The First & Second Books Of The Maccabees

of MaccabeesIntroduction.5e»Thelatter, however, lost thesupport of his father-in-law,Ptolemy Philometor, and having been routed in battle fled toArabia, where he was assassinated. Thus in B.C. 145 DemetriusII.becameking.Although he nowsecured forhimlaid siege to the Acra,Jonathan's diplomacyWith the help ofthe favour of Demetrius II.the Jewish high priest,whoobtained a promise that the Syrianwould be removed from Judjea, Demetrius succeededin quelling an insurrection led by Tryphon, a former general ofBalas but as this promise was not kept, Jonathan went overto the side of Tryphon.After subduing the region betweenJerusalem and Damascus, he defeated the generals of Demetriuson the plain of Hazor. But as in concert with his brother Simongarrisons;he steadily strengthened the position of Judssa while ostensiblyfurthering the interests of Syria, Tryphon's distrust was aroused.Cunning as he was, Jonathan let himself be artfully decoyed intoPtolemais, where he was taken prisoner and had his escort slain.Thus ended the active career of Jonathan. Although not possessing Judas's nobility of character, he had shrewdly secured forhis party the upper(3.)handin Judaea.Administration of Simon, High Priest and EthnarchAt this crisis Simon, last surviving son of Mattathias,(143-135;.naturally took the reins. Immediately he fortified Jerusalem andTryphon soon entered Jud?ea with Jonathanwas intercepted by Simon at Adida. Aftersome false dealing in regard to Jonathan's release, Tryphontried hard to reach Jerusalem, but was effectually checkmatedby Simon. He then advanced into Gilead, and at Bascamarevenged himself by slaying his prisoner. Simon recovered thegarrisoned Joppa.as his prisoner, but

TheIntroduction.body of Jonathan and burieditatBooksModin, where he erected amagnificent family monument.Tryphon slew his ward and usurped the SyrianAs Demetrius II. was also at variance with the Parthians, Simon demanded and obtained from him by treatyThus was the yoke of theabsolute immunity from tribute.Atthis stagecrown.'heathen taken away,' and Jewish political independence at lastattained.Simon now captured in succession the fortresses ofGazara and Jerusalem, and entered the latter in triumph on the23rd lyar (May) B.C. 142.The next year Simon was formally appointed commander,high priest and ethnarch, and as these offices were made hereditary in his family, he became the founder of the HasmonaeanThe first year of his reign was signalised as the commencement of a new era, and the independence of his rule wasfurther attested by the issue of a Jewish coinage and by thedynasty.renewal of the alliance withRome andSparta.In the adminis-Simon showed rare skillbenign sway the country enjoyed atration of the internal affairs of Judzeaand wisdom.Underhisperiod of moral and material prosperity unparalleled initspost-Exilic history.In B.C. 139 Antiochus VII., Sidetes, defeated Tryphon atDora, and reversed his former friendly attitude towards the Jews.The Syrian troops, however, under Cendeb?eus, were routednear Modin by Judas and John, two of Simon's sons, and forthree years thereafter nothing disturbed the peaceful develophis kingdom.But in B.C. 135 he was treacherouslyby Ptolemy, his son-in-law, who coveted the supreme power.was succeeded, however, by his son, John Hyrcanus, whoment ofslainHecontrived to elude the assassin.

of Maccabees 5 latroduction.For more than a generation the sons of Mattathias had noblyflag of religious liberty.One by one they died forTheir valour rekindled thetheir faith and their country.national spirit of Israel, and inspired the Jews with a new senseof the worth of their religion.upheld theII.— THE FIRSTIMace,isBOOK OF MACCABEESour principal authority for the history of the periodi.e., of the forty years from the accession ofAntiochus IV., Epiphanes, to the death of Simon,B.C.175-135,Contents and Style.The bookbegins with a short refer-ence to the history of the Greek supremacy in Palestine fromthe time of Alexander the Greatand theamongAfter this the writer narrateshis successors(i.1-9).partition of his empirethe circumstances attending the rise of the Maccabsean revolt,describing in detail the attempt of Epiphanes, in concert withthe Greek party in Judaea, forcibly to substitute paganism for theJewish religion (i. 10-64). Then follows in chap. ii. an accountof the dramatic episode enacted at Modin, and of the firstWhile the Maccaboean movementcollision with the Syrians.was yet in its infancy Mattathias died (ii. 66), and the rest ofthe book deals with the brilliant, heroiccarried onbyandhis sons, first for religiousafterwards for civil independence(xiii.41).successful strugglefreedom(vi.60),The narrativeandtracesminutely the course of events under the successive leadership ofthe three brothers, Judas(iii.and Simon (xiii. i-xvi.Hyrcanus, circumvented the53),l-ix.18),plot22),Jonathan(ix.how Simon's23-xii.Johnby which his father and histellsson,

