). What seems strangeto us today is that the biological variationsamong humangroups were not given significant social meaning.Onlyoccasionallydo ancientwriters ever even remarkon thephysicalcharacteristicsof a given personor people. Herodotus,in discussingthe habits,customs, andoriginsof differentgroupsandnotingvariations in skin color, specificallytells us thatthis hardlymatters. The Colchians are of Egyptianorigin, he wrote, because they have black skins and wooly hair"which amountsto but little, since several other nations are so too."3Most writersexplained such differencesas due to naturalenvironmentalfactorssuchas the hot sun causingpeople to be darkskinned.No structuringof inequality,whethersocial, moral, intellectual,culturalor otherwise,was associated with people because of theirskincolor, althoughall "barbarians"variedin someways fromthesomaticnormof the Mediterraneanworld.But barbarianswere not irredeemably so, and, as we have seen, nothingin the values of the public life denied the transformabilityof even the most backwardof barbarians. We in the contemporaryWestern world have often found it difficult to understandthis phenomenonand assume that differences in skin color must have had some importantmeaning.Historianshave triedto discover "racial" meanings in the literatureof the ancients,assuming thatthese writershadthe same attitudesandbeliefs about human differences found in nineteenth-and twentiethcenturyNorthAmerica.The reasonfor ourmyopiahas to do with our deeply entrenchedconditioningto the racial worldview (Smedley 1993, 1998). When"race"appeared in humanhistory, it broughtabouta subtle but powerful transformationin the world's perceptionsof humandifferences. It imposed social meanings on physical variationsamonghumangroupsthatservedas the basisfor the structuringof the totalsociety. Since thattime manypeople in the West have continuedto link humanidentityto externalphysical features.We have been socialized to an ideology aboutthe meaningof these differencesbasedon a notion of heredityandpelmanencethatwas unknownin the ancientworldandin the MiddleAges.
694 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 100, NO. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 Race:The ModernConceptionof Human Differencesand HumanIdentity In the eighteenthcenturythis new mode of structuring inequality in human societies evolved in the American colonies and soon was present throughoutthe overseas territoriesof the colonizingcountriesof WesternEurope. "Race"was a form of social identificationand stratification that was seemingly groundedin the physical differences of populationsinteractingwith one anotherin the New World?but whose real meaningrested in social and political realities.The terrnracehad been used to referto humans occasionally since the sixteenth century in the English languagebut was rarelyused to refer to populations in the slave trade.It was a mere classificatoryterm like kind,type,or even breed,or stock,andit hadno clear e English began to have wider experiences with varied s thathadnot appearedbeforein Westernhistoryandwhich reflected a new kind of understandingand interpretation of humandifferences.Understandingthe foundationsof raceideology is criticalto ouranalysis. English settlers in NorthAmerica failed to assimilate the peoples whom they conquered;indeed they generally kept them at greatlength and social distancefrom themselves (Morgan 1975; Nash 1982). Indigenous Indians were differentin bothculturalandbiologicalfeatures,but this was not the necessary and sufficient reason for the English habitsandpolicies of separateness.They hadhad a long history of enmity with earlierpeoples, especially the Irish, on theirvery bordersand had generatedout of their hostility with the Irish an image of"savagery" that became institutionalizedas a rnajorpart of public consciousnessabout"theother."Thepolicies andpracticesof the English in Irelandfunctionedto keep those Irishwho refused to accept English domination segregated from themselves. Failing to even attemptan understandingof Irish customs and institutions,the English expressed an abiding contempt and hatredfor both Irish culture and people thatreacheda crescendoduringthe sixteenthand seventeenthcenturieswhen the Englishwere also settling in the New World.It was an extreme form of ethnocentrism or ethnic chauvinismthat some historiansbelieve came close to beingracial(Allen 1994;Canny 1973;Liggio 1976). "Savagery"was animageabouthumandifferencesthat became deeply embeddedin Englishlife andthoughtand provideda foil againstwhich they constructedtheirown identityas "civilized"Englishmen.They broughtthis image of what savagerywas