Who Decided College Access In Chinese Secondary Education .
Universal Journal of Educational Research 4(10): 2392-2405, 2016DOI: 10.13189/ujer.2016.041018http://www.hrpub.orgWho Decided College Access in Chinese SecondaryEducation? Rural-urban Inequality of BasicEducation in Contemporary ChinaJian LiSchool of Education, Indiana University Bloomington, U.S.ACopyright 2016 by authors, all rights reserved. Authors agree that this article remains permanently open access under theterms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 International LicenseAbstractThis paper investigates the rural-urbaninequalities in basic education of contemporary China. TheChina Education Panel Survey (2013-2014) (CEPS) wasutilized to analyze the gaps between rural and urbaninequality in junior high schools in terms of three domains,which include the equalities of access, inputs, and outcomes.From the sociocultural and sociopolitical perspective, thehousehold registration system impeded the improvement anddevelopment of Chinese basic education. The study foundthat insufficient funding and support provided thecumulative negative impacts on educational mobility andequality. The regional basic education divide was caused byineffective and unequal allocation of education resources.This analysis also addresses a number of pertinent economicand political issues related to basic education in currentChina.Keyword Rural-urban Inequality, Junior High Schools,Equality of Access, Equality of Inputs, Equality of Outcomes,China’s Basic Education1. IntroductionChina has witnessed a dramatic increase in economicdevelopment in recent decades. Moreover, the Chineseeconomy will continue to grow consistently in the nextdecades [1]. In accordance with the economic demand forskilled workers in the labor market, individuals shouldacquire professional skills [2]. In order to qualify a satisfiedlabor force, it is necessary to improve the quality ofschooling in its current context. Specifically, 57% of China’spopulation lived in rural areas in 2015. Theunderdevelopment of rural basic schooling still existshistorically and contextually since 1949. Unfortunately, poorrural children and youth have no priority to witness theeconomic prosperity of China in terms of sufficient basicschooling. The low competition rate of basic education inpoor rural areas demonstrates the severity of the quality ofrural schools. Moreover, only two-thirds of poor ruralstudents could complete junior high schooling and most ofthese rural children directly entered the labor market asunskilled laborers [3]. Students from the low SES (socialeconomic status) have a tendency to prematurely leaveschools [4]. The competitive education system in currentChina also impedes poor rural school students fromreceiving any additional education [5]. Unfortunately, therural-urban disparity in access to basic educationalopportunities is primarily proceeding toward a continuousincrease.Mitigating the disparity between urban and rural basicschooling will have a positive influence on the promotion ofthe urbanization process as well as alleviating the overallgaps between the two areas. According to the CEPS of 2011,the number of overall junior high schools was 54,823. From2006 to 2011, the number of these rural schools had alreadydecreased from 22,710 to 1,540 and the number of theirstudent enrollments declined by 29.8% from 4,387,880,000to 3,079,320,000.In the Chinese basic education spectrum, itis worth noting that it is significant to investigate the lack ofbalancing between rural and urban inequality of basiceducation. This paper focuses on analyzing rural and urbaninequality of basic education from the three mainperspectives of equality of access, input and outcome.Inequality of opportunity will undermine long-termprospects for development [6]. It is inevitable to deal withrural–urban inequality of basic education in the incompletedeveloping stage. In the early development of China’seducation, the rural-urban inequality of basic education wasrooted in a historical contextual background. It isunderstandable the exacerbated rural-urban tension could beenlarged by inequality of educational resource allocation.Shrinking and eliminating the structural inequality of basiceducation is an unavoidable task for central and localgovernments in realms of economics and politics. This paper
Universal Journal of Educational Research 4(10): 2392-2405, 2016is dedicated to investigate and analyze the regional basiceducation divide in current China.The research questions addressed to examine the role ofrural and urban inequality in basic education:1. What caused rural-urban inequality of basiceducation in contemporary China?2. To what extent can we understand the rural-urbaninequality from the perspective of schools, students,and parents?3. How can we predict and estimate the factorscontributing to the discrepancy between rural andurban students?4. What strategies can we provide to solve the unequalbasic education in current China?1.1. Literature ReviewMany factors have contributed to the present dayinequality of basic education in China. Scholars haveillustrated the reasons for inequality of basic education fromlack of funding, teacher effectiveness, governanceintervention, policy