The Oneness Theology Of The United Pentecostal Church International As .
THE ONENESS THEOLOGY OF THE UNITED PENTECOSTAL CHURCHINTERNATIONAL AS ARTICULATED BY DAVID K. BERNARDbyRICHARD W. GIMPELB.S., University of Northwestern – Saint Paul, 1999A THESISSubmitted to the facultyin partial fulfillment of the requirementsfor the degree ofMASTER OF ARTSTheological Studiesat Reformed Theological SeminaryCharlotte, North CarolinaAugust 2016
Accepted:Dr. Scott Swain, Thesis AdvisorSecond Readerii
ABSTRACTThe Oneness Theology of the United Pentecostal Church Internationalas Articulated by David K. BernardR. W. GIMPELThis thesis will analyze how the Oneness theology of the United Pentecostal ChurchInternational (as primarily articulated by their general superintendent, theologian and author,David K. Bernard) contradicts orthodox Christianity and why a proper understanding of theTriune God is important. Bernard has published multiple works elucidating and defendingthe Oneness position, and is without a doubt the premier spokesman for the organization’santi-Trinitarian doctrine. This research will briefly examine the history of the denominationand its split from orthodox Trinitarian Pentecostalism in the first half of the twentiethcentury. It will carefully examine the Oneness doctrinal positions of Bernard and of hiscolleagues, as well as all major proof texts. It will expound upon the term personhood andwhy it is critical to understand God in plurality. It will also evaluate Bernard’s claim that theearly church fathers held to Oneness dogma, but such beliefs were stifled by subsequentgenerations of Trinitarian leaders. Finally, it will discuss the ramifications for theologicallydenying the Triune God.iii
CONTENTSChapter1. INTRODUCTION . 12. HISTORY OF PENTECOSTALISM . 4Eighteenth Century Methodism . 4Nineteenth Century Second Great Awakening . 7Twentieth Century Pentecostal Movement . 143. HISTORY OF ONENESS PENTECOSTALISM . 17The “New Issue” Controversy . 194. THE ONENESS DOCTRINE OF DAVID K. BERNARD & THE UPCI . 22Yahweh is “Absolute One” . 23Yahweh is Jehovah and Jehovah is Jesus . 25God the Father. 28God the Son. 34God the Holy Spirit . 37Etymology of the Name of God . 405. THE PERSONHOOD OF GOD . 43God as Person . 44God in Plurality . 49God in Relationship . 54iv
The Dual Natures of Christ . 56The Logos . 586. EARLY CHURCH DOCTRINE OF THE GODHEAD . 62The Post-Apostolic Age . 63The Greek Apologists . 667. RAMIFICATIONS OF ONENESS THEOLOGY . 69Propitiation. 708. CONCLUSION . 75BIBLIOGRAPHY . 78v
CHAPTER 1INTRODUCTIONToday, it is believed one in four Christians in the world are Pentecostal. However,within that broad movement is a sect of non-Trinitarian believers known as OnenessPentecostals, of which the United Pentecostal Church International (UPCI) is the largestfaction (three million constituents in over 35,000 churches in 212 nations and territories).1Yet, the denomination remains widely unknown or generally dismissed within evangelicalcircles. Part of that is their incestuous nature. Because of their adamant denial of the Trinityand subsequent misunderstanding of Trinitarians, they choose not to be a part of broaderecumenical Pentecostal fellowships. Generally, they see themselves outside of orthodoxChristianity and therefore prefer to keep to themselves. Outside of one main author, they arenot largely published, especially pertaining to theological material. Because of these facts, itis mostly assumed they are heretical, emotive pariahs.Of the few books that have examined the organization, several are rather caustic andoftentimes uninformed as to the nuanced teaching of the Oneness doctrine. Two formermembers of the denomination have each written their own critiques on the UPCI. The first byGregory Boyd, Oneness Pentecostals and the Trinity, and the second, Christianity withoutthe Cross, by Thomas Fudge. Both are commendable accounts, but lack direct focus on fairlyassessing the organization’s nuanced view of the distinction between the Father and Son thatis at the very core of Oneness theology. Unfortunately, both authors let their personal1Available from http://www.upci.org/about/about-the-upci; Internet; accessed 16 August 2016.1