two brothers werecut off (xvi.buoyant allusion to the annals ofThe mainThe Books' Introduction.and concludes with a19-22),hishigh priesthood(xvi.23f.).book centres round the personality andvalorous deeds of its hero, Judas Maccabseus, and the sectionwhich treats of his leadership is naturally characterised by excepinterest of thetional fulness of detail.TheStyle.styleisthat of simple prose narrative,andcloselyresembles that of the Old Testament historical books, of whichindeedfrommanycontainsitliterary devicesitself asobvious reminiscences.andSingularly freerhetorical embellishments,a plain statement ofThefacts.itcommendsone object is todevelopments ofwriter'sgive a faithful picture of the actual historicalthe period in the order in which they occurred.While in fullsympathy with the movement of which he is the chronicler, heThe facts are allowedrarely introduces an opinion of his own.to speak for themselves.Occasionally, however, the languagecharged with passionpoetry (ii. 7-13, iii. 3-9,25is(i.ff. ,ix.10, etc.),and evenrises intoetc.).Language and Unity. Thereis both external andMace, was originally written inHebrew. Origen (t254) mentions its Semitic title, and JeromeThe First Book of Maccabees I found in(f42o) says expresslyHebrew the Second is Greek, as can be proved from its veryOriginalinternal evidence toshow:thatI';style.'The worktestimony.carriesIn spite ofinitsitselfmanyconfirmation of thistheaffinitieswith the Septuagint,the general structure of the sentences and the Hebraistic character of theGreek stampthe retention ofitas a translation.Hebrew idiomsitmaysufficeAs examplestoofadduce the

; of Maccabeesfollowing:—'After twoIntroduction.fullyears,'lit.,years of days (i. 29)lit., gave they a'neither suffered they the sinner to triumph,'horn to the sinnerto come any more(ii.48)(ix.'came not any more,';72).lit.,added notSeveral obscurities in the Greekon the supposition that they are misfrom the Hebrew (i. 28, ii. 8, xiv. 5, 28). Moreover, no other Greek work seems to have been issued in Palestinetext are best explainedtranslationsatthis period.Theonly really disputable point in this con-whether the original language was classical Hebrewor Palestinian Aramaic, and such peculiarities of the diction ashave survived the process of translation decidedly favour theAlthough no longer the vernacular offormer alternative.nectionisPalestine, classicalHebrew wasstillthe recognisedmediumofliterary expression.Thegeneral uniformity of the style, the absence throughoutand the precise chronology of the work as awhole, have usually been regarded as sufficient evidence that it isof the Divine name,not of composite authorship.Somescholars, however, maintainthat the closing section (chaps, xiv.-xvi.)unknownto Josephus.The extremeisa later additionbrevity of the account ofSimon's reign fits this theory, but can scarcely be regarded asIt has also been held that these closing chapters formdecisive.the principal section of the book, and that what precedesmerely of the nature of introduction, but thereisisno good groundfor this view.Date and Authorship.of the book,HyrcanusitIf xiv.15 marks the original closemay have been composed(b.c. 135-105).his high-priesthood in xvi.during the reign of JohnBut the reference to the chronicles of23 seems to imply that Hyrcanus was

Introduction.The Booksno longer alive, in which case the date of composition must havebeen subsequent to B.C. 105. What is said (xiii. 30) about thefamily tomb erected at Modin in B.C. 143, and the poetic description of Simon's age in xiv. 4ff., also convey the impressionthat the writerhand,isalluding to the distant past.Onthe otherfrom the author's friendly tone in speaking ofthe Romans (chap. viii. ) that the book must have been writtenbefore the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in B.C. 63. It wastherefore composed during the period B.C. 105-64.The dateit isclearcannot be more definitely determined, but as the reference tothe annals of Hyrcanus suggests that some time had elapsedsince his death the probability is that our author wrote duringthe first decade of the last century B.C.Although the personality of the author is unknown, his wholeas well as his intimate knowledge ofhim a devout Jew of that country. Histoleration of the attitude of the Maccabees towards Sabbath observance, and his enthusiastic description of their successes (ii. 41,The translaix. 43) indicate perhaps that he was a Sadducee.Although Hebraistic,tion also comes from an unknown hand.It appears tohis language is characterised by ease and fluency.have been made about the middle of the last century B.C., andlanguage andspirit,Palestine, proclaimby the time of Josephus, tobeen known.certainlywhomitseems to haveSources,Although the author wrote forty years after theMaccaboean Wars, he may have based his narrative largely uponHe would also be in apersonal acquaintance with the facts.position toing,anddraw upon therecollections of eye-witnessesstill liv-to utilise a wealth of singularly fresh popular tradition.