all aboutwith them to the New World where it was soon imposed on the native populations when they, too, began to resist English encroachment. Savagery carriedwith it an enormous burdenof negative and stereotypic characteristics grotesquely counterposedagainst the vision that the English had of themselves as a civilized people. Every new experience, along with a growing technologicalsuperiority,widened the differencesanddenigratedall otherpeopleswho were not partof the civilized world.The conceptof "civilized" polities in contrastto savageryandbarbarismwas beginning to take hold in much of WesternEurope,and in this senseEnglishmenwere notmuchdifferentfromtherestof theWesternworld.But Englishnotionsof theirown superiority were enhanced by their technological, material, and politicaI successes, by their earlier successful split from the Catholic realm, by the early rise of merchant capitalism,the developmentof new formsof wealth,notions aboutindividualfreedom,propertyrights,and selfsufficiency, and by a growing sense of theirown uniqueness even amongotherEuropeans.Thiswas summedupin the mythof Anglo-Saxonism(Horsman1981). "Race"emergedas a social classificationthatreflected this greatly expanded sense of humanseparatenessand differences. Theodore Allen (1997) arguesthat the "invention"of the whiteracetookplace afteranearly,butunsuccessful, colonial revolt of servantsandpoorfreedmen known as Bacon's Rebellion in 1676. Colonial leaders subsequentlydecided it would be usefulto establisha division among the masses of poor to preventtheirfurther collaborationagainst the governmentalauthorities.As African servants were vulnerable to policies that kept themin servitudeindefinitely,andEuropeanservantshad theprotectionof Englishlaw, colonialleadersdevelopeda policy backedby new laws thatseparatedAfricanservants and freedmenfrom those of Europeanbackground.Over thenext half century,they passednumerouslaws thatprovided resourcesand benefits to poor,white freedmenand otherlaws thatrestrictedthe rightsof"Africans,""mulattoes,s'and"Indians." Callinguponthemodel of theChainof Being,andusing naturaldifferencesin physicalfeatures,theycreateda new formof social identity."Race"developedin the minds of some Europeansas a way to rationalizethe conquestand brutaltreatmentof Native Americanpopulations,andespecially the retentionand perpetuationof slaveryfor importedAfricans. As an ideology structuringsocial, economic, and political inequality, "race" contradicted developing trends in England and in WesternEuropean societies that promoted freedom, democracy, equality, d humandifferencesby focusing on thephysicalfeaturesof the New World populations,magnifyingand exaggerating theirdifferences,andconcludingthattheAfricansand Indiansandtheirdescendantswerelesserformsof human beings, and thattheir inferioritywas naturaland/orGodgiven. The creationof "race"andracialideology imposed on theconqueredandenslavedpeoplesanidentityas thelowest status groups in society. Myths about their inferior
SMEDLEY/ "RACE ANDTHECONSTRUCTION OFHUMANIDENTITY 695 moral,intellectual,and behavioralfeatureshad begunto develop andthesefacilitatedproscriptionof any competition with Europeans.By the mid-eighteenthcentury,Negroes hadbeen segregatedfrompoorwhites in the laws of most colonies andtransforrnedintopropertyas slaves in a stateof perrnanentbondage. EdmundMorgan(1975) also intexpretedthe actionsof the early colonists in the process of establishing"racial" identitiesas stemmingfromthe propertiedcolonists' fear of poorwhites andpossibly slaves engaging in rebellions together. Colonial leaders consciously formulatedpolicies thatwouldseparatepoorwhites fromIndians,blacks, and mulattoesand proceeded to provide the white poor, whom theyhadhithertotreatedwith contemptandhatred, with some privileges and special advantages.4In time, class divisionsdiminishedin the mindsof poorwhitesand they saw themselves as having something in common with the propertiedclass, symbolizedby theirlight skins and common origins in Europe.With laws progressively continuingto reduce the rights of blacks and Indians,it was not long before the various Europeangroups coalesced into a white "racial"category whose high-status identitygave them access to weal
SMEDLEY / RACE AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF HUMAN IDENTITY 691 cases we have seen populations assert an almost perma- nent attachment to an ethnic or religious identity, as if such features of our social selves are determined by our DNA and cannot be transformed or diminished by any social mechanisms. We have seen the hardened nature of ethnic
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