formation, social mobility and socialstratification. Moreover, these factors can be divided intoexternal and internal domains in order to investigate theinequality of rural and urban education. Currently, theproblematic rural basic schooling still influences theacceleration of the overall landscape of Chinese compulsoryeducation.1.2. External Forces of Inequality of Basic Education1.2.1. Inequality of Financial Support for EducationThe shortage of funding resources in poor rural schools isan obvious challenge to the improvement of rural basiceducation [7]. “At least 5 million children are not receiving abasic education in China. And two further factors haveincreased the difficulty—the concern for social stability andthe trickle-down nature of public funding in education [8].”In the meantime, improving the extra-budgetary revenue isnecessary to enlarge the rural schooling expenditure [9] [10].Moreover, the poor rural schools suffer from insufficienteducational resources, geographical isolation, and lowenrollment rate and completion rate [11]. In addition, theinadequate physical facilities of more and more villageschools were showed to be of lower quality [12]. Poor ruralstudents were always faced with lack of daily necessities likeappropriate clothing, cleanliness, and poor nutrition. Also,school facilities are insufficient which makes learningdifficult for rural students. Most of poor rural schools arelacking of physical education, sports grounds, foreignlanguage labs, science labs, computer labs, and otherlearning facilities, which means they cannot meet thelearning demand of the basic schooling curriculum andpedagogical reform [13].In contemporary China, city-oriented educationalresources allocated unfairly impedes the development ofcompulsory education. Moreover, according to the statistical2393report of the Education Expenditure Year Book, the ruralbasic school expenditure comprised merely 13.57% of thetotal education expenditure [14]. For example, localinsufficient educational funding due to the ineffective federalpolicy led to poor transportation and heavy workloads forrural teachers. In addition, the tremendous gaps betweencoastal metropolitan cities and western rural areas aredifferences in educational budgetary priority. For example,Shanghai spent ten times on its educational support than thepoorest rural area [15]. From the educational policyperspective, the mission of public policies is to distributepublic resources rationally. However, the government fundsutilized for rural compulsory education were much less thanthat for urban compulsory education, with an obviousstatistical difference in the range from 39.14 to 70.52% in2001. Also, no law guarantees the educational investment inrural basic education [16]. The entire rural educationalsystem is lagging behind in terms of both physicalinfrastructure and teacher quality [17]. For example, in 2007,73.8% of urban primary schools were equipped with aneffective infrastructure to conduct experimental teaching inscience courses in contrast to merely 53.1% of rural schools,which held these facilities [18]. From the economicinequality perspective, the unequal distribution ofeducational resources contributes to widen the income gap inthe social stratification system. The great economic disparitybetween rural and urban areas directly led to the inequality ofaccess of basic education [19]. Furthermore, the discrepancyof educational investment between rural and urban makeregional educational inequity worse and worse [20]. To keepa sustainable and balanced allocation of resources betweenthe rural and urban basic education gap is a serious andenormous challenge. In pursuit of the equality of basiceducation in rural and urban schooling, both the efficiencyand equality of schooling should be considered by the centralgovernment.1.2.2. Inequality of Government InterventionBasic education in contemporary rural China is embeddedin the top-down educational government intervention. Since2003, in response to the educational fiscal institutionalsettings, basic education has been the responsibility of localgovernments [21]. As a subordinate of local government, thelocal education bureau is responsible for implementing androuting management of basic education. This top-downeducational management system provides little scope forbottom-up dynamics to influence this process. Accordingly,in order to effectively develop the basic educationopportunity of poor rural students, the government shoulddeeply analyze the obstacles such as the strict selectionmechanism of entrance examinations and achievementexaminations [22]. In the 1990s, in accordance withexpanding the basic education in poor rural areas, theChinese central government released an educational policyof “Every Village Establishing a Primary School and aMiddle School” in response to the pursuit of the contextualuniversal nine-year compulsory education [23].” However, it
