American Sidewinder Dropouts In A Polarizing Society Ride .

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American SidewinderDropouts in a Polarizing Society Ride the Rails,Skirt the Rim of Neoliberal Urban PeripheriesByJennifer Lynne FazioA Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of theRequirements for the degree ofDoctor of PhilosophyinEducationin theGraduate Divisionof theUniversity of California, BerkeleyCommittee in charge:Professor John Hurst, ChairProfessor Nai’lah Suad NasirProfessor Ramon GrosfoguelFall 2013

Jennifer Lynne Fazio 2013

AbstractAmerican Sidewinder – Dropouts in a Polarizing Society Ride the Rails, Skirt theRim of Neoliberal Urban PeripheriesByJennifer Lynne FazioDoctor of Philosophy in EducationUniversity of California, BerkeleyProfessor John Hurst, ChairThe following work provides a look into what may prove the most pressing social crisis of ourtime, the American dropout crisis central to the production/reproduction the “at risk” youthcrisis, though captures the fallout of a deeper complex social risk. The argument is made that thedropout crisis nears the social epicenter of a deeper process of rapidly social polarization intotwo Americas, separate, radically unequal, and increasingly distant from the other. As a socialprocess, the dropout flow perpetuates the social reproduction of America’s growing undercaste,those who exist at a level beneath and in conjunction with its underclass. As disposable people,these subsistants are increasingly available for intensifying forms of exploitation. The argumentis made that, unlike the experience of low-income disadvantaged youth during the second half ofthe twentieth century, in the latest advanced stages of hyper-neoliberalism, socialexclusion/push-out is experienced uniformly across all domains of societal operation (e.g.,political, social, juridical, educational, cultural, and economic). As such ‘risk’, whether focusedon the individual or society risk, takes on new meaning and exists in epic proportions, while theindividual is forced to navigate often sidewinding institutional and spatial margins for which theyare unprepared and given little warning, while often seeking ‘EVA’ (i.e., Engagement, Voice andAgency).Central to the proposed theoretical framework of America’s ‘new risk’ is the role of mobility andsocietal pipelines, channels, and flows. Where ‘pipelines’ is an old concept heard fromconcerned parents condemning a failed educational system casting their children in the directionof “prison pipelines,” the concept is widened providing insight into the relation between youths’fate and these urban channels, negative or positive, upward or downward moving. Thesechannels create the pulse of a city, decisive as to the strength of social mobility. Alternatively,they are instrumental in the social reproduction of subpopulations (i.e., undercaste) embodyingany combination of the following: undereducated, untrained, unexposed, unorganized, powerlessand/or “dis’d” (i.e., myriad forms of disengagement including politically disenfranchised). Theethnography of youth risk against the press of supra-institutional flows is an ethnography ofplace, but it is also an ethnography of social mobility channels. These channels were onceinstrumental in facilitating upward social mobility within the ‘communal ghetto’. Conversely,these pipelines currently perpetuate the greatest wealth/power polarization in the country’shistory with its rising levels of poverty, deep poverty, and social exclusion splitting the urbanfrontier. It is increasingly common that minority dropout conclude with a life of such extremesocial exclusion and poverty. At the same time, assumptions of colorblind multiculturaltolerance effectively hide the challenges and obstacles, and barriers of today’s -24yearsofage.1

“The neighborhood continues to spawn beautiful murals, but they are more intimate, personal,circumscribed – rarely epic and collective.” Mario Maffi on the transformation of New York City’s East Village in the late 1970s/ early1980s.“When too many children are at risk – we are a nation at risk.” America’s Promise Alliance“Let there be a coalition of the concerned. The Affluent would still be affluent. Thecomfortable still comfortable, but the poor would be part of the political system.” John Kenneth GalbraithIn memory of John Kenneth GalbraithIn the spirit of J. K. Galbraith, who so well knew that his ideas would be devoured, discreditedand/or dismissed, the following is not intended in the absolute but rather as a frameworkexplaining contemporary risk within and not separate from a larger phenomenon of socialexclusion and a new socio-structurally truncated marginalism. The framework, with its visuals,will hopefully be contemplated among people concerned with growing poverty in America, andmost importantly, debated among youth. Any late-modernist, having seen the great chain storesrise and fall, knows that there are no absolutes. Still, this does not mean that though subduedunder the state of neoliberalism, the basic preoccupation with lived equality is no longer centralto the political desires of most Americans. The simple hope behind this work is that before beingdismissed as living in the past – armory of the status quo – the comparisons with the past willtake on a life of their own and continue to be mulled over in the ring of possibility.i