offenses and corresponding bitterness seep into their writings. As such, they are dismissed asgenerally irrelevant inside the UPCI. The fairest treatment is by the leading academicauthority on Oneness Pentecostalism, David Reed.2 Reed has spent much of his academic liferesearching and writing on Oneness Pentecostals, especially the UPCI. His most recentcontribution, In Jesus Name, goes into detail on Oneness history and theology, but heprimarily focuses his latter efforts on the significance of the name of Jesus. As such, he omitsmuch of the unique Christological beliefs held by contemporary unitarians.Because of the lack of pinpoint focus and accuracy on Oneness theology by previousscholars, this thesis will precisely analyze the Oneness theology of the United PentecostalChurch International as articulated by David K. Bernard. It will examine how that theologycontradicts orthodox Christianity and why it matters. Bernard is currently the GeneralSuperintendent of the denomination, which is the highest elected position within the UPCI.He has written thirty-four books, many of which elucidate and defend Oneness theology anddoctrinal positions. He is also the founding president of the movement’s only seminary in St.Louis, Missouri. Without a doubt, he is the premier spokesman for the organization’s antiTrinitarian doctrine.This research will briefly examine the history of Pentecostalism and how Onenesswas birthed out of such religiosity with its split from orthodox Trinitarian Pentecostalism inthe first half of the twentieth century. It will then turn its focus on a careful examination ofthe Oneness doctrinal positions held by Bernard and his colleagues. All major proof-textswill be included. This chapter will not debate the merits of such theology. Rather, the goal isto fairly state Bernard’s and the UPCI’s positions accurately. In the following chapters, I2According to Oneness professor David Norris. David S. Norris, I Am: A Oneness Pentecostal Theology(Hazelwood, MO: WAP Academic, 2009), 243.2
attempt to dissect those positions and examine their credibility, starting with personhood inchapter five. I will expound upon the term personhood and see if there are any divinecorrelations. If God does indeed exhibit personality, what effect does that have on a unitarianview of the Godhead? Within personality, there are other innate characteristics such asrelationality, communion and love. If God holds these traits as well, does that strengthen orweaken the case for plurality within the Godhead?I will also evaluate Bernard’s claim that the early church fathers held to Onenessdogma, but such beliefs were stifled by subsequent generations of Trinitarian leaders. If itcan be substantially demonstrated that those closest to the apostolic writers were indeedunitarians, then Bernard’s case is greatly strengthened. Generally, the longer the time periodfrom orthodoxy a heterodoxical view takes to advance, the more unlikely it is to be theoriginal doctrine held by the primary authors. Therefore, a detailed analysis of secondcentury Christian leaders and apologists is most helpful is understanding a correct, Biblicalposition on the Godhead.Finally, I will discuss the ramifications for theologically denying the Triune God. Ifabsolute oneness within God is correct, how does that effect soteriology? Can God besingularly one and still exhibit meaningful expiation and propitiation? Can a unitarian Godstill be a genuine mediator?All of these positions will be accurately evaluated with fairness. As Bernard himselfsays, “We can only hope that in the future those who wish to analyze our movement willapproach us with an open mind, state our doctrinal position and history accurately . . . andreason with us scripturally.”3 The goal of this thesis is to do precisely that.3David K. Bernard, The Oneness View of Jesus Christ (Hazelwood, MO: Word Aflame Press, 1994), 147.3
CHAPTER 2HISTORY OF PENTECOSTALISMIn order to understand David Bernard and the United Pentecostal Church’s theology,there needs to be a basic familiarity with the broader concept of Pentecostalism. Forcenturies, Christian clergy, as well as their laity, did not equate the experiences of the upperroom in the book of Acts to a sacramental means of grace for contemporary believers toattain. Yet in a little over one hundred years, the movement that was started serendipitouslyby a few ill-trained men now boasts the population of one quarter of all the world’sChristians. How and why did such an explosive religious phenomenon come about?One thing is for certain—at the heart of the Pentecostal movement is the ubiquitousChristian desire for divine approval and mastery over sin. The painfully slow, and oftentimesrigorous, process of sanctification inevitably led believers to seek easier and more transparentalternatives. More than anything else, these admirable innate desires for holiness continued topush the apostolic envelope throughout history. The end result is Pentecostalism.Eighteenth Century MethodismThe nascent seeds of Pentecostalism were undoubtedly (although certainlyunknowingly at the time) planted by the English founder of Methodism, John Wesley (1703–1791). Current Oneness Pentecostal preacher and teacher David Norris says Wesley’s4