of MaccabeesYet Introduction.view of the wide scope and detailed character of the hisand of the numerous chronological data with respect tointory,events long past,it ishighly probable that he possessed in addi-tion certain written sources of information regarding the riseandThis is perhaps hinted atin ix. 22, although the passage says nothing as to the nature ofthese documents, and may simply mean that it was impossibleto give a complete record of the doings of Judas. Apart from theofficial documents referred to below, the written sources accessible to the writer probably consisted of private letters, occasionalprogress of the Maccabsean struggle.chronicles of leadingare alluded to inxi.men andevents,37, xiv. 18, etc.and such public records asIt has been thought thatin the verses incorporated with the narrative, particularly in thesection dealing with the history of Judas,of the actual sourcesdrawn upon.consist of snatches fromOnwe may havea tracethis theory these versescontemporary psalms and dirges whichcontained a good deal of positive material suitable for the author'sThe question is one of probabilities, and will dependanswer upon the readiness or reluctance of the reader topurpose.for itssuppose that the inspiration of his material moved the writer toexpress himself in lyrical t free from error.the partition of Alexander's empire asIt represents;itin the battle ofnumberexaggerates theMaguesia(viii.6;cp.Livy, xxxvii. 39)several particulars inaccurate with respect to theviii.)Jews;it(xii.assumes a6);itas to thedateofBracial affinitymade byof elephants engaged;Romansit isin(chap.between the Spartans and thedisagrees with the statement of various historiansthemurderof Antiochus VI. by Tryphon(xiv.xviii .

Introduction.The BooksBut these mistakes in no way detract from the good faith of thethey are due to his imperfect acquaintance with the out;side world.His habit of putting long speeches into the mouthswriterof different personages(ii. 49 ff., iii. 18with ancient historians in general.etc.) is common to himWhere he differs fromff.,Josephus, his statements are probably more reliable than thoseThe one respect in which his credibility is assailundoubted tendency to exaggeration in the matter ofnumbers, especially as regards the slaughter of their enemies bythe Jews (vii. 46, xi. 47), although even here he may beaccurately reporting the information he received.There remains the question as to the reliability of the ostensibly official documents (eleven in all) which, as in the Book ofEzra, are incorporated with the narrative.With one exception,that of Jonathan's letter to the Spartans (xii. 6 ff. ), these arecommunications to the Maccabees from outsiders, and theiroriginals can well have been in Jerusalem and at the disposal ofthe writer.It would be absurd to regard them one and all asof that writer.ableishispure fabrications on the part of either author or translator.of them are described asmayat least'copies'(viii.22,xii. 5, etc.Someand these),be deemed tolerably accurate Hebrew translations(re-translated intoGreek by thetranslator of the book).Others,however, must be viewed as attempts, on the part of the writeror his authority, to restore the lost originals (cp. xii. 20 ff., xiv.20ff.,As aXV. 16ff.).whole, the work undoubtedly bears the stamp of historicaltrustworthiness.Its masterly detail, its sobriety of language, itsabstinence from abuse of the enemies of the Jews,chronology, anditsgeographical precision, entitlegenuine history, and constituteitititscarefulto rank as'a record of priceless worth.'

of Maccabees introduction.Religious Standpoint.Thewriter's undisguised admirationheroism of the Maccabees is based upon a deep-seatedreverence for 'the Law and the Ordinances' (ii. 21) which theyshed their blood to preserve. He is shocked at the desecration ofthe sanctuary (i, 21), the destruction of the 'holy books' (i. 57,All thexii, 9), and the blasphemies of Nicanor (vii, 34 f,).for themiseries of his nation he views as manifestations of the Divinedispleasure(i.64).Trust inGodisthe secret of strength(ii.61)Yet the depth of the theocratic feelingthat underlies the book is equalled only by the extraordinaryAccording to the truereserve shown in the expression of it.text, and perhaps in keeping with the ruling custom of the time,The termthe Divine Name does not once occur in the book.heaven,' or merely a pronoun, is used instead of 'Jehovah ' orand victory18),(iii,''God'(iii.50,Thus prayer61, etc.).ii.present Jehovah, but to the remote heavenisaddressed not to a(iii.50, iv. 10).Theabsence of the penitential element from the prayers put into thelips of the Maccab?ean leaders is also noteworthy, and in strongcontrast to what(ix.3-20),ownThevalour andweNehemiah(i. 6, ix. 2) and DanielMaccabees are ascribed to theirand not to any miraculous intervention offind invictories of theskill,Recognising the spiritual poverty of his age, the authorwistfully looks for ' a faithful prophet who shall declare theGod,'Divine will with respect to certainblems(iv.directlytotality findsthe Messiah.no expressionMattathias pointsUseThe46, xiv. 41).(ii.52In;ff, )in the ChristiancivilreferenceIMace,the rewardsare all for thisChurch.sixandreligious pro-here can scarcely bethe hope ofimmor-to which the dyinglife.The bookisquoted orre-