DedicationIn Deepest Thanks and Loving Memoryalong the Wayii

TABLE OF CONTENTSPROLOGUE: Social Waters of Risk and the Dropout SurgeMETHODS: Methods, Tools and FindingsONE:What Part of Tomorrow Includes Me? Fragments in a Crisis of Belief Keeping Neoliberal TimeTWO:Socially Disadvantaged Youth in Oakland’s Neoliberal City Graying ‘Gray Areas’ and Blurring ‘Mobility Lines’ Seeding Social Spaces of‘Generation Negation’THREE:Real Compared to What? Valuing Socio-Communal Productive Flows or Accepting Myriad Tracks of OurGreat Transformation Leaving Youth to Roam as Tomorrow’s Undercasteiii

Jennifer Lynne FazioCurriculum Vitaefazio7@yahoo.comWebsite: JeniFazioBorn.comEducational Background:Ph.D., December 2013School: University of California at Berkeley, Berkeley, CADegree: Education through Graduate School of EducationProgram: Social and Cultural StudiesDissertation Committee Members: John Hurst as Acting Advisor, Ramon Grosfoguel andNa’ilah Suad Nasir. Doctoral studies received Human Subjects Approval for ethnographic studyof youth including extensive field research, participant observation, and longitudinal datacollection.Concentrations: Late Modern Political Economy: Liberal Remnants and Neoliberal Governanceas Culture; The Neoliberal City and Risk Society; Urban Marginality; Critical Race Theory,Stratification and Exclusion; Urban Sociology; Social Justice and Inequality; Youth Adaptationas CultureM.A., May 2000School: New School of Social Research/New School UniversityNew York, NYDegree & Program: Political Sociology: Global Development and NeoliberalismMentors: Nancy Fraser (Globalization), Terry Williams (Ethnography), Jose Casanova(Sociology of Religion)Concentration: Neoliberalism; Development; Globalization; Urban Political Economy focusingon socio-economic polarization, fragmentation and social exclusion.Teacher Credential, December 1994School: University of Queensland, Queensland, AustraliaConcentration: Single Subject Social Sciences (TC1), California 2008 with SupplementaryAuthorization in English Composition (TC2S)B.A., May 1992School: University of California at Berkeley, Berkeley, CADegree: Humanities (focus on Social History)iv

Awards: Fellowship Summer 2010Won fellowship to UC Berkeley’s Graduate Division’s Summer Institute for Preparing FutureFaculty. Graduated August, 2010.Educational Program Researcher/Evaluator:May 2013-June 2013 ContractorUniversity of California San Francisco, Interprofessional Faculty Development CourseUnder the direction of Dr. Louise Aranson, MD, I was recruited for to assist in thedesign, implementation, and interpretation of evaluation material. Data collectionincluded paper surveys, focus group and individual interviews. Results wereincorporated into both official program evaluation reports and scholarlypublication.2006-present ‘GSR’ (Graduate Student Researcher)Graduate School of Education’s Evaluation Unit, UC Berkeley.Graduate Student Research position under Lisa Kala, PhD. As a member of theevaluation staff, I was responsible for program evaluation instrument/surveydesign, implementation, report writing including quantitative and qualitative dataanalysis of department, program and course evaluations, and student troubleshooting. In addition, I worked with CREDE (Center for Research on Education,Diversity and Excellence) to assist with evaluation of programs. In Fall 2009, thefour-member staff was reduced to one Evaluation Officer, myself, overseeingprogram evaluation and assessment needs for the five credentialing programs atthe Graduate School of Education through Spring, 2013.Guest Speaker/Educator, 2009 - OngoingPresentation: Is Dropping Out the Key in a Tale of Two Cities Separate and Unequal?This educational presentation, shown with a 40-slide powerpoint slideshow, has been given invarious schools and to school district administrators upon request. The presentation explores thenotion of dropping out as integral to a larger youth risk, issues of social risk, and probablelifetime trajectories.Some Conference Papers & Presentations:2008 Dropouts: Marginal Youth and Surrogate Mobility. Panel presentation at the AmericanEducational Research Association (AERA), New York, NY.2008 Dropouts: Marginal Youth and Surrogate Mobility. Poster presentation at the GraduateSchool of Education Annual Research Day.2007 Makin’ It Real Compared to What? Marginal Youth, Representation and thePolarization of Dreams. Presentation at the College Readiness Network led by OaklandUnified School District’s Brian McKibbens, and College Bound.v