perfectionistic theology is “the most prominent in the formation of the Pentecostalmovement.”1 In his article in the Wesleyan Theological Journal, Melvin Dieter claims theunderpinnings of the baptism of the Holy Spirit were a natural outgrowth of “a weightedfactor in Wesley’s own teaching on Christian perfection.”2During his brief, unsuccessful missionary trip to the American colonies in the 1730s,Wesley came under the influence of pietistic Moravians from Germany. Although despisedby their subjects, the Moravians remained calm and undeterred in their proselytizing mission.Wesley was troubled that he did not share their optimism and assurance, and upon his returnto England he contacted Moravian clergy to learn more about their perfectionistic beliefs.3 Itwas here Wesley began to form his view of a second, perfecting experience of divine grace.This experience brought about a qualitative change in one’s relationship with God andenabled a believer to live a victorious life over sin. This “second blessing” of grace(famously referred to by Wesley as “Christian perfection”), came after the initial phase ofconversion or justification. At conversion, an individual was forgiven all sins of commission,but the nascent believer still held to a “residue to sin within.”4 This stubborn, innate sin hadto be dealt with by a second blessing, which purified the believer of inward sin and enabledhim to show perfect love towards God and his neighbors. Wesley was convinced this was the1David S. Norris, I Am: A Oneness Pentecostal Theology (Hazelwood, MO: Word Aflame Press, 2009), 216.2Melvin E. Dieter, "The Development of 19th Century Holiness Theology," Wesleyan Theological Journal 20,no. 1 (1985): 67.3According to Wesley, the Georgian Indians were savage warriors who were generally uninterested in thegospel and degraded his theology. Even the white people disliked him and accused him of being too strict, coldand formal. [Cited from Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States (GrandRapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 1971), 15.]4Ibid., 18.5
perfection the Moravians had exhibited during his missionary trip to Georgia. Althoughoftentimes wrongly accused of such, Wesley did not believe the completely sanctified soulwould attain sinless perfection in this life. However—through ardent devotion, godlydiscipline, careful self-examination and avoidance of worldly pleasures—it could overcomesin.Despite opposition from strong Calvinistic forces at the time, the doctrine ofperfectionism as promoted by the Methodist church resounded with many and thedenomination correspondingly grew steadily. After America’s separation from England,Methodists begin to export their holiness message to the new world in earnest and with rapidsuccess, particularly among the poor and disenfranchised. The empowering notion that onecould attain total sanctification paralleled the individualistic bravado and optimism washingover the newfound country at the time. Methodist perfectionism in America was “a swingtowards warmth, feeling, experience, and morality and away from the mechanical,permissive, de-ethicalized, and formal worship of the times.”5John Wesley understood the dangers of what he called “enthusiasm.”6 His rigorousmethods of discipline were instituted in part to counter certain kinds of feelings and impulsesthat were believed to come directly from God during periods of religious awakenings. Inspite of such precautionary warnings, the desire to experience perfect holiness naturallyslipped into the emotive abyss. Anglican rector Devereaux Jarratt recalls in a VirginianMethodist service, many were “panting and groaning for pardon while others were entreating5Ibid., 22.According to Wesley, enthusiasm occurs when “persons imagine themselves to be so influenced by the Spiritof God, as, in fact, they are not or who imagine they have such gifts from God as they have not.” Henry H.Knight, Anticipating Heaven Below: Optimism of Grace from Wesley to the Pentecostals (Eugene, OR: CascadeBooks, 2014), 59.66
