An Environmental Sociology For The Twenty-First Century

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SO39CH12-PellowARIANNUALREVIEWS29 June 201315:2FurtherAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:229-250. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgAccess provided by New York University - Bobst Library on 09/08/15. For personal use only.Click here for quick links toAnnual Reviews content online,including: Other articles in this volume Top cited articles Top downloaded articles Our comprehensive searchAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 2013. 39:229–50The Annual Review of Sociology is online athttp://soc.annualreviews.orgThis article’s doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-071312-145558c 2013 by Annual Reviews.Copyright All rights reservedAn Environmental Sociologyfor the Twenty-First CenturyDavid N. Pellow and Hollie Nyseth BrehmDepartment of Sociology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455;email: dpellow@umn.edu, nyset005@umn.eduKeywordsenvironment, ecosystems, humans, nonhuman natures, power, socialinequalityAbstractEnvironmental sociology has become a mature field within the discipline of sociology. We consider several of the key theories that definethe core and boundaries of the field, calling attention to debates andunresolved questions. We contend that two of the defining features ofthis field are (a) attention to the inseparability of human and nonhumannatures and (b) attention to the role that power and social inequality playin shaping human/nonhuman interactions. These two characteristics ofenvironmental sociology also reveal strong links between this field andthe broader discipline, in light of recent reexaminations of classical sociological writings. We conclude with a consideration of new directionsenvironmental sociologists might take toward building an even morerobust, interdisciplinary, and critical area of study.229

SO39CH12-PellowARI29 June 201315:2INTRODUCTIONAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:229-250. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgAccess provided by New York University - Bobst Library on 09/08/15. For personal use only.Environmental sociology is now four decadesold and has come a long way from a fledglingsubfield to a growing, interdisciplinary area ofstudy with a plethora of articles in leading socialscience journals, scores of books published withacademic presses, several scholarly journalsdevoted to the field, and a respected sectionwithin the American Sociological Association.Environmental sociologists regularly appearin the national and international media, advisegovernmental bodies and policy makers aroundthe world, and secure considerable researchfunding from public and private institutions.In this review, we consider the evolution of thisfield and explore several key areas of inquiryand debate within and outside of its expandingboundaries.As when one reviews any sizable andexpanding field, we chose to emphasize sometopics and exclude others. For example, owingto space limitations, we do not examine theliteratures on human ecology, postmaterialism,and environmental concern (for excellentreviews and analyses, see Borden 2008, Dunlap& York 2008, and McCright & Dunlap 2008).Furthermore, a substantial portion of theliterature featured here comes from scholarsoutside of the discipline of sociology in orderto highlight the interdisciplinary nature ofenvironmental sociology’s reach and sociological aspects of this interdisciplinary research.Finally, this review expands upon previousAnnual Review of Sociology articles by revisitingand rethinking the origins of environmentalsociology, its interdisciplinary influences andpossibilities, the strong thread of politicaleconomy in the field, and the contributionsto the study of risk and disasters (see Dunlap& Catton 1979, Goldman & Schurman 2000,Rudel et al. 2011, Tierney 2007). We alsoexplore topical areas not considered in previousreviews, such as environmental criminology,radical social movements, the labor and theenvironment nexus, and Critical AnimalStudies.230Pellow·Nyseth BrehmORIGINS OF ENVIRONMENTALSOCIOLOGYEnvironmental sociology emerged alongsidewhat scholars have termed the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP)—a perspective that became prevalent during the 1960s as a responseto the loss of ecosystems and nonhuman speciesdue to the growth of industrialization and urbanization in the United States and Europe.Drawing from the ideas of early preservationists and conservationists such as Aldo Leopold,John Muir, Gifford Pinchot, Robert Marshall, George Perkins Marsh, and later, RachelCarson, the NEP calls for a healthy balancebetween human economic activities and theneeds of ecosystems, arguing that human social systems must reduce their demands andimpacts on nonhuman nature (Catton & Dunlap 1980, Dunlap & Catton 1979, Dunlap &Van Liere 1978). The NEP highlights thefragility of the biosphere and the extraordinaryharm that human society has visited upon itthrough material extraction and industrial pollution, and it reflects the dominant perspective of mainstream environmental movementsin the United States.While environmental sociology emergedwithin this broad cultural and political context(Freudenburg 2009), it was also a response tothe perceived human exemptionalism withinthe classical sociological tradition. That is, thescholarship of Karl Marx, Émile Durkheim,and Max Weber—and therefore much of thebody of sociological ideas that followed—was viewed as mired in an anthropocentricepistemology that was stubbornly resistantto the possibility that nonhuman natures andecosystems could shape human society andvice versa (Buttel 2002, Durkheim 1950).However, recent scholarship that reevaluatesthe work of early sociologists suggests thathuman exemptionalism may have actuallybeen more characteristic of sociology thatemerged after World War II, when an emphasis on technology and the human conquestof nonhuman natures reached new heights(Foster 1999), whereas foundational writings