Evaluation & Program Consultancy Work:Spring 2013 University of California San Francisco (UCSF) Hired to design andimplement program evaluations including medical/dental practitioner focus groupand individual telephone interviews with 33 participants.Teaching Experience:Summer 2009 Instructor Introduction to Philosophy to gifted seniorsSummer Institute for the Gifted (SIG).2007-2008Instructor World Cultures to freshmen P/TPiedmont High School, Piedmont, CAResponsible for design and implementation of curriculum using an equity andsocial justice framework.2003-2005Instructor World History to freshmen and sophomores F/TSecondary School of Research, Brooklyn, NYResponsible for design and implementation of curriculum using an equity andsocial justice framework.2002Instructor US History – Junior High, P/TJohn Ericsson Middle School, Brooklyn, NY.Responsible for design and implementation of curriculum using an equity andsocial justice framework.Community Research/Urban Planning:2010-2012Assistant DirectorOvercomers With Hope - A Media Arts Training Program for At Risk Youth,WestOakland, Oakland, California.Assisting in the promotion and conceptualization of OWH’s youth program in themedia arts and technologies, tasks included grant writing, networking with localorganizations and city officials, and recruiting.2000Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations, NY, NY. Producedtwo background papers on development initiatives in Asia, including holisticdevelopment models and resource mobilization. Worked under direction of Prof.Shian-Lung Lai, Chief Economist of UNDESA.Published Works, Research Papers and Reports:Social CritiqueHeating Up the Neoliberal Agenda: The GOP on Economic Stimulus (2002). Printed by CulturalLogic, online journal at http://clogic.eserver.org/2002/2002.html.Business Entrepreneur/ Jewelry Designer, 1998-2000Created ‘Blue Nails Union Jewelers’, making wax cast/sterling jewelryAccepted as jewelry vendor in Sarah MacLachlan’s Lilith Fair Musical Concert Tour’s vendorvillage, touring 50 states plus Canada in summer 1998 and 1999. Working with 2-3 paid staff,vi

selling hand-made sterling silver pendants and bracelets manufactured in Oakland, CA and inTaxco, Mexico.Personal Affiliations and Interests:ASA (American Sociological Association)InterestsPoetry and prose published in various journals, including: Antipodes, 360 Degrees, DisturbedGuillotine, Cultural Logic and Caveat Lector. Other interests: Jewelry design, cycling,racquetball and oil painting (works shown in various cafes).vii

SOCIAL WATERS OF RISK AND THE DROPOUT SURGEThe Dropout Crisis as a Communal Crisis of Social ProportionsIn 2010, a youth, soon to disappear from the area temporarily, at seventeen asked rhetorically,“What we got out down here in the Lower Bottoms? Answering ”We ain’t got nothing. Weain’t got no theaters if you want to get involved in something, you have to go to San Francisco.Our parks have needles in the grass.” She wasn’t alone in her opinion as many of the youth inthe area share a similar sentiment, that is, regarding austerity and its larger social disadvantageescaping attention under the eye of a market development plan posing as urban recovery andsocial governance.Considering the statement, what is actually being said with regard to the integrity o fopportunity, particularly, local opportunity? Like 2009 and 2010, 2011 was also an extremelyaustere year for local youth in the recessed Lower Bottoms, in pockets of North Oakland and theworking class flatlands overall. Realities in terms of opportunity, school orientation andorganization, jobs, what constitutes criminal conduct, what constitutes guilty punishment, andthe nature of the plea bargain were all changing – just to name a few. These experiences werechanging rapidly, though nonetheless remained deeply embedded in a larger structuraltransformation of the city completely foreign to youth raised to believe in individual enterpriseand effort. The larger recession-based structural transformation (aka the ‘Great Transformation’)was also concealed – increasingly as the recession conditions rolled on through the years – by anarrative of the unbounded possibility of community. While clearly impacting the individual,these accumulative changes would not have people concluding that the American city was notthe city it had been just five years earlier until this too began to flourish as its own narrative inthe hyper-accelerated period of change that followed in the post-Occupy climate of 2012 and2013.Big change wove itself through the neighborhood resonating in West Oakland’s Lower Bottomsin ways visible and invisible to youth just as to the cartographer precisely because so much of thechange was internal to the institutional system. Whether or not youth tales affirming claims ofgreater austerity of resources and inequities are correct is essential to the deeper probe as to whyyouth segue and/or “drift” (cf. Matza, 1964) into channels clearly marked by risk rather thanremaining in school and/or enrolling in some form of vocation-based certification credentialing.Who are these youth? Based on interviews conducted in the public schools, its continuationschools, through community events, conferences, meetings, rehabilitation centers, Juvenile Hall,and with local youth and young adults (18-25), it is argued that these youth come of age throughthe 2000s are not exclusively of a ‘Scapegoat Generation’, a tag used to describe youth denied bythe system while blamed by the system through the 1990s. It is also suggested that tags such as‘the Abandoned Generation’ and ‘the Lost Generation’ used to refer to youth come of age in the2000s again denied and/or overlooked by the system touch on aspects of a larger socialconditioning of Generation Negation. Specific to the idea of Generation Negation is the deep1