God, with strong cries and tears to save them from the remains of inbred sin, and to sanctifythem throughout.”7 At times, the emotions were simply too strong to control.8 But Jarrattnotes there was a distinct correlation between the emotions and the work of conversion andconviction; when emotions were enflamed, conviction, leading to conversions, burst forthtoo. This process of eliciting emotions became a hallmark for Pentecostal “success” over thesubsequent decades.By the turn of the century, Americans were aggressively pushing their way westward.Fresh off their stunning victory over the world’s foremost superpower, the country was fullof confidence with an indomitable self-image as creators of a new Eden. Optimism andopportunity were abundant. Nearly a million people settled in the area west of theAppalachians in Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, the Northwest and in the Indian Territory. In1803, the crowning achievement of Thomas Jefferson’s presidency came: The LouisianaPurchase. The stunning deal made with France, fresh off its own revolution, doubled the areaof the United States and fueled the burgeoning impulse of western migration.Nineteenth Century Second Great AwakeningBy the end of the eighteenth century, American Christianity was in a state of flux.Methodism in Virginia was gaining in popularity. New Divinity theology in New Englandhad usurped classic, puritan Calvinism. The ecumenical Plan of Union in 1801 allowedPresbyterian and Congressional ministers to preach in either denomination. Additionally,7Synan, 21.According to Synan, “Some would be seized with a trembling, and in a few moments drop on the floor as ifthey were dead; while others were embracing each other with streaming eyes, and all were lost in wonder, loveand praise.” Ibid.87
historic Presbyterian emphasis on an educated clergy did not serve the rapidly-expandingfrontier well. The demand was far greater than the supply. Because of this, irregular (i.e., lessthan ideal) ordinations took place and ministers were inevitably licensed without the propereducational credentials.A product of this amalgamation was a newly ordained Presbyterian minister namedJames McGready. After preaching for several years in his home state of North Carolina,McGready headed west to Kentucky in 1796. It was there he assumed the pastoral duties forthree small congregations in the north-central part of the state: Muddy River, Red River andGasper River. Described by his contemporaries as ugly and uncouth, he nevertheless was afearless, fiery preacher, convicting his hearers of sin, hell, and the availability of salvationthrough Jesus Christ. He emphasized the modified Calvinistic themes of the New Divinityand continually dwelt on the Wesleyan idea of the “new birth”—a conscious, crisis-drivenspiritual experience. Oftentimes his message was so powerful that “many were struck with anawful sense of their lost estate.”9However, the task of adequately serving multiple congregations was too much for oneman. More than that, his congregants were too scattered and isolated to regularly attend. Hejoined with other ministers and borrowed an old custom from the Scottish-Presbyterians,called the “sacramental meeting.” This ecumenical meeting would bring togethercongregants from the Methodists, Baptists, Congregationalists and Presbyterians for the mainpurpose of enjoying the Lord’s Supper in mass. The general liturgy of the meeting wouldcover three to four days’ length, with the intention of preparatory services held beforehand tobring the people into examination of their lives and acceptance of Christ as their savior.9Charles A. Johnson, The Frontier Camp Meeting: Religion's Harvest Time (Dallas: Southern MethodistUniversity Press, 1985), 37.8
It was a success. Certainly this was due in part to McGready’s popular preachingstyle, but also because it fostered the innate human need to be in fellowship with one another.Gathering together in mass allowed the isolated pioneers to exchange news and establishfriendships, court suitors and share meals. They came on wagon, horseback or simply on footand camped for the duration of the services.In June of 1800, the hosted sacramental service by McGready at Red River markedthe nation’s inaugural camp meeting. The little church building could not handle the reported400 to 500 people who participated in the four-day event, so they spread out amongst thesurrounding area under tents and the shelter of wagons.10 Methodist preacher John McGee,who was in attendance, recalled, “I was near falling, the power of God was strong upon me . . I went through the house shouting and exhorting with all possible ecstasy and energy, andthe floor was soon covered by the slain.”11The news of the unusual happening spread quickly and its accompanying energy wastoo much to contain. The following month, McGready held another revival at his GasperRiver location. This one eclipsed the previous in attendance (upwards of 8,000) and spiritualfervor.12 Soon camp meetings were drawing large crowds wherever they sprang up along thefrontier.Perhaps the most notorious of these meetings was the one held by Barton Stone atCane Ridge, Kentucky in 1801. Stone was an ordained Presbyterian preacher and farmer whoReports vary widely. The historical marker at Red River claims, “it reached its height with thousandsattending on the third Sunday in June.”1011John McGee, untitled letter, Methodist Magazine, May 1821, 192, quoted in Johnson, 62.McGready reported sinners “lying prostrate on the ground, crying out for mercy in the most extreme distress. . . No one seemed to wish to go home. Hunger and sleep seemed to affect nobody,” quoted in Johnson, 37.129