Introduction.The Booksby many of the fathers, and appears to have been used,though not extensively, in the Christian Church from an earlydate.It is not, however, included in the lists of Old Testamentscriptures drawn up by Athanasius (t373) Gregory Nazianzus(f39o), and others, and until the Council of Trent (1546), whenI and 2 Mace, were accepted as canonical, had no more than* ecclesiasticalrank. Along with the other Apocrypha, thesebooks were excluded from the Canon of the Protestant churches.Nevertheless by Luther, and many others, i Mace, was greatlyprized, ahd it is significant that even the zeal of the EdinburghBible Society was unable to swell its list of corruptions of theApocryphal books by a single quotation from this work.ferred to'''Chronology.Thewriter follows the era of the Seleucid or Syrian kings, which begins with the accession of SeleucusNicator, on the 1st Tishri (October) B.C. 312.I.,As, however, hereckons months after the Jewish method, he dates the commencement of the Seleucid era from the ist Nisan (April), e'. ., about sixmonths earlier (?or later) than the real date. The new eraadopted by the Jews on the attainment of civil independence(xiii. 42), and coincident with the first year of Simon's reign( 173 of Seleucid era, or B.C. 143), was apparently usedonly along with the Syrian (xiv. 27), and was soon discardedaltogether.III.—THETheSECOND BOOK OF MACCABEESperiod deaJt with in 2 Mace,isthe interval of fifteenyears between the close of the reign of Seleucus IV., Philopator,

of Maccabees 5 introduction.(B.C. 176) and the defeat of Nicanor by Judas (B.C. r6i).Itthus begins at a point one year earlier than does I Mace, andfor this short period, i.e., for the events relatedfromiii.i-iv. 6,our principal authority, but for the remaining fourteen yearsembraced in the narrative it occupies only a supplementary placeit isalongside of the First Book.The twoContents.letters prefixed to thebook(i.-ii.i8)form no integral part of it. Except that they both purport tocontain an invitation to the Egyptian Jews to keep the Feast ofthe Dedication, they have no real connection even with oneanother. Originally independent documents, they were joined to2 Mace, by a later hand, with the view of influencing the Jewsin Egypt to honour the Temple by observing the Feast of theDedication.himself7,i.mayThat theletters arenot the work of the epitomiserreasonably be inferred from the contradictions ofwhich speaks of'the extremity of trouble'as existing in B.C.144-143), with xv. 37, which statesthat after Nicanor's death the Hebrews had the city in theirthe Seleucid year 169(power, and offf.i.1 1withix.iff.as to the circumstancesattending the death of Antiochus IV., Epiphanes.There candoubt that both letters are forgeries.Between the two introductory letters and the main narrativestands the writer's own preface, in which he states the source,object, and plan of his work (ii. 19-32).The remainder of thebook consists of an abridgment of a larger history in fivevolumes by a certain Jason of Cyrene (ii. 23 ff.), a HellenisticIn the opening section of his work (iii. l-iv. 6) theJew.epitomiser describes an abortive attempt by Heliodorus, ministerof Seleucus IV., to plunder the Temple, and the' disgracefulbelittle

TheIntroduction.BoolcSSimon, a Benjamite, against the excellent highOnias III. Thereafter from iv. 7-vii. 42 the narrative runsalthough it is given withparallel with that of I Mace. i. 10-64plotting of onepriestmuchgreater fulness of detail——and depicts, onthe one hand,the apostasy of the Hellenisers, and, on the other, the heroicmartyrdom of many of theunder thefaithfulterrible persecutionsameground as i Mace, iii.-vii., and recount the rise and progress ofthe Maccabfean revolt down to the defeat and death of Nicanor.In conclusion,

Introduction I.—THEMACCAB.EANMOVEMENT TheNameMaccabee.OriginallythesurnameofJudas, thirdsonofMattat