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:229-250. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgAccess provided by New York University - Bobst Library on 09/08/15. For personal use only.SO39CH12-PellowARI29 June 201315:2by Durkheim, Marx, Weber, and others were,in fact, more interdisciplinary and attuned tohuman/nonhuman interactions than we hadpreviously recognized (Rosa & Richter 2008).Since its emergence, environmental sociology has matured as a body of scholarshipthat builds on earlier research that challengesconstructed boundaries among human society,nonhuman natures, and the built environment(Canan 1996, Catton 1982, Freudenburg et al.1995, Goldman & Schurman 2000, Tierney1999). Scholars in this field routinely draw onclassical sociological theory to demonstrateits relevance for analyses of environmentalcrises (Dunlap & Michelson 2002), and recentresearch has recuperated significant evidenceof classical theory’s ecological foundations,thus contributing to a more ecologicallyoriented sociological canon and strengtheningthe legitimacy of environmental sociologyitself (Foster 1999, Foster & Holleman 2012,Merchant 2005).Interestingly, the field’s initial existence onthe margins of sociology may have been anasset in that it encouraged environmental sociologists to extend their reach and intellectualbreadth beyond the parameters of sociology(Dunlap & Catton 1979, p. 266; Dunlap &Michelson 2002; Laska 1993). Environmental sociologists frequently collaborate withclimate scientists, geographers, limnologists,economists, political scientists, urban planners,historians, legal scholars, anthropologists,psychologists, and biologists, producing muchmore robust and defensible accounts of socioecological reality. Though interdisciplinarityis not unique to environmental sociology,it is something that the larger discipline ofsociology would do well to embrace moreenthusiastically.Although interdisciplinarity has its benefits,sociology is unique in bringing the core conceptof inequality to the forefront. Inequality (andthe distribution, circulation, and use of powermore broadly) has always been at the heart ofthe sociological enterprise, and environmental sociology offers a unique and powerful wayof theorizing and applying that concept. Theproblem of inequality is rightly a key focus formany sociologists. However, most sociologiststhink about, study, and teach the subject fromwithin a particular—and therefore limited—framework. This might include economic, political, institutional, racial, gender, and nationalinequalities, all of which are important for understanding how social systems work for thebenefit of some groups and to the disadvantageof others. But by focusing exclusively on humaninequality, we miss how far and wide inequalities actually extend, what their impacts are, andhow we might address them. Environmental sociology’s promise is to expand our understanding of inequality by making sense of the oftentense and violent relationships among humans,ecosystems, and nonhuman animal species. Bydoing so, we not only might achieve a bettergrasp of inequality’s ramifications, but we alsocan deepen our understanding of the nature ofinequality itself. For example, some researchsuggests that social inequality among humansactually reinforces or even causes environmentally harmful practices (Bookchin 2005, Boyce2008, Gaard 2004).A focus on inequality reaches to the coreof sociology past and present, as it is clearly akey concern in the writings of Karl Marx andMax Weber. Indeed, recent reexaminationsof the ecological foundations of Marx’s andWeber’s writings reveal strong support for anenvironmental sociology that focuses on theproblems of inequality and power, primarilyas embodied in capitalist economies andstatecraft (Gibson 2009, Foster 1999, Foster& Holleman 2012). Marx and Weber weredeeply concerned about the harmful effectsof modernity and its capitalist cultures andinstitutions on marginalized populations (e.g.,workers and Native Americans), ecosystems,and the future of democracies (Marx 1974,1976; Weber 1930, 1977, 1988). Their writingsunderscore that the power of nation-states,corporations, and bureaucracies to exert influence by some humans over others is exceededperhaps only by the power that humans enjoywww.annualreviews.org Environmental Sociology231