2394Who Decided College Access in Chinese Secondary Education? Rural-urban Inequality of BasicEducation in Contemporary Chinais problematic and controversial to conduct governmentinterventions, which accounted for the imbalances betweenrural and urban basic education in the first place [24]. Forexample, the enrollment rate can illustrate the gaps betweenrural and urban schoolings with the ineffective educationalgovernment intervention. More than 80% of students in cityschool districts attended basic schools while less than 30 %of those from poor rural areas .1.2.3. Inequality of Policy FormationIn the 1950s, the household residential permit system(Hukou System) provided an obvious strict gap betweenrural and urban residents. In another words, the students withrural household residential permits were not allowed toobtain basic education in urban areas. Specifically, from thehistorical perspective, urban workers hold the so-called “IronRice Bowl” with adequate health care, pension benefits andhousing subsides conversely to the rural laborers who haveno benefit. The discrepancies between rural and urban livingstandards are substantially attributed to the inequality ofHukou System. Additionally, this system also triggeredtensions and pressures on rural-urban social economicsdevelopment. And, the rural and urban divide is mainlyconcerned with the “urban bias” policy. Accordingly,China’s societal stability is consistent with social-economicstratification within rural and urban areas. Eliminating thesocial inequality of different social groups is emphasized oneconomic market transition, and resources distribution.Social inequality between rural and urban populations wasmainly associated with cultural segregation in terms ofHukou System. Moreover, the social class designationsystem (Hukou system) and occupational rank dominatedand determined individual social class and status [25].In essence, the severe inequality of Hukou systemdemonstrates the dominating role of a social stratificationhierarchy and social inequality structure in contemporaryChina. Dismantling the rigid household registration systemcan be served as the first step to mitigate the inequality ofbasic education. “The Hukou dichotomy and the rural-urbanschool dichotomy are two major forces of educationalinequality in China [26].” The residential permit system(Hukou System) was inherited in the process of urbanization,and it also influenced the rural-urban educational inequality.Additionally, Hukou System served as a crucial access tourban education. So, it is important to modify the Hukousystem, facilitate rural-urban migration, and establish equaleducational service for rural poverty reduction.1.2.4. Inequality of Teacher EffectivenessThe shortage of qualified teachers is considered as one ofthe most critical factors of development of rural basiceducation [27]. Moreover, a large number of experiencedteachers moved from the rural areas to urban areas. Theshortage of rural teachers is a problematic issue inaccordance with the development of compulsory educationin current context of China’s basic education [28]. Inaddition, the lack of funding provides a negative effect onteachers’ working and living conditions, and the teachers inwestern rural schools have no tendency to receive teachingtraining [29]. As a result, the poor quality of teachereffectiveness is inherently involved in the essential learningachievement gaps between rural students and urban students[30]. Furthermore, the successful basic education requireswell-trained teachers. The effectiveness of teachers plays anessential role in the promotion of rural basic education incurrent rural areas in China [31]. Theoretically, an initialteacher training qualification is the prerequisite for being arural school teacher. But in reality, it is not always the case.Rural resident do not have the opportunity to receive thetraining and teachers with certificates are attracted to teach inrural areas. The practical shortage of qualified teachers andcandidates pose barriers in the implementation ofeducational policy concerning the equality and quality ofrural schoolings [32]. Specifically, the salary and thepensions for rural teachers impeded the development of ruralbasic education in rural poor areas. The low self-efficacy ofrural teachers plays significant roles to decrease the qualityof rural basic schooling [33]. In addition, rural teachers arealways overburdened, and it is one major reason why it isdifficult to promote the quality of teaching fundamentally[34]. The teaching quality of rural primary school in Westrural areas is very poor by failing to meet the requirements ofa basic educational syllabus. For example, the teachingquality of Chinese and mathematics for grade five in primaryschool in West rural China has basically reached therequirement of basic educational syllabus; however, thequality between village schools and central schools stillobviously varies .1.3. Internal Forces of Inequality of Basic Education1.3.1. Inequality of Social StratificationIn contemporary China, there exists an obvious gapbetween the national conditions of diversified SES indifferent regions. Additionally, the essential impact of familysocial economy status on the access of basic education hasbeen extensively validated by many researchers. Somescholars [35][36] also emphasized on the influences of thespecific social structural transformation. Obviously, theunbalance of rural and urban basic education is seriousfundamentally [37]. These economic hidden barriersexpanded the gaps between rural and urban basic education[38]. Therefore, it is imperative to develop and promote theaccessibility of rural poor basic education.Essentially, the dualistic social class is considered as theessential barrier in balancing rural and urban basic education.Moreover, there existed inherent conventional bias onintelligentsia and peasantry in China’s traditional culturaland political context. Specifically, in modern society the“blue-collar worker”, “white-collar worker”, “golden-collarworker”, and “grey-collar worker” are described as workersin different social classes in present day China. Actually, theterm “grey–collar worker” is associated with migrantworkers and laborers from rural areas without local urban