understanding of a faulty social reproduction 1 that, as it works across all social domains, includesa state of being reflective of a collapsed social. Generation Negation acknowledges the idea ofmistreated, lost, delinquent, and/or drifting individuals but only as emblematic of the largersocietal collapse. Unique to Generation Negation is the emphasis on the fact that that theseyouth have been abandoned in a systemic way that is seamless across all social domains ofoperation and production including economic and political. Critical to the concept of GenerationNegation, as Davis (1999) saw and wrote on youth in a socially at risk society in the late 1990s,these youth were the initial product of a society that embraced social negation coming of age in aperiod when the word “welfare” took on a ‘distasteful association with charity, lay-about, and/orbum. And yet, in the 2010s, if the time is given to reflect on early neoliberal era assumptionsand processual transformation that was legitimized and actually took place thereafter, it is noweasy to recognize that far more than welfare was lost; the larger social state itself was lost whilehidden behind an attack on the ‘welfare’ goliath. These youth are its meandering product.In dismantling the social state and its attendant vital sociality, many cuts have negatively touchedyouths’ lives. Critically, it is the synthesis of modes of social negation (e.g., in the ongoingdefunding of public education, the dismantling of public employment opportunities, theelimination of large national job training programs) that have together created an interwovenweb of negation and emaciated opportunity for these youth of the last few decades with littlerecognition. Once again, as in the 1980s, the aspect of social injustice is obscured throughinstitutional adjustments, a rhetoric of choice, and the promise of enhanced freedom. As with the2005 “Open Enrollment” implemented in Oakland at the same time that the conservative smallschools break up of large schools was implemented, it appeared a seeming ‘freedom’ thatallowed youth to enroll in schools out of their area. While meaning that a handful of youth fromthe neighborhood would bus out of the area, doing more damage than good, the process alsocontributed to hard times for those not accepted or unable to make the commute.Subsequently attending the same local schools, the schools were now contending with lessfunding due in part to reduced student enrollment compounded by general public educationfunding cuts. At the same time indicative of the circularity of decay, accountability in thesesame schools decayed as administrations hid the fact of dropouts by not showing the drop unlessand until the youth had officially signed out, a rarely adhered to procedure. In hindsight,changed standards of operations foreshadowed the school closure epidemic and charter schoolconversion quick to follow during the early years of Great Recession recovery. The pre-Reaganeducational standard of needs-based funding suffered the hardest blows under new pressures tiedto administrative funding dependency. Twisting the administrative budget and standard, schoolsand districts were made to lean heavily towards compromising needs-based standards for thesake of a hoped for institutional self-preservation. At the same time, greater institutional semiautonomy further eroded the universality of administrative regulatory standards, widening thefinancial gulf between top administration and staff; internal to the educational domain, it was asocial phenomenon mirroring the larger rejection of equity-based development central to the newneoliberal standard. With a self-preservation fear/decentralizing operations fusion driving amassive wedge into the system, the inequality of the larger neoliberal social manifest as the1Social reproduction is a sociological term referring to the reproduction of the life-ways, habits, customs and thelike reproducing inequality from one generation to the next (cf. Bowles & Gintis, 1976).2

polarization between educations’ administration and staff, student programs and its youth.Youth were receiving less indirectly through reduced funds, resources, services, progra

the twentieth century, in the latest advanced stages of hyper-neoliberalism, social exclusion/push-out is experienced uniformly across all domains of societal operation (e.g., political,

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