SO39CH12-PellowARI29 June 201315:2over the nonhuman world. Thus, we proposethat environmental sociology’s contributionto the broader field is the combination of afocus on the inseparability of human societyfrom nonhuman natures and the centrality ofinequality and power that shape both.WHAT IS THE ENVIRONMENT?WHAT IS NATURE?Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:229-250. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgAccess provided by New York University - Bobst Library on 09/08/15. For personal use only.Many sociologists and other environmentalstudies scholars are highly skeptical of the useof the term “natural,” as it suggests that socialrealities just happen and are fixed rather thansocially constructed. Scholars inside and outside of sociology have argued that nature is a“terrain of power” (Moore et al. 2003, p. 1), anideological battleground (Haraway 1991), anda construction that privileges elite classes, masculinism, heterosexism, white supremacy, andhumanism (Gaard 2004). Furthermore, sociologists have been at the forefront of researchon the ways that certain socially marginalizedpopulations live in communities with disproportionate environmental risks, thus leading toa redefinition of the environment from a concept restricted to nonhuman natures to onethat is inclusive of built and social environments (Bullard & Wright 2012). Thus, the environment and nature are concepts that revealthe presence of politics, power, and inequality.Environmental studies scholars have, in recentyears, been explicit about expanding the definition of the environment beyond the traditionalnineteenth and early twentieth century European/US images of nature, wilderness, nonhuman animals, oceans, forests, etc., to also include those places where humans live, work,learn, pray, and play (Adamson et al. 2002).In the next several sections, we considermany of the leading paradigms and theoreticalperspectives that have influenced and shapedenvironmental sociology over the decades, followed by emerging areas of study with clearrelevance to the field. Each of these traditionsis evolving, but they center on the themes ofinequality, power, human/nonhuman interactions, and environmental degradation versussustainability.232Pellow·Nyseth BrehmPOLITICAL ECONOMYPolitical economy perspectives within thefield of environmental sociology focus on theeffects of capitalism and modernity on socioecological well-being (Foster 1999, Gould et al.2008, O’Connor 1988; for a more in-depthexamination, see Rudel et al. 2011). Many ofthese studies reflect a Marxist viewpoint in thatwhen struggles over the means of productiontend to favor the capitalist classes, they alsoproduce greater ecological damage and masssocial suffering. Thus, this body of research isof great importance for linking inequality toecological harm.Two competing theoretical perspectiveswithin this tradition are ecological modernization and the treadmill of production. Ecologicalmodernization contends that, although processes of modernization and globalization oftenresult in environmental degradation, they alsocan encourage policies and programs designedto improve environmental quality within statepolicy making and corporate practices (Mol2003). Ecological modernization theoristsargue that industrial society has entered a newperiod—that began in the 1980s—marked bynew technologies, innovative entrepreneurs,and farsighted financiers bringing abouta generation of industrial innovation thatcan secure ecologically sustainable futures(Sonnenfeld 2000). In fact, the argumentsuggests that continued modernization isactually necessary for societies to achieveecological sustainability. However, this theorytends to overstate the degree to which institutions and societies have become ecologicallysustainable.The treadmill of production theory, on theother hand, contends that capitalist economiesbehave like a treadmill; as economic development intensifies, so does the degree ofecological degradation. Within this model, thecapitalist state underwrites private accumulation while also addressing the social upheavalsassociated with that system (falling wages,rising inequalities, structural unemployment,and environmental harm). The logic of such a