Universal Journal of Educational Research 4(10): 2392-2405, 2016household registers. The rural children and youth of thesehouseholds are isolated, discarded and marginalized byinherent social bias and social classes. Nonetheless, theinequality of social class inherently influenced educationaldevelopment. To be precise, Xiaorong Han has described thevivid images of China’s peasant as four types: “Ignorant,innocent, poor, and powerful (p.22).” Ironically, “ruralvalues” are still immerged in China’s current socialstereotype. The stereotype of China’s rural peasant isinnocent and genuine pristine.From the educational sociology perspective and nalstratification is closely connected with rural-urban inequalityof basic education. Education inequality can beconceptualized by rural-urban income inequality. Schoolenrollment and attainment rates served as crucial indicatorsto describe the inequality of basic education between ruraland urban areas. Mare (1981) [39] noted that the allocationand distribution of basic education are conceptuallyindependent and changeable in accordance withdemographic and behavioral changes. Global expansion inmass education focused on a basis for comparison acrosscountries and nations at different developmental steps andunder different political powers [40]. Reducing inequalitiesin educational opportunities was considered as a complicatedand remarkable responsibility for different countries. Themaximization of educational equality was consistentlyaccompanied with the trend of expansion of educationenrollments [41]. Zhang (2013) [42] suggested that China’seducational stratification by the rural-urban divide could beconcluded by dichotomous inequality.1.3.2. Inequality of Social MobilityConsistent evidences have shown that the rural-urbanmigration also impacted rural basic education in the trend ofurbanization. The rural-urban labor mobility trigged thecomplicated pressures on the trend of urbanization.Specifically, faced with the rural migration flows, theschool-age population in rural areas decreased dramatically.Xubei Luo (2008) [43] suggested that, resourcemisallocation between rural and urban areas was pervasiveand related with the capital market distortion in recentChina’s economic growth. Zhang (2013) also highlightedthat the financial friction significantly influenced onbalancing rural and urban basic education. There existedconcerns about the so-called “Floating Labor” that consistedof laborers from rural areas, which worked and lived in urbanareas. For example, “The floating population is nowestimated at about 140 million, up from 30 million in 1983and 75 million in 1995, and floating employment is nowestimated at 100 million [44].” And, it is inevitable forChina’s government to weaken the negative impact of thefragmentation and misallocation of rural labors andresources in current China’s society. The profoundtransformation of rural-urban migration influenced therural-urban social structured pattern. Therefore, mitigatingthe rural-urban income fluctuations and migrations is2395essential to balance the inequality of basic education.Undoubtedly, both rural poverty and education inequalitywere closely associated and interacted with the rural-urbandivide and migration. Moreover, the phenomenon ofrural-urban divide still plays a significant role to influencethe development of rural basic education. The contemporarylabor market structures’ distortions impacted on theinequality of rural- urban
and it also influenced the rural-urban educational inequality. Additionally, Hukou System served as a crucial access to urban education. So, it is important to modify the Hukou system, facilitate rural-urban migration, and establish equal educational service for rural poverty reduction.
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Using Access Control Lists 107 Access Masks 108 Access Lists 108 Rate Limits 109 How Access Control Lists Work 109 Access Mask Precedence Numbers 110 Specifying a Default Rule 110 The permit-established Keyword 111 Adding Access Mask, Access List, and Rate Limit Entries 111 Deleting Access Mask, Access List, and Rate Limit Entries 112
The access points within a mesh network operate in one of the following two ways: 1. Root access point (RAP) 2. Mesh access point (MAP) Note All access points are configured and shipped as mesh access points. To use an access point as a root access point, you must reconfigure the mesh access point to a root access point. In all mesh networks,
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