attended McCready’s previous sacramental meetings and decided to host one himself. Theresults were legendary. In all probability, it was “the most disorderly, the most hysterical andthe largest revival ever held in early-day America.”13 Attendance estimates range from10,000 to upwards of 25,000.14 The myriad of manifestations was noteworthy. People woulddouble over and begin to roll along the ground like a ball, unconcerned or oblivious of theirsurroundings. Many were witnessed carelessly rolling through the mud. Others would runthrough the woods or dance awkwardly. Oddly enough, some thought they were dogs andwould fall on all fours and bark until they grew hoarse. Author Charles Johnson writes, “Itwas reportedly no uncommon sight to behold numbers of men gathered about a tree, barking,yelping, ‘treeing the devil.’”15 Most infamous were “the jerks.” This phenomenon occurredwith violent jerking of the head every which way and oftentimes consumed the entire body.One witness described jerkers who “kicked up the earth as a horse stamping flies.”16From Kentucky, the burgeoning “Pentecostal” camp meetings spread over the entiresouth. In most places, the same phenomena were repeated, with an occasional description ofspeaking in unknown tongues, as people yearned for “entire sanctification” in this life. By the1830s, the emotive enthusiasm that the camp meetings were known for died down in favor ofmore doctrinally-sound teachings. But the Wesleyan message of Christian perfection did notlose its torch-bearers.13Johnson, 63.14To fully grasp the magnitude of this event, it is important to note the sparse population of the region at thetime. For comparison, Lexington, Kentucky (the largest town in the state) had only 1800 citizens.15Johnson, 62.16Ibid., 60.10
One such herald was New York evangelist, Charles G. Finney. Finney wasundoubtedly the premier evangelist of the nineteenth century. Greatly influenced byWesley’s “A Plain Account of Christian Perfection,” Finney concluded entire sanctificationwas a logical result of Christian conversion. The key for consistent obedience to God’s lawwas the indwelling or baptism of the Holy Spirit. This indwelling was received by faith andwas a “yielding up of our voluntary powers to the guidance, instruction, influences, andgovernment of the Holy Spirit.”17Finney also stressed the individual’s ability to reason and to respond accordingly. Hepreached that the fruits of saving faith were revealed through action and selfaccomplishment. Since original sin did not exist, according to Finney’s theology, sinconsisted solely in sinning. Therefore, in order to have a conversion, it was necessary toconvince an individual to cease making self-centered decisions and instead make decisions toglorify and please God. In order to properly cultivate these conversions, great emphasis wasplaced on eliciting a proper emotional environment. After all, revival was not somemiraculous, supernatural event, but could be brought about naturally by the “right use of theconstituted means.”18 This was Finney’s forte.From 1824 to 1828, Finney traversed the Mohawk River towns of what he called the“burned over district” of upstate New York.19 He preached in schoolhouses, small churches,17Knight, 85.18Keith Hardman, Charles Grandison Finney, 1792-1875: Revivalist and Reformer (Syracuse: SyracuseUniversity Press, 1987), 83.Hambrick–Stowe claims that what he meant by this was that the “fanaticism” of previous irresponsiblepreachers of the area left the prospect of spiritual renewal seriously damaged, or “burned up.” Charles E.Hambrick– Stowe, Charles G. Finney and the Spirit of American Evangelism (Grand Rapids: EerdmansPublishing, 1996), 127.1911
hotel dining halls, textile factories, courthouses and large outdoor tents—nearly anywhereand everywhere a crowd could gather. He reported that during one 12-week span he preached77 sermons, attended 36 prayer meetings, and made 469 home visits. Lay leaders and clergyalike were intrigued by his ability to get up and preach on the spur of the moment. His stylewas unique. He sprinkled his sermons with “illustrations from the common affairs of men inlanguage that could be understood by the common people.”20 He served as his own songleader and would move among his audience, laying his hands on individuals while“preaching Jesus in their ears.”21 Sinners who were identified to be near a conversionexperience were gathered together