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:229-250. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgAccess provided by New York University - Bobst Library on 09/08/15. For personal use only.SO39CH12-PellowARI29 June 201315:2system dictates that ever greater investmentstoward economic growth will usher in solutionsto the socioecological crises the system causedin the first place. Accordingly, investors, thestate, consumers, and working-class populations intensify their commitment to economicgrowth in order to generate goods for sale onthe market, income for workers, and legitimacyfor nation-states despite the inherent illogicof such an approach (Schnaiberg 1980). Notsurprisingly, ecological modernization scholarscontend that this theory overstates the degreeto which market economies are ecologicallyharmful.Hence, the debate between the treadmillof production and ecological modernizationcenters on the degree to which industrializedsocieties and modernization are supportive ofecological sustainability. Although much of thescholarship is generally divided between studiesthat find support for one or the other perspective (see, for example, Bonds & Downey 2012,Mol 2003), several studies find partial supportfor both, depending on the context ( Jorgenson& Clark 2012, Mol & Sonnenfeld 2000). Clark& York (2005) argue that one of the majorshortcomings of theories such as the treadmillof production and ecological modernization, aswell as O’Connor’s (1988) second contradiction of capitalism (i.e., the tendency for capitalto exhaust the ecological basis of its productionsystem), is that, by limiting their analysis to howmuch human activities disrupt ecosystems, theyfail to take nonhuman natures more seriously.Rather, these theories should also examineecological processes and cycles more closely.Moreover, as Hooks & Smith (2004) note,none of these theories accounts for the deepcommitment to militarism and geopolitics onthe part of dominant nation-states, a commitment that produces significant socioecologicalharm as well. We would add that these perspectives also fail to take seriously the relationshipbetween market economies and gender, racial,and other inequalities, which are as importantas class inequalities. Thus, these politicaleconomy perspectives narrowly define therole of capitalism by positing that the primarytension is between economic and ecologicalgoals.In an exciting development that links environmental sociology to classical theory, theconcept of metabolism has recently been recuperated by political economy–oriented scholars who borrowed it from Marx’s body ofwork. Thus, unlike ecological modernizationand the treadmill of production, the conceptof metabolism directly connects contemporaryenvironmental sociology with classical sociology. Metabolism refers to the general relationship of exchange between human societies andnonhuman natures. The metabolic or ecological rift indicates the disruptions of ecosystemprocesses and the environmental harm produced by humans in general and capitalism inparticular (Foster et al. 2010). This has dire consequences for socioecological inequalities andfor relations that characterize the dominationover nonhuman nature and over human beingsby elites. As Foster et al. (2010, p. 47) write:This ecological rift is, at bottom, the product of a social rift: the domination of humanbeing by human being. The driving force isa society based on class, inequality, and acquisition without end. . . . No solution to theworld’s ecological problem can be arrived atthat does not take the surmounting of capitalism, as an imperialist world system, as itsobject.The metabolic rift is a productive developmentin the field because it connects current researchto classical theory and links sociology with aninterdisciplinary array of scientific literaturesfocused on ecosystem dynamics.WORLD SYSTEMS THEORY ANDWORLD POLITY THEORYTaking a more global approach, world systemstheorists contend that the historical economicdevelopment of core (wealthier) nations occurred as a result of ecological degradation,social upheavals, and economic underdevelopment of nations within the global peripherywww.annualreviews.org Environmental Sociology233

ARI29 June 201315:2(Bunker & Ciccantell 2005). According toworld systems scholars studying ecologicallyunequal exchange, this basic relationshipcontinues in the contemporary era, as wealthynations gain disproportionate access to capitaland externalize the costs of capital accumulation onto nations in the Global South (Austin2010). For example, not only are some corenations dumping toxic waste in and exportingthe most hazardous production facilities tothe periphery, they are also extracting energyand other forms of ecological wealth from theperiphery and paying less than market value forit (Rice 2007). In the process, core nations mayappear to be greening their industrial policies,whereas peripheral nations might seem to beless committed to ecological sustainability,but this relationship actually reveals continuedglobal inequalities among nation-states andregions whereby the core has the power andcapacity to outsource its most ecologicallyinjurious practices abroad (Bonds & Downey2012, McKinney 2012).Research on ecological footprints, or “theamount of biologically productive space. . .tosupport the average individual in a given society” (York et al. 2003, p. 282), has madeeven further advances in measuring the degreeto which unequal exchange affects nations andecosystems in the world system. These inequalities among nations are not only rooted in vastdifferences in gross domestic product and thesize of respective economies, but they are alsomade possible and reinforced by the uneve

literature featured here comes from scholars outside of the discipline of sociology in order to highlight the interdisciplinary nature of environmental sociology’s reach and sociolog-ical aspects of this interdisciplinary research. Finally, this review expands upon previous Annual Review of Sociology articles by revisiting

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