and seated on the pew nearest the preacher. This so-called“anxious bench” allowed Finney and his assistants easier access to forcefully persuade themof their immorality and offer them the chance to repent and be saved. The results wereremarkable. People fell in every direction, as if smitten by God. They broke out intospasmodic laughter or cried out vociferously for mercy. Finney’s goal of preaching to invokean immediate decision was pragmatically realized. He was credited directly or indirectly withthe conversions of approximately 500,000 people.22By the middle of the nineteenth century, America’s zeal for revival and spiritualrenewal had waned. The growing polemic of slavery captured the nation’s attention as theinevitable clouds of secession loomed larger with every passing day. As the fervor for wargrew, the interest in religion correspondingly decreased. By the end of the war, andthroughout reconstruction, there was generally so little interest in religion that churches were20Hambrick-Stowe, 40.21Ibid., 38.22"Charles Grandison Finney: Did You Know?,” Christian History Magazine, 1988, 3.12
greatly understaffed and church attendance was in turn adversely affected.23 Combined withCharles Darwin’s newfound theory of evolution and Europe’s higher criticism, religion inAmerica floundered.It was during this period of malaise that the Holiness Movement was born. Similar tothe early Wesleyans, the movement had no desire to start a new denomination, but ratheroperated under inter-denominational auspices. The goal was to stimulate holiness andreligious devotion among members of existing churches. The vehicle was the notorious campmeeting. In 1867 at Vineland, New Jersey, the first Holiness camp meeting was held, fromwhich the Association for the Promotion of Holiness was organized. Within months, thisparachurch group was overseeing and promoting camps throughout America. The elusivepursuit of total sanctification (i.e., second blessing) during these meetings rekindled thereligious enthusiasms from the frontier revivals. The multiple ecstatic experiences of thepeople become known in the Holiness Movement as the baptism of the Holy Spirit. Theseemotive demonstrations became synonymous with one receiving total cleansing from sin.24This Holy Spirit baptism was not originally equated with the unusual motor phenomena ofspeaking in unknown tongues, but that soon became a part of its manifestations. In 1875 inRhode Island, five persons, known as “gift people” spoke in tongues. In 1879 in Arkansas, aman claimed while under great spiritual agitation to speak in tongues. In 1890 in Ohio, a manand his wife had a similar experience. In 1892 in Minnesota, a Swedish Mission church wasunder a period of sustained revival and during the preaching congregants were said to drop to23In 1899 the Methodist Episcopal Church showed a loss in total membership which broke a century ofconstant growth. Klaude Kendrick, The Promise Fulfilled: A History of the Modern Pentecostal Movement(Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1961), 25.24Many claimed to receive such an experience and testified that it changed their entire Christian outlook.13
the floor and speak in other tongues. In 1899 in St. Louis, a number of converts received thegift of new tongues.25 Although not yet directly considered to be the initial physical evidencefor a person receiving the baptism of the Holy Spirt, the seeds of the modern day Pentecostalmovement were sown. Within a decade, those seeds would spring forth at an obscure Biblecollege in Topeka, Kansas.Twentieth Century Pentecostal MovementFormer Methodist minister and stanch advocate for the Holiness Movement, CharlesF. Parham is referred to as the father of the modern Pentecostal movement.26 In October of1900, Parham opened the Bethel Bible College in Topeka, Kansas with the idea of instillingmen and women with the spiritual development necessary to fulfill the Great Commission.Although a college dropout himself and generally suspicious of higher learning and seminaryeducated theologians, he was the school’s only instructor.27 The Bible was the only textbookfor the approximate forty students.Parham was convinced there must be some standard, definitive evidence given whenone received the baptism of the Holy Spirit.28 Before leaving for a trip to Kansas
contribution, In Jesus Name, goes into detail on Oneness history and theology, but he primarily focuses his latter efforts on the significance of the name of Jesus. As such, he omits much of the unique Christological beliefs held by contemporary unitarians. Because of the lack of pinpoint focus and accuracy on Oneness theology by previous
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